The Principality

BOHEMIA. Letters from Prague state that an insurrection broke out en the 12th inst., in consequence of Prince Windischgratz refusing to give cannon and ammunition to the students. The Czechish population sided with the latter. The mob marched upon the hotel of the Prince. The artillery was put in action, and succeeded in forcing the people back, and about ten at night the troops gained the day. Crowds of peasants arrived in the town to assist the insurgents. It is asserted that the Princess Windischgratz was killed. The German papers teem with sinister rumours of the ad- vance of the Emperor of Russia, at the head of a powerful army.

IRELAND. The accession of Dr. Cantwell, the Roman Catholic Bishop of Meath, to the proposed League of Old and Young Ireland- ers, is looked upon as decisive, as regards the completion of the arrangements for its establishment, especially as Dr. Cantwell, who had been the foremost of the dissentients last week, now expresses his satisfaction with the amalgamation, and almost promises the adhesion of Archbishop M'Hale and Dr. O'Higgins, Bishop of Ardagh, who, he says, are at pre- sent absent in Rome defending the Irish Church against the most treacherous and dangerous assaults of her enemies." The Freeman's Journal announces the adhesion of a fourth prelate, the coadjutor Bishop of Derry, Dr. Maginn. The Irish confederation, meantime, have postponed their meeting until Wednesday, in order that the country may have time to express its opinion on the contemplated union of Repeal- ers. So far (says the Times) the whole strength of the Confederates is concentrated in Dublin, <With branches in Limerick, Kilkenny, and Cork. In the rural districs they are powerless. Let but the clergy abstain merely from taking a part one way or the other, and sedition clubs will spring up all over the country, like mushrooms after a night's rain. This is the only real danger that can result from the pro- jected alliance, and to effect this object was it that the Con- federates stooped to negotiate with the bankrupt concern at Burgh Quay. The former body could gain no other advan- tage from thus encumbering itself with the worn-out machi- nery of a former rival, without friends, money, or credit to bring to the account of the new partnership. Even at this incipient stage of the negotiation, the Confederates have com- menced opera ions, and four of their leading members,— namely, Messrs. Meagher, O'Gorman, jun., Doheny, and Cantwell (not as yet the Right Rev,' John of that ilk)- have been despatched on a mission to the provinces, with a view to accelerate the formation of clubs. Tipperary has been selected as the first field of their labours, and on Sunday last the deputies arrived at Thurles, and were rapturously welcomed at a crowded meeting, presided over by Mr. P. Fogarty, of Cabra Castle, a gentleman, I believe, hitherto a supporter of the Old Ireland policy. Vehement speeches were delivered, a club was at once formed, and several mem- bers enrolled on the spot. From the tone of private letters, as well as from other sources of information, the task oi con- verting Tipperary into one monster club for the propagation of sedition will be easy of accomplishment."

CIIURCII PROPERTY AND THE RUSSELLS. A correspondent sends us the following curious summary of such property: 1. Duakswell Abbey, in Devonshire, was granted to John Russell in the 26th of Henry VIII. Its annual value at the time of the grant, according to Speed, was X298 11 s. lOd. Probable present value per annum £ 19,000. 2. Tavistock Abbey, in Devonshire, was endowed at the sup- pression of the monasteries, according to Speed, with ari annual income of £ 902 5s. 7d. Present probable value, £ 57,712. Granted 31at Henry VIII. to John llussell. 3. Mountgrace Priory, in Yorkshire, valued at the dissolution at jE382 5s. lid. per annum. The site of this priory was granted in 32nd Henry VIII. to James Strangways; but a large share of the territorial property was giveu to John Lord Russell. Hough- ton on the Hill was attached to this priory. The present assessed annual value of this parish is nearly £ 5,000. This property has passed by marriage or purchase into other hands, but was origi- nally granted by Henry VIII. to John Lord Russell, and with other lands granted from Mountgrace Priory, would give a pro- bable present value of £ 13,000 per annum. 4. Castle Ilymel, or Finneshed, in the parish of Laxon, county of Northampton, valued at dissolution at £62 16s. Granted 3/Srd Henry VIII. to John Lord Russell. Probable present value £3,847 per aiiiiui-n. 5. Woburn Abbey, county of Bedford, valued at the dissolution at £ 430 13s. 1 Id. Granted in 1st Edward VI. to John Lord Rus- sell. Probable present value i:27,000 per annum. 6. Beaulieu Abbey, in New Forest, Hampshire. Annual value at dissolution, £ 428 6s. 8d. This was granted to Thomas Wriothesley. The famous hero of the Whigs, Lord William Russell (executed for treasor, in 1683), married a Lady Rachel Wriothesley, the heiress of her father's property, who wasade- scendent of the above Thomas Wriothesley so that the family of the deserving servant of Henry VIII. became eventually possessed of this tine portion of Church appropriation. Probable present value, £ 30.0 )0 per annum. 7. Mekhuurn, a pr,ceptory in the county of Bedford. Value at dissolution E242 9s. lOd. Granted 3rd Edward to John Earl of Russell. Probable present value £ 13,000 per annum. gt St. Pie ran, St. Kaveryu, or Kevran, in Cornwall.' The manor here, as parcel of the possession of Beaulieu Abbey, in Hampshire, was granted in 2nd Elizabeth to Fraucis Earl of Bed- ford. Value unknown. i. < 9. A house of Dominican or preaching friars, on the north side of the Cathedral of Exeter, granted at the dissolution to John Lord Russell. Now called Bedford House. Value unknown. 10. Thorney Abbey, Cambridgeshire. Value at the dissolution S411 12s. lid. Granted 3rd Edward VI. to John Earl of Bed- ford. There arc in the parish or manor of Thomey 19,000 acres of land, whose average annual value is twenty seven shillings per acre. Actual present value, therefore, £ 25,600. 11. Covent Garden. Value not known at the dissolution. Its probable present value is f;10,000 per annum. Total of Church property granted to that deserving servant of Henry VIII. John Uussell %ad to his family in money value of the present day:— Dunkswell Abbey, £ 19,000; Tavistock, £ o/,712 Mountgrace Priory, £ 13,000; Castle Hymel, £ 3,847 Woburn Abbey, £ 27 000; Melchburn Preceptory, XIS,000; Thorney Abbey, £25,600; Covent Garden, £ 10,000; St. Pleran, in Cornwall, and the property of the Dominican Frtars at Kxeter, probably £ 10,000. To these must he added Beaulieu, £ 20,000. Total, £ 199,:2118.-DoUlll,s Jerrold. SWEET AUBOURN, LOVELIEST VILLAGE OF TUB PLATV.-It. is stated that the vicar of Aubourn, whose income is set down in the Commissioners' return at £5-1, with a glebe house unht for residence, receives for the cure of souls in the attached township of Haddington the munificent sum of one pound eight shillings yearly I All the spiritual duty is stated to be performed by this inheritor of apostolic poverty. But Haddingon is partly situated ic Aubourn and partly in South Hyckham, and it is stated that the Rector of South Hyckham receives allllually from the town- ship of Haddington £ 120, but is never by any remote chance traced on a spiritual mission in the township. Thus the clerical rule would appear to be the rule o! coiitrt(lietion- i;o work and ali pay, and all work and no pay.— Stamford Mercury.

PRISONING AT A PUBLIC DINNER.—Since Wednesday week, great excitement has existed at Northampton, in consequence of the sudden illness of several of the persons who had attended a public dinner at the New Hall, in Newlainl-.street, which followed the ordination of the llev. G. Nicholson, B. A., as the minister of the lting-strcet Dissenting Chapel, The viands were of the usual substantial kind, and before the cloth was removed some of the gentlemen were seixed with sickness and vomiting, while others were taken ill at a later period of the entertainment. One of them, Mr. Cornfield, aged 62, an ac- countant in the town, expired at five o'clock on Thursday morning. The dinner was provided by Mr. Franklin, a towns- man, at whose house the whole of the cooking utensils have been seized by oi-clel- e-f the magistrates. The inquest has been commenced, and a post mortem examination of the body of the deceased made, when a slight appearance of arsenic was de- tected, but it required longer time to complete the analysis. The inquiry is therefore adjourned until Tuesday. Six other individuals are still indisposed, but no danger is apprehended. The cook, a.mailn:it>ied Rundel, is in custody.

EMIGRATION. TO THE WORKING CLASSES OF MONMOUTHSHIRE AND THE ADJOIN- ING COUNTIES, FllOM MR. M. R. EVERY, OF GRAHAM'S TOWN, SOUTH AFRICA, FORMERLY OF THE NANTYGLO IRON WORKS, MONMOUTHSHIRE. Graham's Town, South Africa, 21st March, 1848. MT DEAR FRIENDS,—The tidings of the general distress of England have reached this part of the world. I have also been informed of the particular suffering which you have been called to endure in Monmouthshire and the adjoining counties. For many years I was a personal witness to similar events, and I have deeply felt for you amidst your patient toil and sufferings and though now far removed have not forgotten or ceased to feel for you. I laboured a little to do you good when dwelling with you in the noise, and smoke, and turmoil of your manufactories; and now, though differently circum- stanced, living beneath fairer skies, in the quiet of comparative rural life, and with few painful incidents to show forth the miseries of life, I yet feel for you. To many thousands of you I am known, and it is grateful to my feelings now to remember that while with you 111ad your confidence and esteem. I know you will give me credit for speaking the truth when I say that I earnestly wish some ten or twenty thousand of you were here exempt then, as you would be, from many troubles which you now experience, and which will be from time to time your lot, where your numbers are outgrowing all the supports that agriculture and the manu- factures can give in return for your labours. You may have, as you have had, occasional spells of prosperity, but there will of necessity follow—bad times, partial employment, low ivages% and much suffering. What can you do ? is this your question i I replv, Emigrate 1 Fall in with the order of the Great Creator, who wills that the fair portions of this globe should not be left untrod by human footsteps. Do you ask where to r I say of course to the Cape-do you ask why ? That involves almost numberless replies, all of which would tend to show the priority of claim the Cape of Good Hope has to the United States or any other of the British Colonies. One great draw- back to emigration to the Cape as compared with the Canadas and the United States is the greater cost, but it is of very little consequence when you get on board ship whether you sail to America or to South Africa, as to time or the inconveniences at sea. In 73 days I reached Algoa Bay, and the voyage is generally a fine one into this lovely Southern part of the world. Depend upon it if the people can muster up money to bring them here they will find the advantage in the end. 0 The advantage which the Eastern Province of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope offers are certain subsistence, good wages, and ultimate independence. The moment a man lands at Algoa Bay he may not only dismiss all fears, but all anxious cares about getting a livelihood. He need not even trouble himself to find out an employer, for employers will sure enough find out him. Every descrip- tion of labour and handicraft is well paid. An English la- bourer can get F.1 per week carpenters, masons, and smiths, 6 shillings per day and upwards, and every industrious man may confidently look forward for independence—that is, for a comfortable provision for old age. Now, this is as opposite a state of things for the English labourer and artisan to what he finds at home, as it is possible to be. How many tens of thousands of you are there who get what can barely be called a subsist- ence, and the thought of independence never enters your heads and it is ten to one, if you look forward to the close of life, but what you are haunted with spending your last days in a workhouse. You have in factgnothing else before you. This is a dreadful state of things, but perhaps unavoidable where from your numbers you are almost devouring one another. I am happy to say we have no workhouses here, and I have only seen one European beggar since I left England, and that poor old afflicted man hardly ought to be called such. This climate is fine and healthy-equal to any in the world. A vast extent of fine country remains unoccupied, capable of great production, and only awaiting tlte arrival of British emi- grants. Since the conclusion of the war with the Kaffirs, a prodigious tract of country, about the size of the Welsh prin- cipality, has been added to the Colony. I travelled through this district to King William's Town to the great meeting which our governor, Sir Ilarry Smith, had with the Kaffir Chiefs and people, and I can bear testimony to its beauty and fertility. One part of it reminded me strongly of the lovely -undulating county of Monmouth, with its park-like scenery; another great stretch of district bore a strong resemblance to Salisbury Plain, on which were growing tens of thousands of tons of fine grass untrod by human footstep, and without a single head of cattle to graze it down. Many people in Eng- land would be dreadfully afraid of the Kaftirs as neighbours. In war they showed barbarity to some of the victims that fell into their hands, but lurking revenge they have not. They are great thieves of cattle, it must be admitted, but they are gene- rally acquitted of being a blood-thirsty race. If I have been struck with one thing more than another, as characteristic of the coloured inhabitants of this part of the world, it has been with their lively, cheerful and pacijie disposi- tion. However, we have now little to fear from the Kaffirs, were they as bad as supposed. Sir Harry Smith is doing great things here, which there is reason to believe will end in pro- longed peace and prosperity. To this fine Colony then I invite you, my dear fellow-countrymen of the working classes at home, and urge upon you, to strain every nerve to reach it. Here you may breathe as pure an atmosphere as wafts over any part of the world, and live beneath the fairest skies, where you will be able to lift up your heads with freedom and independence, conscious that your labour will be as earnestly sought and highly prized, as ever you can prize a good employer, and the rjwards which your labour deserves. But recollect, I invite no drunkards, no intemperate, or lazy people for these would be a bane to the Colony, and they themselves would soon go the way of all flesh. High wages with good beef and mutton from d, to 3d. per lb., and wine and brandy at is. per gallon, would only induce the lazy to be more so, and bring the drunkard to an early grave. It is the honest, industrious, temperate labourer and me- chanic I invite—men from 25 to 40 years of age--aitd if family tmn all tlte better. Religious men will find here ministers and places of worship whatever may be their denomination (except, I believe, Ran- ters and Quakers), and I should be right glad to see some of them out here: these extremes will by and bye meet here, I have no doubt. But as to means-How are you to get here ? FIRST.—Government are sending out emigrants free to some extent—try and get out free. You can apply to Mr. James Lodwidge, Hereford, agent to her Majesty's Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners, who will aiford you every neces- sary service. SECOND.—If the Government list is full, let some 50 or 100 of you unite together, who are possessed of sufficient means, and you will pay your own passage out for £ 10 or £ 12 each. I dare say you can get some respectable trustworthy person to head your party and manage the thing for you. TIE,,tD.-If you have not £ 10 or t 12 a-piece, and I dare be- lieve there are many hundred of you who have not and yet would be glad to come—what are you to do r Why, if you cannot come out free, can you not form "Emigration Clubs" by which you may in time accomplish this object. IN CONCLUSION,—Don't engage your passage for Table Bay, but for Algoa Bay, and should the vessel put into Table Bay, let no one induce you to remain at Cape Town, but go on to Algoa Bay, and then make your way up to Graham's Town as soon as you can, and if I can be of any service to you, I shall be glad to be so. I am, your well wisher, M. R. EVERY. P.S.—I have said nothing to men of moderate means or capital, but this fine Colony is equally good for them. Men with families of grown up boys and girls would do well. Fe- male servants here are almost beyond price. Never forget that Australia and New Zealand are twice as far from England as the Cape of Good Hope is. M. R. E.

ADVERTISEMENT,—'THE GREAT REFORM MOVEMENT. — The Standard of Freedom, the first number of which will be pub- lished on Saturday, July 1, is intended to be the faithful repre- sentative of the friends of just and rational liberty", It will contend that the BASIS of coming legislation must be honest union and cordial co-operation between the middle classes who enjoy political privileges, and the toiling multitudes who are excluded from them. IT will show that as their interests are common, so should their action be. THE complete emancipa- tion of Commerce from what remains of restriction and mono- poly the disenthralmunt of Religion from the fetters of the State; the rearrangement of our unjust and unequal taxation the diminution of our enormous public burthens; the shorten- ing of Parliaments the more effectual protection, of the voter from undue dictation and the seductions of bribery but above a.ll, and as THE security for all,-tho great extension of the Suffrage;—these are alc among the' demands and the neces- sities of the tinges, and these will be fearlessly advocated in the Standard of Freedom.—Though the Standard of Freedom will be a newspaper of the Largest dimensions allowed by law, its price will be only 4^1. or 4s. Od.per quarter, if paid in advance. 7 j '—All communications to be addressed to the Office, 33-5, Strand,

TO THE EDITOR OF THE PRINCIPALITY. A good man's zeal should be ever on the wing; but it should borrow the eyes of discernment, and the hands oi prudence, or it will be blind and extravagant.ANO.-i. SIR,-Allow me to call your attention to that part of thCJ Rev. David Charles's letter in your paper of the 9th inst, where reference is made to an assertion put forth in a pre- vious number of the PRINCIPALITY, touching the resolution passed at Llangadock Association, My friend, Mr. Charles, in his first going off, claims, as a Christian minister and a Welshman," the right of complain- ing with regard to the unfair treatment of his countrymen, in reference to the subject of "Welsh Education;" and whilst he asserts "that unfair means are employed to poison, the minds of Welshmen against their own interest," by those acting assumers of the public weal, we were of course led to expect that no "misrepresentations," no 11 gliossiiig, "no perverting of facts," would again take place, at least so far as my friend, Mr. Charles, himself was concerned; but this, I am sorry to say, although I am prepared to prove it, is not the fact. My friend, alluding to what passed at Llangadock, pounces on the assertion in a style worthy of a Commissioner or a barrister. He not only tells you that your statement is false, but seems to strive hard to make you believe that what was seen, heard, or said, at that Conference, was a delusion and a farce. My friend begins by stating that he now comes to the astonishing assertion." Why, I wonder none of the brethren present thought proper to correct this in the following number of the PRINCIPALITY, if it was such a gross misrepresentation of facts. However, Mr. Charles feels bound to deny its correctness. Yes, this astonishing report of what passed at Llangadock Mr. Charles most positively denies, and he can hardly be brought to believe that there are any two highly influential members of the connexion, who were present at that Conference, who will endorse it. But, Mr. Editor, although I am not one of those highly in- fluential members of the connexion, yet I believe my friend will grant me at once my membership, and also that I was present at the said Conference; and now I feel it my duty to state that the view which I took (let all the other brethren judge and speak for themselves) of matters as expressed there, was quite in unison and in accordance with your report. I was fully convinced in my own mind that there was a general feeling for condemning the Reports; not only this, I was, and am still, fully persuaded, that but for the "meek and quiet spirit" which prevailed, which would not allow the reckless censure of individual friends, that a vote condemning the Reports would have been passed. Why, to me it appears quite evident—for if there was not a general feeling lor condemning the Reports, it was not likely that so many of the brethren would express their disapprobation at the inference drawn by Commissioner Symons horn Mr. Charles's correspondence, aud likely to be drawn by the public from Mr. Symons's letter to the Rev. H. Griffiths, in which mention is made of Mr. Charles's opinion. If the brethren in general coincided with the tutor's views, why should it be pronounced from the chair, that what any individual had said or written was only to be considered as the private views and opinions of that said individual? And if this was not done with a view of correcting any false impression which might have gone forth from Air. Charles's evidence and cor- respondence as an individual, why should my friend have got up and said that the Commissioner had done him an in- justice by not publishing the whole of his letter and more than this, why should he have said again, that had the whole of his correspondence with Mr. Symons appeared, the breth- ren would not consider him so much to blame ? And further if my recollection bears me out (1 appeal to the Conference), my friend, Mr. Charles, promised that he would get the Com- missioner to publish the letter in full, by which lie thought most of his brethren would feel satisfied. Hence, Mr. Edi- tor, you will see at once how matters stood. Mr. Charles claimed his right of corresponding with the Commissioner, as any other private individual; the brethren, on the other hand, repudiated the idea of being pinned fast to Mr. C.'s sleeve, by Mr. Commissioner Symons, or any other party; and here came the resolution agreed upon, namely that the censuring or condemning the Reports be left an open question; and that what had been said or written by any individual was only to be considered as that individual's private opinion and doings, and not to be considered in any way connexional." Now with regard to the acceptance of Government grants, I beg leave to say that the subject did not come before the Llangadock Conference; therefore to say that the Llangadock Conference left accepting Govern- ment grants an open question" is something more than glossitying our writings. It is logic, produced no doubt under the impulse of that passion which in clear, calm, and sober reality of things would be better understood and re- presented. With the grant question at issue, I have nothing to do at present. I leave the subject between Mr. C. and Mr. Jones. I merely write thcaboveiu defence of what ap- peared in the PRINCIPALITY as a report of the Llangadock proceedings. I am, dear sir, yours truly, 0 0 y St. Davids. WILLIAMS,

TO THE EDITOR OF THE PRINCIPALITY. Sin,-The correspondence in your last has proved your point against Mr. Commissioner bymons with regard to the decision at Llangadock. It is sufficient proof against his Report altogether that he has shown himself so ready tos maKe such a false statement respecting the whole body of Calvinistic Methodists. One fact of this sort it sufficient tp shake the credit of whatever he may write. I am extremely glad that we have had sufficient evidence against the validity of the account given by the editor of the Silurian of a lireconshire monthly meeting. For the ho- nour of Calvinistic Methodism I am glad that there was no foundation for the over-joyous expressions of that paper con- cerning the determination of the monthly meeting to seek Government grants for education. Of course the libelled parties in Breconshire have put the editor aright ere this. Have you seen any paragraph in which he has recalled his words ( Let it be known for the honour of truth that the Silurian is no authority. Let Mr. Symons know this. Let the Privy Council know this. Certainly the editor must have travelled very far beyond the bounds of truth when he could dare to assert that the memorial was ever seen at a monthly meeting at Llanlihangel Nantbran. What on earth could have induced him to invent the falsehood that the memorial was signed by all the ministers and deacon present on the occasion ? if the editor in'self-defence will nave the audacity to affirm that it was "accepted oy 14v' monthly meeting with as much formality as any other reso- 0 lution—neither of which being moved, seconded, and put from the chair—and that it is a piece of Jesuitry now to talk of its mere individual signatures, then let him be treated 0 with the contempt which every honourable mind must feel towards such a daring perverter of truth. The Silurian has) been guilty of parturiunt monies, which we now see to 09 nothing more than naseitur ridiculus mus. I for one have not the least objection for the tutors of col- leges not only to enjoy their own opinions but to endeavour to spread them, for of course they ought to be true to their own consciences. Why should they not endeavour to influ- ence others to adopt their views if they can find men pliabliJ enough to yield ? To be sure it is an inconsistency for them to hold situations on the voluntary principle, and then talk about its weakness and put forth every nerve to render it still weaker than it is by seeking''Government money. I think that it is much to the credit ef the tutor who has boldly avowed his principles. I respect him for his manli- ness,'but I think it a violation of the laws of modesty to read lectures on mildness to an opponent, as if the other party was a model of kindness. There is something irreverent iu employing strains of piety, as a set-off to either side of a com troversy, when human intirmities are shared tolerably equal on both sides. It is really too bad for gentlemen tc give a grave (advice to you to avoid a tendency to impute motives to persons," after they had rendered themselves iguilty cf tho same sin the moment before for what can such words as the'following mean?—" This in forii iatigit" will I fear provo a bitter disappointment to some who have evinced an over- hasty desire to condemn." Those who live in glass houses should not throw stones." ■ I trust that you will not be intimidated by the hint that your circulation would not be so little if you, were to he leal

CHAPTER VIII GUARANTEE OF R TOUTS. Article 115. The confiscation of property can never be re-es- tabii hed. 115. Slavery cannot exist on any French territory. 117. Iii no case can the press he submited to censorship. 1\S. All political offences are to be exclusively tried by jury. 119. All citizens have a right to print and cause to be printed, d ie regard being paid to the guarantees due to public and private rights. 1;2f). The appreciation of offences committed by means of the press, or by any other means of publicity, belong exclusively to the jury. 121. The jury alone shall decide on the amount of damages claimed for offences of the press. 1 -2-2, Each citizen professes freely his religion, and receives from the state for the exercise of his peculiar tenets an equal p^ijtectson. 23. The ministers of public worship, acknowledged by the law, have alo-ie a right to receive a salary from the state. 124. The liberty of public instruction is exercised under the g u-irantee of the laws, and under the superintendence of the state. Tins superintendence shall extend to all establishments of educa- lcm. without any exception. 125. The domicile of each citizen is an inviolable asylum. It is nof flowed to any one to enter there except according to the forms a.:d in the cases determined by the law. No man shall be deprived of 1 is national judges. 127. All property of every description is inviolable. 1:19. All taxes are established for common utility. Each is to contribute according to his fortune. 130. No tax can be levied except in virtne of a law. 131. The direct taxes can be fixed for one year only. 1:2. The essentia! guarantees of the right of labour are liberty of labour, voluntary association, equality in the relations between the employer and the workman gratuitous instruction, education, suitable to each man's position establishments of prcvoya-nce and credit; the establishment of great works of public utility, and the st- te destined to employ the men in case of failure of work. J 33. The Constitution guarantees the public debt. 131. The I.egion of Honour is maintained. The statutes shall be revised, and placed in accordance with democratic and repub- lican pri'icinb". 135. The territory of A1 eria, and of the colonies, is declared French territory, aLd s all be governed by particular laws suited ic each. CHAPTER IX. — ON THE REVISION OF THE CONSTITUTION. CHAPTER X.—TEMPORARY PROVISION. The 13th chapter treats of the attributes of the Executive power, anil proposes besides the President, who is to be elected by uni- versal suffrage, a Vice-President, who will be nominated on the presentation of the President of the Republic by the National Assembly, and who by right of office will be President of the I o- State, 'I lie pres;dent is to be elect, (I for four years. The President will nominate all the members and all the political agents he can dispose of the military force, but cannot command them in person. The Assembly is to be re-elected every three }"1H,¡. 1 It "was on the proposition of the Pastor Coquerel that the oillee of Vice-President was created. The Committee has taken exactly one month to draw up the Constitution.

ITALY. According to letters from the head-quarters of Charles Albert, the position of Rivoli, abandoned by the Austrians on the night of the 9th, was taken possession of by the Pied- montese on the morning of the 10th. It was likewise an- nounced that Radctskv had marched from Verona to Vicenza with 20.000 men, leaving only 6,000 men in the former place, and it was expected that the Sardinian army would at once attack that fortress. King Charles Albert signed, on the evening of the 10th, at Garda, the pct^with M. Casati, and two other members of the Provisional Government of Milan, for the annexation of Lombardy to the kingdom of Sardinia- The Provisional Government is to cease its func- tions and a kind of regency, composed of Piedmontese and Milanese, of which M. Casati is to be president, will, for the prea?nt, he established.

GRAND DUCHY OF POSEN. The Bremen papers state that official information has b-en received at Posen of a camp of 100,000 men now as- sembled in the neighbourhood of Kalish. Everybody fears a Russian invasion, and General Pfuli is preparing to leave in all h ste for Berlin. Martial law has been discontinued in Grand Duchy.

FRANCE. The Committee on the Constitution have finished their la- hours, and M. Marrast will this day (Monday) present to the National Assembly the project for the new Constitution of the French Republic. The following is the draft of the material points of this important doctinient:- CONSTITUTION OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. RIGHTS OF MAX. In the presence of God, and in the name of the French people, the National Assembly proclaims and decrees the following:— Art. 1. The duties of man in society are summed up in respect for the constitution, in obedience to the laws, in the defence of the country, in the accomplishment of his family duties, and in the practice of that fraternal maxim :—" As ye would that men should do to you, do ye to them likewise." Art. 2. The constitution guarantees to all citizens—Liberty— -T-l u:ii; ty-Security-I nst ruction-Labour- Property- Agsi.;tince. Art. it Liberty consists in the right of going and coming; of meeting peaceably and without arms; of associating; of petitioning of exercising one's religion; of manifesting his thoughts and opinions by means of the press or otherwise. The exercise of these rights has no other limits than the rights and liberties of other nations, and the public security. Ari. 4. Equality consists in the exclusion of every title and privilege of birth, class, or caste, in the admissibility of every one to all public employments, without any other motive or ground for preference but virtue and talent, and the equitable participa- tion of all citizens in the charges and advantages cf society. Art. 5. Security consists in the inviolability of the person, the family, the domicile, and the rights and goods of each and every member of society. Art. 6. The right of instruction is that which all citizens have to receive gratuitously from the State the education proper for the development of the physical, moral, and intellectual faculties of each of them. Art. 7. The right of labour is that which every man has to live by his work. Society must, by the productive and general means of which it disposes, and which will be organised ulteriorly, fur- rush labour to valid men, who cannot procure it otherwise. Art. 8. Property consists in the right of enjoying and disposing aide's goods and revenues, of the fruits of one's labour, of his intelligence, and of his industry. Art. 9. The right of assistance is that which belongs to children abandoned, to the infirm, to the old, to receive from the State the means of existing. CONSTITUTION. CH,\PTF.K J.-OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE. Art. n. France is a dpmocratic Republic, one and indivisible. Art. 11. The French Republic has as its symbol, "Liberty, Kqu ality, and Fraternity." Art. 12. The sovereignty resides in Ihe universality of the French citizens. It is inalienable and imprescribable to the in- d vidual, and no fraction of the people can attribute to himself the esercise of it. 13, All the public powers, whatever they may be, emanate from t> people. 14. The separation of the powers is the first condition of a free Government. CHAPTER II.— ON* THE LEGISLATIVE POWER. lo. The French people delegate their legislative powers to a single Assembly. 16. Thj election has for basis the population. 17. The total number of the representatives of the people will Le 750, including the representatives for Algeria and the French co'onies. CHAPTER 111.-0N THE EXECUTIVE POWER. 41. The French people delegates the executive power to a citi- zen, who receives the title of President of the Republic. 42. In order to he named President the person must be born a Frenchman and of the age of thirty years at least 43. The President is nominated by the direct and universal suf- frage of the people, by secret suffrage, and by the absolute ma- jority of the voters. CHAPTER IV.—Is on the council of state. CHAPTER V.-Is on the interior administration. CHAPTER VI.—Is on the judicial powers. CHAPTER Yll.-Is on the public force.