Monmouthshire Merlin

FOREIGN. It is perfectly true, as stated in the Madrid correspond- ence of a Morning Paper, that M. Zea Bermudez continues opposed to the recognition of Donna Maria as Queen of Portugal. The last despatches from Sir Stratford Canning leave no doubt on this point, but it is understood that if Don Pedro will consent to make some arrangement by which the influence of the democratic party in Portugal could be kept down, the objection of M. Zea Bermudez might be removed. According to the latest accounts from Oporto, M. Carvalho, and two other Ministers of the ile- gency, are determined to reject any overture for the pacifi- cation of Portugal, the basis of which would be a compro- mise of the constitutional charter. We are sorry to say that both the British and French Cabinets appear more favour- able to such a compromise than the friends of freedom could wish.-Sun. The Temps says—"It is asserted that Marshal Marmont, Duke of Ragusa, has written to the Minister of War, to in- quire whether there is any obstacle to his return to France. The Duke of Ilagusa has transmitted his oath of submission to the present Government to the Minister of War, and re- ceived his pay as a Marshal of France, as well as all the allowances attached to that rank. He is considered as be- ing on leave." BERLIN, FEB. 19.—On the 8th of this month the town of Wernigerode was visited (for the third time within ten months) by a dreadful fire, which destroyed thirty-one houses in the new town, with sixty-one outbuildings. Hardly anything was saved. The damage is estimated at one hundred thousand dollars. At Frankenhausen, in the principality of Schwarzburgh Rudelstadf, during a terrible storm, which did great damage, an alarm of fire was given. The consequences were must disastrous. In a few hours the conflagration spread through the length of the town, and destroyed above the half of it. The damage must be im- mense. The Town Hall, the house of the President, and all the beautiful buildings and magazines of the merchants, with all they contained, were destroyed. :sæ-

DOMESTIC. POOR LAWS IN IIlELAND.-By the following answer of Mr. Stanley to a question put by Sir John Tyrell, on Tues- day last, it appears that Government are not prepared to bring forward any system of poor laws in Ireland Mr. Stanley said, that the hon. member must be aware that the question as to the propriety of introducing poor laws into Ireland, and if so as to the principle upon which they should be founded, and the extent to which they should be carried, was one which divided the opinions of the members for that country without any reference to political or religious feel- ings. It appeared to him that no blame could be cast upon Government if, in the multiplicity of affairs which pressed npon them since they had taken office, they had not brought forward any proposition for the relief of the poor in Ireland. He was satisfied that the introduction of such a measure at the present moment would be productive rather of evil than benefit. It would, in his opinion, be most injurious to the public interest for the Government, with the view of obtain- ing popularity, to come forward with an abstract proposition for establishing poor laws in Ireland, until they were satis- fied not only that it was right in principle, but, in all its de- tails, calculated to produce unmixed benefit. If he were obliged to give an answer to the hon. member's question, he must say that, at the present moment, the Government were not prepared to bring forward any measure on the subject alluded to." In allusion to the expediency of poor laws for Ireland, made in the House of Commons on Tuesday, Mr. O'Con- nell stated, that though he was averse from a system of poor laws which supported the able-bodied in idleness, he was not opposed to any plan intended to afford relief to the sick, the lame, the wounded, the insane, or those who, by reason of any other cause, were incapable of supporting themselves. He should be happy, he remarked, to introduce one sort of poor-laws, and would make the attempt at once, if the hon. member for Essex would pledge himself to give his assist- ance. Dr. Doyle had suggested the application of the ec- clesiastical revenues for such a purpose. Would the hon. member for Essex assist him in carrying that suggestion ion into effect? They were now about to reduce ten bishoprics in Ireland. He was willing to consent that the amount of the revenues 01 these ten bishoprics should be applied for the benefit of the poor. Or they might take the other part of the suggestion of Dr. Doyle, and give the money thus 11 y saved to the people, to be employed in public works, by which they would confer a double benefit on Ireland. DCBLIN, FEB. 24.—At the meeting of the Irish Volun- teers yesterday, Mr. W. P. O'Connor presided. Two ad- dresses were read and agreed to—one to the King asainst the coercive measures of Lord Grey; the other to the Eng- lish people, calling for their sympathy and co-operation in preventing the passing of those measures. The latter address was introduced by Mr. Close, and it was supported by Mr. Morgan John O Connell, of Grena, nephew of Mr. O'Con- nell. Mr. Kirwan gave notice of a motion for the next day, "to collect funds to send all the paupersjn Ireland to Eng- land, where they would have the advantage of personal liberty and poor laws." The Lord Lieutenant has appointed Lord George Hill, Comptroller of the Household. The new arrangements in the House of Commons took effect, for the first time, on Wednesday. The house met at twelve o'clock, for the reception of petitions, and for the consideration of private business. MANSION-HOUSE.—Yesterday, Foulgar, the American captain, who wounded Mr. Mellish so desperately in the neck, was brought before the Lord Mayor for a second exa- mination. Mr. Pattison, the solicitor, attended for the pro- secution. The prisoner appeared to be as composed as he was upon the first examination. The Lord Mayor was in- formed by Mr. Pattison that Mr. Meliish was not sufficiently recovered to attend the examination and give evidence. The Lord Mayor must see Mr. Meliish before he could commit the prisoner; and he should postpone the case until Wed- nesday week, when he trusted Mr. Meliish would be suffi- ciently recovered. There are at present two hundred and twenty-one prisoners in Worcester county gaol. The commitment's to Stafford county gaol, during the last three months, have been unprecedented in number. There have been not less than 272 persons committed to the prison since the last sessions and the total number now confined within its walls is 414. By a return presented to the House of Commons it ap- pears that the quantity of coals, culm, and cinders imported into London amounted in the year 1830 to 2,079,275 tons; in 1831 to 2,045,292 tons; in 1832 to 2,139,078 tons. In the stormy night on Wednesday se'nnight, the.Acton Burnell post-woman from Shrewsbury, (M. Griffiths,) pe- rished. It appears that, on her return from delivering the i letters at Acton Burnell Hall and other places, owing to the darkness of the night and the violence of the wind and rain, she became bewildered and lost her way her body was dis- covered next morning lying in a deep drain, in an opposite direction to the road which led to the cottage where she usually slept. This woman and her predecessors have oc- cupied the situation nearly a century. EXPEDITION IN SEAHCH OF CAPTAIN Ross.-This expe- dition sailed on Sunday from Liverpool in the Hibernia for New York." CURE FOR STURDY BEGGARS.—A gentleman travelling some time ago between London and Cheltenham observed a pump by the road fide, for which there was no apparent use. He asked a man to explain the reason, which the'latter did as follows Some years ago a neighbouring village was much in- fested by beggars, and a gentleman who resided there dug a well and erected this pump, in order to give employment to such as asked for relief. The mode adopted was to present each person with two buckets, in order that for a certain time and for a cer- tain small sum proportioned to the labour, he might fdl them and carry water to a field at some distance which required irrigation. In consequence the village was very shortly avoided by these sturdy and unwelcome visitors, and the pump remains of no earthly use than that of being a memento of this gentleman's acumen.

TUESDA Y'S LONDON GAZETTE, FEBRUARY 26. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. J. Leadbeater, and J. Barlow, Manchester, cabinet-makers. J. H. VVoolbert, Southampton-row, Russell-square, jeweller. BANKRUPTS. Edward Bennett, Merstham, Surrey, smith. Charles Brown, Giamford Briggs, Lincolnshire, chemist. Thomas Cardwell, Manchester, merchant. William Clarke, iledditeh, Worcestershire, builder. Thomas Daffurn, Old Compton-street, Soho, corn dealer. John Gaiger, Beaminster, Dorset, grocer. Howgate Greaves, Leicester, grocer. David Greenley, Goswell-street, victualler. William Broadbent Gunning, Egham, bricklayer. John Southey Harrison, Bath, picture dealer. Daniel Lockier, Brighton, victualler. James Mucklow, Birmingham, stamper and piercer. James Pine, jun., Devonport, victualler. Samuel Sanders, Tofnes, Devonshire, coach builder. George finslay, New Quebec-street, Portman-square, victualler. Robert Topham, Dock-head, Bermondsey, linen draper. Geo. Ness White, Waterloo-place, Albany-road, coal merchant.

BIRMINGHAM MEETING. (From the Sun Express.) Monday a most numerous and highly respectable meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham was held at Beardsworth's Re- pository, for the purpose of considering the address voted by the House of Commons in reply to the King's Speech, and the Bill introduced into the House of Lords, establishing arbitrary power in Ireland, and also for the purpose of petitioning the House of Commons on those subjects, and respecting the present severe distress of the industrious classes. Long before the hour of meeting the Repository was filled almost to suffocation, and we are confident we do not exaggerate when we state that upwards of 15,000 persons were present. F. Munis, Esq. on taking the chair, in an eloquent and forcible speech, explained the objects of the meeting. He strongly ani- madverted on the King's Speech, and feelingly alluded to the distresses of the country. Men (said Mr. Muntz) at the present time, working four times as much as they ought to do, could not obtain a livelihood. (Shame.) He now believed that ministers, who lived in one continual whirl of dissipation, knew very little more of the miseries of the working people of this country than the Hottentots. (Laughter.) And what was more, the present ministers would never know, unless they took much better means of obtaining information. (Shame.) It had invariably been the practice of government to get their information from government people, than whom no persons were less inclined to give true in- formation. (Cheers.) And that was the reason why govern- ment had been so frequently led astray, and had been astonished at the result of what they had done. Before the present ministry came into office they cried out for retrenchment; but what had they done since they came into office ? (Cries of nothing.) Foul sinecures still existed, but those, as compared with the distresses of the country, were as a drop of water in the ocean. (Cheers.) A standing army was still kept up. Government knowing it had acted so improperly that it could not exist without one. Now the only way for a government properly to conduct the affairs of a country, was, to look to the cause of the distress, and do all they could to make the people happy. By that means, and that means alone, the immense standing army might be got rid of. Till the present moment he had looked with reverence on the names of his Majesty's ministers; but when, as now, he saw them invading every constitutional right—when lie saw them coming forward and asking for powers greater than the most violent Tories ever thought of, he could not help exclaiming with the prophet, Do you think that your servant is a dog that he can do such things 1" (Cheering.) If he had been asked lately about ministers, he should have said, that they would much rather lay their heads on the block than bring forward such a measure—(cheers)—so full of mischief and destruction. (Loud cheering.) He was no party man, he would support any man and any measures, provided only they were good ones. (Cheers.) He approved of the Church Reform for Ireland, but he approved much more of that reform which would feed the people. To make the people rational, you must make them comfortable. (Loud and continued cheering.) If ministers had said that they knew the Irish people were in a dreadful state, and that they were determined to take such steps as would remove their diffi- culties, he should have thought them the best of men, but when they attempted to coerce a starving population, what was to be expected but that murder, bloodshed, and crimes of the foulest description would be committed 1 (Shame, shame.) G. De Boscoe Attwood, Esq. who proposed the first and second resolutions, said, it was not, as had been stated, agitation that caused distiess, but it was distress that caused agitation. (Loud cheers.) Great as the sufferings of the people of England were, those of the people of Ireland were much greater. The prospects of that country had been entirely destroyed. Corn had been ex- ported from that country, had been taken away from the mouths of a starving people, who had been obliged to live on sea weed, on purpose that it might be sold at a high price in England, to please the cupidity of the Irish farmers. (Shame.) Could it be wondered at, he would ask, that such a people were driven to despair, and that they should break through the boundaries of the law 1 (Cries of no, no.) He could look at ministers in no other light than that of having adopted a course of policy not to relieve distress, but a determination to put down agitation only by the most arbitrary power. (Cries of "They can't do it.") They were seeking to stifle the voices of the people of Ireland by mi- litary despotism. (Loud cheers.) If Ireland was thus to be used, the people of England must not flatter themselves that such a course would not be pursued also towards them. (Tre- mendous cheering and hissing.) He would tell Lord Grey, that in proportion to the disappointment of the people's hopes would be the execration that would be hurled on his head by every true- hearted Englishman, who would tell him, in spite of all the powerful measures he could bring forward, that no minister should rule, either in England or in Ireland, who did not do so for he peace and happiness of the people ? (Loud cheers.) Mr. B. Hadley seconded the two resolutions proposed by Mr. Attwood. The worthy gentleman asked, should they shed tears of compassion for the Greeks and the Poles, and not for the Irish 1 Should they establish Polish Associations to keep alive the recol- lection of Polish wrongs, and do nothing for Ireland 1 (Loud and continued cheering.) As an Englishman, deeply sympa- thising with his suffering, starving, insulted, and now about to be Polandised—(Loud cheers)—feHow-subjects in Ireland, he could not conclude without expressing his abhorrence at the atro- cious measures now passing through the House of Commons, for the enslavement of that unhappy country.—Mr. Iladley indulged in strong invectives against the Government, in reference to their policy towards Ireland, and was loudly cheered. The Rev. Mr. Macdonnell addressed the meeting in a strain of manly and affecting eloquence. He trusted that Birmingham would be the cradle of Irish as well as English liberty. (Cheers.) What, he would ask, would be the consequences in Ireland of putting in force the Insurrection Act? That had been tried in Ireland already. Why, that the most brutal and lustful villain, under the pretence of searching for arms, would invade the sanc- tity of the female chamber, make away with a husband who was in the way of his lustful passions, or destroy a brother that stood between him and his designs. Lord Cloncurry, some time ago, had made a similar statement to this in the House of Lords, and what was the consequence 1 Why, their lordships condescended to laugh at it. (Shame, shame.) The rev. gentlemen here went on to detail several instances of the oppressive and cruel manner in which the Insurrection Act had operated in Ireland. Then, as to courts martial, a person probably advanced in years, was to be brought befoie a parcel of young puppets who had hardly at- tained twenty-one—probably some of the young Hannibals- (laughter)-probably some of the beardless sons of Earl Grey— (loud laughter)—or probably a son of that enemy of his country -Sir Francis Burdett. (Loud hisses.) Such it was who would sit in judgment, probably on those with whom they had previously had a quarrel. (Loud disapprobation.) For his own pait, if he was to be tried by a military tribunal, let him have a jury of soldiers, and not one of officers. If Somerville had been tried by a jury of his comrades, he never would have received the two hundred lashes which he did. The rev. gentlemen concluded by moving the 4th resolution. Air. Geo. Edmonds, Mr. John Lawless (who had just arrived from Dublin) and Mr. Shea Lelor addressed the meeting. The following appear amongst the resolutions adopted. Moved by the Rev. Mr. Macdonnell, and seconded by Mr. George Edmunds—"4. That, in the opinion of this meeting, the Bill which Ministers are attempting to pass into a law, for the alleged purpose of pacifying Ireland, is utterly subversive of all the principles of the British Constitution that if it were possible that it should be carried into effect, it would, in fact, lay the lives and liberties of the whole population of Ireland entirely at the mercy of a single individual; and that if the example is once set, of attempting to allay discontent, and silence the voice of misery in Ireland, by the employment of tyrannic power, common sense shows that the same principles may, and will, be brought into action with equal ju&tice, and with equal effect, in England and Scotland." Moved by Mr. George Edmonds, and seconded by Mr. John Giles.—" 6. That the stamp tax upon newspapers, and all other laws and taxes which impose restrictions on the press, and impede the diffusion of knowledge among the people, are, in the opinion of this meeting, unjust in principle, and mischievous in operation." 7. That the petition now read be adopted by this meeting that it be signed as proposed by a former resolution and that Joshua Scholefield, Esq., be requested to present it to the House of Commons and that Messrs. Lytton Bulwer and Hume be requested to support its prayer." Moved by Mr. Jennings, and seconded by Ali. Pearce.—" 8. That this meeting, believing that it is of the last importance to the happiness and safety of the country that the principles embo- died in these resolutions should be adopted by the Legislature, do call upon their fellow-countrymen to forward petitions similar to those adopted by this meeting, from all parts of the United Kingdom and do earnestly beg of the different constituencies to exert themselves to the utmost to persuade their respective repre- sentatives to give to these principles their support, and to oppose the Bill now before Parliament for the establishment of arbitrary power in Ireland." Thanks were then moved and carried to Mr. Beardsworth and the Chairman, and the meeting dissolved.

MARKETS. Monmouth, Saturday, February 23.—Wheat, 8s Od to 8s 6d Barley, 4s Od to 4s 3d Oats, 2s 9d to 3s 3d Beans, 5s 6d to Os Od per bushel of ten gallons. Abergavenny, Feb. 23.—Wheat, 49s 9d Barley, 26s 6d Oats, 00s Od; Beans, 00s Od; Peas, 00s Od per Imperial quarter. Hereford, February 23.—Wheat per bushel weighing 801bs. 8s Od to 8s 3d Barley, 4s Od to 4s 6d Oats, 3s Od to 3s 3d Beans, 4s 9d to 5s 6d Peas, 4s 9d to 5s 6d per bushel of ten gallons. Bristol, Fab.%6.—Wheat, 49s 4d; Barley, 29s lid Oats, 14s 9d Beans, 00s Od Peas, 33s 4d per quarter. Gloucester, Feb. 23.-—Wheat per bushel of 621bs. 6s Od to 7s Od Barley per Imp. Quar. 26s Od to 33s Od Beans per Imp. bush. 4s Od to 5s Od Oats, Imp. Quar. 15s 6d to 22s Od Peas, Imp. Quar. 44s Od to 54s 3d Malt, Imp. bush. 6s Od to 7s 6d Fine Flour per sack of 280lbs. 42s to 44s. Swansea, Feb. 23.—Wheat, 6s Bd to 7s Od Barley, 3s 6d to 3s 9d Oats, Is lOd to 2s 2d per bushel of eight gallons. Carmarthen, Feb. 23.-Wheat. 5s 6d to 6s Od per Winchester bushel of 641bs; Barley, 2s 9d to 3s 3d per imperial bushel Oats, Is 3d to Is 8d ditto Butter, in cask, 7 £ d to Od per lb.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. TUESDAY, FEB. 25.-The Duke of Richmond presented a peti- tion from Horsham in favour of the Factory Bill. Also two from places in Derbyshire, praying for the better observance of the Sabbath. p Lord Dacre presented a petition from Newport, against slavery. —Many other similar petitions were also presented. Lord Teynham presented a petition from a parish in Dublin against tithes, and one from the same {dace praying for the removal of the chief Secretary for Ireland from his situation. The last petition vvas=read=atlaBf;th by the clerk. Earl Grey said the petition prayed that a member of the crown might be removed from his situation. He conceived that that power lay only with his Majesty, and that the house could not entertain the question. Therefore the petition must be rejected. The Lord Chancellor said that he was not one who would in any way close the doors of that house upon any class of his Ma- jesty's subjects but in this case it was absolutely impossible for their lordships to comply with the prayer of that petition, there- fore it could answer no good purpose to receive it, but would ra- ther be a mockery of that right, than which the people had no greater. Their lordships had no power to turn out any minister of the crown therefore, to entertain the prayer of the petition would be absurd. Had the petition prayed their lordships to move an humble address to the crown, praying his Majesty to re- move the hon. gentleman, there could then have been no objection to the reception of it. It would then have been in a proper form but inasmuch as it was absolutely impossible that their lordships could comply with its prayer, he conceived this petition could not be received. Lord Teynham then withdrew the petition. The noble lord then presented a petition from Castlebar, county Mayo, praying for the vote by ballot, and that the duration of parliaments might be shortened. The petition also stated that that part of the country was not at all disturbed. The Earl of Limerick said that, from information that he had received, he must contradict that part of the petition. His infor- mant stated that it was in a very disturbed state. Lord King said that he must beg the attention of the house for a few minutes to the petition he held in his hand but it was a case of such peculiar hardship, that he hoped their lordships would pardon him. It was the petition of the poor inhabitants of a small parish in Somersetshire, praying the protection of the house, under the following circumstances. The parish consisted of 800 people, chiefly living by agriculture and fishing. The parish was in a state of quietness, till his noble friend on the woolsack had conferred the living upon the present incumbent, who, to make use of the words of a letter he had received upon the subject, had made "a little Iieland of it." (Laughter.) He claimed the tithe of the fish caught in the river, a custom never known before in the parish. The chief recommendation of rector in this place was being the brother of the mayor or an alderman of the borough of Tiverton. His noble friend had made it a practice to confer livings upon gentlemen recommended by right rev. prelates since the passing of the Reform Bill, but he would tell the noble lord that he never would get their votes through it. The Lord Chancellor said that he did not understand that the rector had taken tithe of the fish, but only intimated that he had a right to it; but if he should carry that intimation into effect, the petitioners had their remedy in a court of law. With respect to the present rector, he had never presented a living to any per- son with more pleasure than he had to that gentleman. With respect to his having conferred livings upcn persons recom- mended by right rev. prelates, he totally denied that he did it for the purpose of strengthening his party. Lord King credited his noble and learned friend for his usual discrimination in this as in all other cases, although he could not but suppose that he must have lacked some information on this occasion. Lord Wynford deprecated the idea of holding up to detestation a clergyman who could not be here to account for himself. Lord King had to present another petition from Graystock, in Cumberland, to the same effect. Lord Ellenborough thought that some notice should be given to parties involved in this way in petitioning, before their names were thus brought forward. Lord Ellenborough wished to ask the noble lord at the head of his Majesty's government, whether any instructions had yet been given to his Majesty's cruisers for the suppression of the slave trade, under the convention between this country and France 1 Earl Grey said, that a supplementary treaty had been sent to France, which had not yet been returned. It was expected every day, and on its arrival the instructions alluded to by the noble lord would be given. Lord Suffield said that a considerable degree of expectation existed in the country about the intentions of his Majesty's go- vernment, with respect to the expense about to be incurred in the construction of separate cells for prisoners. An answer from the noble viscount would set the matter at rest. It was expected that government would pay one moiety cf that expense. Lord Melbourne said that government had no such intention. Lord Colville postponed his motion relative to the West Indies till April. On the motion of Earl Grey, the Irish Venue Bill went through a committee, and was reported to the house without amendment.—The house then adjourned. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 27.—Lord Teynham complained that an atrocious libel had appealed in the Standard nev spaper this evening, calling him and another noble lord (King) scoundrels, and the devil's advocates relative to the sentiments entertained by himself and his noble friend on the subject of tithes. The noble lord moved that the editor and printer of the said paper be summoned to their lordships' bar. The Lord Chancellor advised his noble friend not to notice such trumpery. After some humourous observations by Lord King, Lord Teyn- ham consented to withdraw his motion. The Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Lunsdmvn, and Lord Suffield presented petitions, praying for the abolition of slavery. The Bishop of Bath and Wells stated that he had received a letter from the rector of St. Peter's, Graystock, complaining of the statement made in the house the other evening by Lord King, charging him with having raised the tithes in his parish, which he denied, and said he had actually lowered them. The reverend prelate trusted that the noble lord would not again indulge in such attacks on the clergy as lately he had been in the habit of doing, and that he would acknowledge he had been misinformed on the subject in question. Lord King said he would not do any such thing, and that he did not attack the clergy, but the tithe system. The Bishop of Bath and Wells was sorry to see the noble lord seize every opportunity of maligning the clergy. Lord Teynham said lie wished to malign no man. The Bishop of Balh and Wells trusted their lordships would treat the attacks of the noble lord on the church with contempt. Adjourned. TRJUSOAV, FEE. 28.—Several petitions for the abolition of slavery, for the better observance of the Sabbath, for the repeal of taxes, &c., were presented.—On the motion of Earl Grey, the Irish Venue Bill was read a third time, and passed.— Adj.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. TUESDAY, FEB. 26.—Several petitions were presented.—Mr. O'Connell withdrew his notice of motion for the amendment of certain clauses in the Irish Reform Bill. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was heard with diffi- culty, postponed to the 12th of March the motion, of which he had given notice, respecting the Irish Commutation Bill. Mr. Portman obtained leave to bring in a bill to consolidate and amend the laws relating to foot-paths and high-ways. Mr. Hume moved for certain returns relating to the army and navy, and remarked that these would shew that many colonels of regiments received very considerable advantages from the public, greatly exceeding the limit of propriety. The hon. member next presented a petition from the metropolis (adopted at the Exeter Hall meeting in June last, and since signed by many thousand persons), for an amelioration of the criminal laws. He strongly supported the petition, maintaining that an amelioration of those sanguinary laws would increase the security of 'property and check crime, by making their execution less an affair of lottery and more of certainty. He urged the policy of repealing all capital punishments, except for murder, treason, and arson. Mr. Pease spoke, amongst others, in favour of the prayer of the petition, stating that the character of the country, its repu- tation for civilization and christian feeling, loudly called on the legislature to remove from our statute-books the stains of such laws. Mr. Phillpotts presented a petition from the city of Glou- cester, praying for a repeal of the duty on soap. Also, a petition from the same city, praying for the enactment of some measure to enforce the due observance of the Sabbath.—Petitions laid on the table. On the motion of Mr. Guest, various returns relating to iron and copper were ordered. THE MILITARY AT ELECTIONS. Mr. T. Attwood presented a petition from the council of the Political Union of Birmingham against the interference of the military at elections, and praying that the house would declare all elections void at which the military interfered. He had known horrible cases of interference. He trusted the house would do its duty; but, if it did not, he trusted the people of England would protect their own rights by going to the hustings with loaded pistols in their pockets, and loaded rifles in their hands. ("Oh, oh !") Mr. S. Rice s:iid the law had provided a legitimate and effi- cient remedy, and it would be far better to recommend the use of that remedy than to talk of loaded pistols and such murderous weapons. Mr. W. Whitmore said, that but for the protection of the mili- tary it would have been impossible for the constituents of Wol- verhampton to exercise the elective franchise. (Hear.) Mr. T. Attwood said he had not alluded to the case of Wol- verhampton. (" Oh," and cries of Name, name.") Hehad alluded to the case of Walsall. In that town the infantry ap- peared in a time of perfect peace with loaded muskets, and the cavalry rode up in front of the hustings. Unoffending individuals were injured. _.0::1) Mr. Forsler was the representative for Walsall, and he was astonished to hear the observations of the hon. member for Bir- mingham. That hon. member was in Walsall at the election, and he knew much of the proceedings in fact, it might be said quorum pars magnafuit. (Hear, hear.) 'A person, authorised by the son of the hon. member, had stated that 100,000 men were ready to come from Birmingham to influence the election. It was true that number did not enter Walsall from Birming- ham, but full 20,000 did, and the house would remember Bir- mingham had no right to interfere with Walsall. (Hear, hear.) Mr. T. Attwood was prepared to prove that the special con- stables had caused the special disturbance. (" Oh, oh!") They broke the windows from the inside, and they ill-treated children, and when the parents of those children protected them, the military were called in. (" Oh, oh !") Mr. Hume had a petition to present from Walsall, which would bring the subject before the house. Mr. Buckingham said the interference of the military at Shef- field was most uncalled for. Vote by ballot would render the military unnecessary. After a few remarks from an honourable member, the petition was ordered to be laid on the table. Several petitions were presented against negro slavery. Peti- tions were also presented for enforcing the due observance of the Sabbath. Mr. Lloyd presented a petition from T. Sidney, chairman of a public meeting at Stockpoit, for a repeal of taxes on knowledge, tobacco, malt, soap, and candles. (A laugh.) British and Irish petitions were presented against the Irish coercion bill. Mr. Pease presented a petition from Jacob Webb, praying for church reform. The petitioner thought that a bishop ought to be made to teach, preach, and keep God's plough a-gait.—The house adjourned at a quarter to eleven. WEDNESDAY, FEB, 27.—Scarcely upon any previous occasion has there appeared so much excitement and anxiety among the strangers" to obtain admission to the gallery as on this even- ing. On the opening of the doors the rush was tremendous, and it was with difficulty order could be obtained. Mr. Hall presented a petition from the Protestant Dissenters of the Independent denomination attending the Hope Chapel in Newport, praying for the abolition of slavery. '] he same hon. member presented three petitions from the inhabitants of the bo- rough and town of Newport, praying for the repeal of the assessed taxes, the vote by ballot, and the repeal of the septennial act. Mr. Roche, after warmly attacking the intended measures for the coercion of Ireland, moved for copies of all papers addressed to the right honourable the Secretary for Ireland, relative to dis- turbances in that country from the 25th of February, 1830, to the 25th of February, 1833." Mr. T. Attwood eloquently seconded the motion, which was opposed by Mr. Stanley, and, at the suggestion of Mr. O'Con- nell, withdrawn. IRISH DISTURBANCES SUPPRESSION BILL. Lord Althorp moved the order of the day for the first reading of this bill, which was agreed to. After the order of the day had been read, his lordship said, I can assure the house, sir, that I make the proposition which I am now about to submit to their attention, deeply feeling how difficult it must be for any man to address such an assembly as the present, and to ask such men as I now see assembled to grant to any government the powers I now come to seek at their hands. The whole course of my po- litical life has been such as to make it against my opinion to come forward with such a proposition and nothing could have induced me to do so except the feelings, which are strongly im- pressed on my mind, of the absolute necessity of the measure. The insecurity of life and property in which Ireland is at present placed, owing to what causes it may be, is such that unless it can be proved that another remedy would afford some alleviation of the evil, it does require the interposition of this house to provide the remedy I now propose. I do not know how I can better enter upon that part of the subject than by stating the number of cases in which the laws have not only been grossly violated, but set at utter defiance. His lordship here enumerated a great number of appalling cases of murder and other dreadful atrocities, and said, the hon. member opposite says that these outrages are not worse, nor more numerous, than they have been within the last two or three years. I shall be able to prove, sir, in answer to that ob- servation, that they have been increasing during these past ycr.rr- The first statement I shall make on this part of '-he subject will not be by way of comparison, but to show the number of offences of an insurrectionary kind committed in Leinster, during the last year. That statement shows that during that period the number of murders, or attempts to murder, within the single province of Leinster, has been 163 of robberies, 387 of bur- glaries, 1823; of burnings, 194; of houghing cattle, 70; of serious assaults, 744; of illegal notices, 913 and of wilful and malicious injuries to property, 407. The noble lord then went at length into a comparison of the state of crime in former years, clearly showing an alarming increase. He also read several let- ters from Kilkenny, Louth, Queen's County, and other parts of Ireland, describing in vivid colours the disorganization of society, the state of terror in which the writers existed, and the disincli- nation of jurors to attend at trials. His lordship proceeded to defend the provisions of the bill, as the only course to be sue- cessfully adopted on the present trying circumstances, commented on the evil tendency of the conduct of the agitators, and said, it is impossible for any man to employ an argument more likely to gain favour with the multitude than that which is derived from a comparison of the state of libel ty of this country with the sup- posed state of bondage in Ireland. We shall, doubtless, have divers declamations in praise of liberty, which no man wishes to gainsay but the question is—is it from a state of liberty that Ireland is to be rescued 1 Is she not to be rescued from a state of great and severe tyranny ? Is she not to be rescued from a state of anarchy, where life has no safety, and property no se- curity ? (Cheers.) His lordship strongly negatived the assertion that these measures were adopted with the view of enforcing the collection of tithe. He alluded in terms of reprehension to the attempted re-establishment of the Irish volunteers, and concluded a very long address by moving that the bill be read a first time. Mr. Tennyson opposed the precipitation of a measure of such great importance, and moved as an amendment that the bill be read a first time that day fortnight. Mr. E. L. Bulwer said, hon. members must not suppose, be. cause he and other English members opposed the proposed laws, that they denied the crimes that existed in Ireland-or that they were unwilling to co-operate with government in devising some remedy for those offences. What they complained of was-first, that these powers will not obtain the remedy and, secondly, that even if they did, the remedy would be worse than the dis- ease. A violation of law was a terrible evil—a suspension of law was a still greater one. It was useless to read us catalogues of crime—that was not the question—prove to us how these laws will be applied to the crime-it was useless to tell us that in the present system there was evil and danger-prove to us that there would be less evil and less danger in the law you demand. I say these laws will not obtain their object-in the first place, what are the crimes for which the noble lord demands them 1- for the crime of murder. Would it be believed that murder was the very crime these laws did not embrace. Your court-martial sits upon capital offences, but can only transport for life. Again, what is the great grievance complained of by the noble lord in the administration of justice? That the witness dare not give evidence in a court of law. There is no cure for this con- templated in your new powers. The witness will be exposed to exactly the same danger in the court-martial as in a court of law. You may compel him to give evidence by the threat of imprison- ment but when he has given his evidence, how will you protect him ? He will be exposed to the same danger-same danger did I say !-No, to a much greater danger. For the new tribunal wiil be more odious than the old and in proportion to the odium of the tribunal, will be the vengeance against the witness. In this haste to adopt sanguinary measures there is no show of modera- tion. A bill that changes liberty into despotism is hurried through the Lords in one week—(hear)—brought down to this house, and you refuse us the delay-the inquiry of a fortnight. (Hear.) With what consistency can this house oppose itself to so trifling a concession 1 It required two years to amend the constitution of England. Shall we not wait two weeks before we unmake the constitution of Ireland I do not fear an open rebel- lion against the armed force of England but if you madden the people, it is impossible to calculate the strength of insanity. But I allow that an open rebellion is the least evil to be fearea- I fear more a sullen, bitter, unforgiving recollection, which will distrust all our kindness, and misinterpret all our intentions— which will take ail grace from our gifts-which will ripen a par- tial into a general desire for a separate legislation, by a settled conviction of the injustice of this, so that at last the English people themselves, worn out with unavailing experiments—wea- ried with an expensive and thankless charge—and dissatisfied with a companionship which gives them nothing but the conta- gion of its own diseases, will be the first to ask for that very dis- memberment of the empire which we aie now attempting to pre- vent. The hon. gentleman concluded with repeating the perora- tion of Lord Brougham's address on the second reading of the Reform Bill, and sat down amidst loud cheers. Sir John Byug and Captain Barclay supported the proposed bill.—Mr. Groie strongly opposed it. Mr. Stanley, in a speech of extreme length and great ability, asserted the absolute necessity for the adoption of the proposed measures, and expressed the regret with which the government had resorted to them. The right hon. gentleman added to the list of atrrocities enumerated by Lord Althorp, severely com- mented upon the conduct of Mr. O'Connell, and charged that gentleman with having asserted at a public meeting, that the House of Commons was composed of 600 persons who were nearly all united in an endeavour to rob and oppress the people. His noble colleague had rebutted the assertion, that these mea- sures were introduced for the purpose of enforcing the collection of tithe. He (Mr. Stanley) also added his indignant denial to such a calumny. But he might be allowed to add, that the clergy were not to be refused the protection which it was the ob- ject of the proposed laws to afford to all classes of his Majesty's subjects. The clergyman had as much right to be protected in life, limb, and property, from outrage and violence, as any other subject of the realm. This protection his Majesty's goverment were determined they should receive, and no man-no honest man—could object to it. Mr. O'Connell. explained, and Mr. Shiel moved an adjournment of the house, which was carried.

To the Editoi• of the Monmouthshire Merlin. SrR,-I feel diffident in soliciting your indulgence, by the in- sertion of a few remarks I wish to make (though I am aware how inadequate to the task) on your correspondent A Tradesman of Monmouth's" letter, which appeared in the last Merlin, on the subject of the petition to Parliament, for the repeal of the As- sessed Taxes, lately agreed to, at a public meeting, convened by our worthy Mayor, and at which he presided. This petition, your correspondent says, he conceives to be pre- posterous, and the prayer of it cannot be acceded to-unless, by robbing Peter to pay Paul—by substituting some other tax in- stead. Now, with all due deference to this opinion of your cor- respondent, I assert, that the petitioners, or at least a large por- tion of them, think directly the reverse. They want to prevent Peter from being robbed, to pay Paul, in the shape of extrava- gant remuneration for inadequate services, ill-merited pensions, sinecures, &c. Many of us, who are now petitioners, are old enough to recollect, when the repeal of the property tax was the prayer of numerous petitions, that the late Lord Castlereagh taunted us with an ignorant impatience of taxation and he stated that the government could not be carried on, if that tax were abrogated. But the pressure of it came home to the legis- tors, and the tax ivas repealed. Still the government went on they contrived to do without it, by reducing the expenditure, no doubt, and the same cause would produce a similar effect now. Let Peter protest stoutly, by petition, against being robbed, for the purpose of paying Paul, in the profuse way the Pauls are still paid, and we shall soon see, certain representatives, and probably the government, supporting, instead of being opposed to, such motions as that recently made by Mr. Hume, but which unfortunately was negatived. The argument of your correspondent, that the assessed taxes are exclusively drawn from the pockets of those who, as a body, are most capable of paying them, is, i think, fallacious. He qualifies it, certainly, by saying, when they are, "properly, and impartially, levied," thereby admitting that instances occur, when the reverse is the fact; and there I agree with him, for it is well known to be so, and that many persons submit, sooner than be dragged, perhaps in inclement weather, several miles, to answer- the charge of an unjust sur-charge, and to be subject to the in- quisitorial impertinence of some Jack in Office," (as your cor- respondent has it), and perhaps to be insulted, by his requiring the statement made to rebut the charge to be confirmed by an oath. But, sir, 1 contend that the assessed taxes, with the ex- ception of the house tax, which is a property tax, are in effect taxes upon labour,—that they are quite as oppressive, upon the labourer and artisan, as upon those out of whose pockets they are first extracted. Take a carriage, for example,-are not three- fourths of the cost of it comprised in the payment for the labour of many hands 1 From the miner who raises the ore, and the col- lier the coal, to make the iron, and the woodman who falls the timber, to the artist who puts the finish to it, what a numerous body of workmen does it assist in giving employment to. I con- tend that the condition of your correspondent's bold peasantry" would be ameliorated, by the repeal of these odious taxes, and in a legitimate and beneficial way. There would not be the dread of the Jack in Office" discovering them, employed as assistant- gardeners, or as helpers in the stables, &c. &c., in the establish- ments of gentlemen, or as porters or assistants in the shops and warehouses of tradesmen-or in feeding the horse, necessary to the carrying on the business of the latter, and for which horse, by the by, the charge is the same as it is for a pleasure horse. I contend, that these taxes upon carriages and horses, and upon servants, prevent, in an extraordinary degree, the employment of numerous persons in every district, and, consequently, that their pressure falls more heavily upon the working classes of society, than it does upon those on whom they are levied whilst I think it would be difficult for your correspondent to she how the house tax, which he advocates the abolition of, reaches the la- bouring man, as I believe I am correct in saying his cottage is not liable to the tax. Your correspondent makes an allusion to a gentlemen, who, as he states, took a prominent part in the proceedings of the meeting, and that he, being more able to pay, ought more quietly to submit to be taxed, than the generality of his townsmen." Not making any remark upon this doctrine, I submit, that he is entitled to the thanks of his townsmen, for coming forward to assist in an effort to remove exactions, that are not of consequence to himself. I am, sir, your very obedient servant, A SUBSCRIBER TO THE MERLIN. Monmouth, Feb. P.S.—It was with regret I noticed in your paper of the 2cJ instant, that your able correspondent, HAMPDEN," recom- mended that petitions should be confined" to the repeal of the house and window taxes only and more so, that he should have made the erroneous statement, that pleasure horses only, were now liable to be taxed."