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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT,I

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A Chicago divine was recently discussing the subject of baptism, and, after summing up all the arguments in its favour he said to his opponent, "I am not surprised that youTbject to iramersion, 8ir, for that was the way Satan on an his pork." IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, I In the House of Lords on Feb. 16, Lord Granville read a report from Mr. Simonds, the Government Inspector, res- pecting Mr. Wornis's treatment of diseased cows at Ment- more, in which he questioned the existence of the real cattle plague in any of the animals that had been so treated ^Lord^RusselTannounced that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ire- land had expressed to the Government his opinion t temporary suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in that I country was necessary. A Bill with that object would be introduced into the House of Commons on ie it was desirable that it should at once P o'clock staees their Lordships would be invited to meet at 4 o CIOCK. Lord Derby said the proposal indicated a very serious state of tWn-s but if the Government should succeed in satisfying the other House that such a step was necessary he, for one, would not be disposed to object to the suspension of the St*LodrdlAllfmesbury then drew attention to the subject of lifeboats on the coast, and complained that the prevision of such valuable means of saving life should be left to private benevolence, unaided by Government contribution. There were many places where lifeboats were much needed, and, well as the Lifeboat Institution was performing its work, it was unable to meet all demands. The Duke of Somerset admitted the valuable efforts of the National Lifeboat Institution, and believed that Government interference would he rather injurious than beneficial. The Coastguard also rendered good service in the saving of lives and property. After a few remarks from Lord Malmesbury in reply, and from Lord Stanley of Adderley, the subject dropped. After a brief conversation upon various points arising out of the Cattle Plague, the House adjourned. In the House of Commons, Sir G. Grey announced that the House would sit on Feb. 17, when he would move for leave to bring in a bill to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. In answer to a question from Mr. Hunt, Sir George Grey said that the Government would acquiesce in the decision of the House on the previous night, and the mode in which they proposed to carry it out was by embodying in one bill the provisions as to compulsory slaughter, compensation, and the rates to be levied for that purpose, and Mr. Hunt s amend- ment absolutely prohibiting the removal of cattle by railway. This would leave the movement of cattle by road and the ex- ceptions to be dealt with in a separate bill. He acquiesced in the committal of Mr. Hunt's bill pro forma. The House then went into committee on Sir G. Grey s bill Several clauses relating to collateral matters connected with the movement of cattle were negatived, and on clause 31, which specifies the manner in which the compensation shall be provided. Mr Carnegie argued that as the consumer was as deeply interested in the checking of the plague as the produoer some proportion of the compensation ought to be defrayed out of the Consolidated Fund. Mr. Ayrton took objection to the proposal to raise one- third of the compensation by a cattle-rate, and showed the hardship whieh it would inflict on the owners of diseased cattle. He preferred that the whole sum should be raised from the local rates. Mr. J. S. Mill contended that farmers, in the long run, would suffer only in their capacity as consumers, and in consequence of the rise in prices would suffer no more than any other class of consumers. He argued, therefore, that it would be a great hardship on the consumers it they were called on to pay a rate to compensate the producers for a loss which would ultimately be made good by the natural course of trade. He maintained that the producers would not suffer as a class, but only as individuals by the unequal manner in which the loss fell upon them consequently, the only part of the clause which he approved was the rate on cattle. The Chancellor of the Exchequer characterised the pro posal to lay the Consolidated Fund under contribution as novel, inexpedient, and entirely unasked for by the agricul- turists, and reminded the Houseof. t e forcible argument used by Mr. Lowe, that to secure the great advantages of a local administration it was necessary that some portion of the funds should be raised from local sources. As to the proposal to levy the whole by a general cattle rate, he said that the Government, in the particular proposal they his made, had acted on the principle that no persons were more interested in checking the disease than stockowners in the neighbourhood of infected districts, and they further be- lieved that it would have the effect of preventing any kind of contest between town and country. Mr. Lowe pointed out to the House that Mr. J. S. Mill's argument as to the ultimate incidence of the loss on the con- sumer was based on the fallacy that this was a bill to indemnify for losses, whereas the object of this part of it was simply to hold out an inducement to the farmer to disclose the existence of disease among his cattle..He asked Mr. Mill to mention a case in which producers had been in- demnified for a great calamity of this kind by a rise in price, and reminded him that English cattle growers had very for- midable competitors in foreign importers. But, admitting that Mr. Mill's argument was sound, he contended that the con- sumers were not absolved from making every effort to avert a great national emergency. He showed the difficulty of levying a cattle rate on a temporary emergency, and urged the advantage of using the existing machinery of the county rate. Sir G. Grey intimated that the Government, seeing the feeling of the House, would give up their proposal of a cattle rate. The clause was amended to this effect. On clause 50, which gives a legislative sanction to the Orders in Council issued on this subject, Lord R. Montagu asked what the intentions of the Govern- ment were in regard to'retrospective compensation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said the Government had not abandoned the principle of retrospective compensation, but desired to reconsider the manner in which it could be carried out. Several clauses rendered unnecessary by the alterations in the Bill were omitted, and the remainder were agreed to after a long discussion. A clause was added, enabling the Queen in Council to sus- pend at any time the operation of the Act as regards the slaughter of animals. The Bill was ordered to be reported, and the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer intimated that he should ask the House to read it a third time. Mr. Hunt's Bill was committed pro forma, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on Feb. 17, a Bill for the suspen- sion of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland having been reed a first time, Lord Russell moved the suspension of the stand- ing order that the Bill might pass through all its stages at that sitting. In doing so Lord Russell expressed the regret which the Government felt at having to propose to Parlia- ment a temporary suspension of the constitution in Ireland hut the necessity, he said, was great, and the step had been recommended by the experienced wisdom of the Irish Exe- cutive. The Fenian conspiracy, which had rendered this measure necessary, was notoriously directed to the over- throw of the Queen's authori y, to the forcible transfer of property from its present possessors, and to the sub- version of all religion. The conspiracy had been fo- mented and furnished with funds from the United States, where large numbers of persons of Irish birth and des- cent were settled, and the conclusion of the civil war in that country had set free a large number of restless and active men, many of whom were now in Ireland as emissaries from the Fenian Brotherhood in America. The ordinary processes of law had been put in force by the Irish Government against a number of persons, and judges and juries had alike discharged their duties, but it had been found that other measures were required. The Lord- -Lieutenant had deferred as long as possible any recom- mendation to depart from the constitution, but it had been found that the conspiracy was stll spreading, that fresh emissaries from America were continually arriving, and that large sums of money were being sent over for the purpose of exciting rebellion, and, therefore, Lord Wodehouse had been compelled to acquaint the Government that with- out greater powers than he ordinarily possessed he could not be responsible for the peace of Ireland. The Government could not hesitate for a moment to act upon this declaration, and therefore, although with regret, they had now to ask the House to assent to this Bill, which would for a time sus- pend the operation of the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, but which would enable the Lord-Lieutenant to arrest the foreign agents who were now industriously engaged in seeking to mislead the Irish people, and to seduce the Irish soldiers from their allegiance. Objections might be taken that the Bill was simply a coercive measure, and was unaccompanied by any remedial measure, but the maintenance of law and order, and the restoration of peace, was essentially a remedial measure, and other measures in that direction would be considered when a more fitting time presented itself. The standing orders were then suspended, and, upon the motion for reading the bill a second time. Lord Derby admitted that this was not a time to enter upon a general discussion of Ireland. That country, it was well known, was at the present moment in a most perilous position, and it was not the time to ask the Government to enter upon a special vindication of the step which they had now taken, although he could not forbear to notice that the language of the Government, at the opening of Parliament a few days since, had been such as to convey the belief that, in their opinion, the ordinary process of law would be found sufficient for the occasion. If the bill were necessary, then it was also necessary that it should pass through all its stages without delay, and, therefore, he gave his cordial consent to the measure, at the same time abstaining from entering upon any consideration of the causes which have led to the pre- sent condition of Ireland. He could not, however, admit that the Fenian conspiracy was entirely due to the closing of the American war, because he knew that in 1859 the Phoenix conspiracy prevailed in Ireland, and had numerous branches in America. But the Government, upon their re- sponsibility, having proposed this measure, and the House of Commons having passed it with a very significant minority of dissentients, he hoped their lordships would not hesitate to give ifcfkeir unanimous support. The bill was then read a second time, and subsequently passed through all its stages. Lord Stanley of Alderley laid on the table a bill to enable the Irish Government to take possession of the telegraph lines in that country. The sitting was then suspended until the Royal assent could be procured to the Habeas Corpus Suspension (Ireland) BilL Upon the House resuming at 11 o'clock, the Cattle Dis- eases Bill was read a first time, and notice was given that on Monday the suspension of the standing orders would be moved, In order to pass the bill on that day. At 25 minutes to 1 o'clock the Royal assent was given by Commission to the Habeas Corpus Suspension (Ireland) Act, and the House adjourned. The House of Commons sat on Saturday at 12 o'clock, when Sir George Grey, pursuant to notice, asked leave to bring in a Bill to suspend for a limited period the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. He allowed that this was a strong and extraordinary measure, but assured the House that it would not have been asked for had not the ordinary powers of the law been found insufficient to check the wicked and the widespread Fenian conspiracy. Sir George traced the history of Fenianism in Ireland up to the cessation of the American war, when it assumed a more active form, owing to the stimulus which it received from the American organization. He read extracts from articles in the Irish People, and from documents seized by the police, to show that the object was to wrest Ireland from the British Crown, and that men, arms, and money were to be supplied from America for this purpose. The Government had hoped that the recent trials would have broken up the conspiracy, but the escape of Stephens had given fresh energy to it. He read reports from the Irish Executive stating that depots and manufactures of arms had been discovered in various parts, and that a large number of Irish-American emissaries were known to be dispersed throughout the country swearing In members, endeavouring to seduce the troops from their allegiance, and holding oat false hopes of material assistance from the United States' Government. Though in a few individual cases soldiers had been led astray, the Government had the fullest confi- dence In the loyalty of the-army as a whole, and with regard to the American Government, this conspiracy had not received the slightest shadow of support from them. Many of these emissaries had been arrested from time to time, but they were sufficiently wary not to carry evidence about with them which would justify the authorities in putting them on their trial. He described the steps which had been taken by the Government in despatching rein- forcements and spreading detachments throughout the country, and read letters from the Lord-Lieutenant to show that he had for some weeks contemplated the necessity of this measure. It was only, however, on Thursday that Lord Wodehouse had called on the Cabinet to Introduce the Bill at once stating that he corld not be responsible for the safetv of Ireland without these extraordinary powers. He pvnlained that the duration of the Bill was limited to the i it of September of this year, and impressed on the House /hp necessity of passing the BUI without a day's delay. Disraeli after pointing out to the Government that thev had allowed a clause in the Act of the 50th George III. ™™»aled last year which would have enabled them to nnmmarilv with these emissaries, admitted that SirG. Sment was authentic, and that it justified the House hi assenting to this partial suspension of the Consti- S While reserving the right of inquiring at some future time how far the conduct of the Government had ^ntolbuted to bring about this critical 'e of £ Ireland, he gave a complete support to the introduction of thMr.llBright expressed the shame and humiliation which he felt at being called on for a. second time in a Prahamentary career of 22 years to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. He asserted that Ireland was in a state of chronic agitation, and that the numerical majority of the Irish people were in favour of a complete separation from England. The causes of this he traced to the unjust legislation of the Imperial Parliament, which, since the Union, had passed many Coercion Bills, but only three really good measures for Ireland—the Catholic Emancipation Act. under the danger of civil- war; the Poor Relief Act; and the Encumbered Estates Act, under the pressure of a terrible famine. That there might have been Improved administration he admitted, but he denied that there had been any statemanship shown in dealing with the Irish question, and he doubted whether any of the Ministers in his time had comprehended it. Reattributed this in a great measure to the system of parties, and, in an eloquent passage, depicted»the happy results which might be secured if two great and trusted leaders like Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli, suspended their contests for office, would combine in an effort to ascertain the causes of Irish discon- combine in an effort to ascertain the causes of Irish discon- tent and to apply a remedy. He pointed out that the fact I of Fenianism hav ng to some extent a foreign origin aggra- vated the difficulty, and asked why Englishmen and Scotch- men. when they emigrated, did not, like Irishmen, carry with them an inveterate hatred to the Government and in- stitutions of the land ef their birth? He declared that it I was not in human nature to live content under such institu- tions as existed in Ireland, and when this insurrection was suppressed there would still remain the seeds of another crop of disaffection. He believed there was a mode of making Ireland loyal, and he threw the responsibility of dis- covering it on the Government and on the Imperial Parlia- crop of disaffection. He believed there was a mode of making Ireland loyal, and he threw the responsibility of dis- covering it on the Government and on the Imperial Parlia- ment. He did not oppose the bill, but hoped that the Go- vernment would give some assurance that before long mea- sures would be introduced which would tend to make Ire- land as contented as Great Britain. land as contented as Great Britain. Mr. Roebuck characterised Mr. Bright's speech as being meant for more mischief. He admitted that Ireland had been misgoverned in the past, but maintained that for the last 30 years every measure for her benefit had been carefully considered by Parliament, that Irishmen bad enjoyed the same personal liberty as Englishmen, and that they had no grievances to complain of which were not common to the rest of the Empire. Englishmen, he said, had to put up with an Established Church which was not the Church of the ma- jority, and with regard to tenant right, he asked why Irish and English proprietors should be put under a different law. He attributed much of the present discontent to the Roman Catholic priesthood, who for years had taught the people to hate English rule, but who now that they found themselves threatened by thi conspiracy had become wondrous loyal, and ridiculed the sentiment of nationality, showing that every great empire in the world's history had been made up of different nationalities. He called on Mr. Bright and those who thought with him, instead of vague declamations, to come forward with a programme of the measures which they thought ought to be carried. The O'Donoghue warned the House that this measure of coercion would create a panic in Ireland, augment disaffec- tion, and give an importance which it did not deserve. He asserted that the ordinary constitutional powers exercised with firmness and intelligence would have sufficed for the emergency; and in animadverting on the vacillation and weakness of the Irish Executive quoted from a speech of the Attorney-General to show that afew weeks ago they had not contemplated any such necessity. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, after replying to Mr. Disraeli's criticism on the the supineness of the Government in allowing the clause in the Act of George Ill. to be repealed, which he showed to be inapplicable to the present emergency, expressed the regret and pain with which he had listened to Mr. Bright's speech, many of the propositions In which were open to question, and most ill-tinfed. He protested against the fallacy involved in treating this question as if it were application of force to Ireland by an English Parliament, maintaining that the British Parliament was the Parliament of Ireland as well as of England and Scotland. He declined to recognize the voice of Ireland except as conveyed through the mouths of her legally elected representatives, and con- gratulated the House on the general unanimity with which Irish members had acquiesced in the Bill, contrasting it with the scene which took place in the House 18 years ago, when a similar proposal was made. The Government, he said, would be ready at the fitting time to consider any mea- sures which might be proposed for the benefit of Ireland, but he impressed upon the House that their single duty to-day was to strengthen the hands of the Executive for the pre- servation of law and order. On a division, leave was given to introduoe the Bill by 364 to 6 votes, and it subsequently passed through all its stages without further discussion. The report of amendments on the Cattle Diseases Bill was brought up and agreed to, and the Bill was read a third time and passed. Mr. Hunt's Bill was committed pro forma. The House then adjourned, and at 25 minutes to 1 o'clock went to the House of Lords to hear the Royal assent given to the Bill for suspending the Habeas Corpus in Irelai; and, on its return, adjourned. It may not be without interest to add that the ei-v members (including tellers) of the House of Commons w » voted on Saturday against the suspension of the Habeas ( r- pus Act in Ireland were: Mr. J. A. Blake, Waterford Rowland Blennerhassett, Galway; Sir George Bowyer, Dun- dalk; Dr. Brady, Leitrim; Mr. J. B. Dillon, Tipperary; Mr. J. F. Maguire, Cork city The O'Donoghue, Tralee; and >'• r. D. J. Rearden, Athlone. It is worthy of note that on u- last occasion-in July, 1848—when the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, the bill was likewise opposed by eight repre- sentatives of Irish constituencies. The minority was then ten, including tellers, but two Irishmen returned for English boroughs-Mr. Shannon Crawford and Mr. Feargus O'Connor -made up the number. It is also to be remarked that one of the members for Cork city was a teller on each occasion, Mr. Fagan having discharged the duty in 1848, and Mr. Maguire on Saturday last. In the House of Lords on Feb. 19, on the motion of Lord Stanley of Alderley, the Telegraph Act Amendment Bill, the object of which is to extend to the government of Ireland the power possessed by the executive in England to take possession of the telegraphs generally, was read a second time, and the standing orders having been suspended, it was passed through all its other stages. Earl Granville moved the second reading of the Government Cattle Diseases Bill, and stated its provisions, which have been so recently discussed in the House or Commons, and the standing orders having been suspended, the House went into committee on the bill. The various clauses were fully discussed, and eventually the bill passed through this stage, was then read a third time, and passed, and the he use adjourned. In the House of Commons, in answer to Mr. Hankey, Mr. M. Gibson said that a measure was in preparation forgiving to the public security that the statutory debentures ifsued by railway companies should not exceed the limit of their power under their acts. In answer to Lord Courtenay, the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer said that Mr. Boxall, R.A., had been appointed di- rector of the National Gallery, and his relations with the Treasury were the same as those of his predecessors. The only desire of the government was to appoint the most effi- cient man; and no precedent would be established for the selection of a painter or artist. In answer to Mr. Gregory, the Attorney-General for Ire- land said a bill relating to the cattle plague as regarded Ire- land had been prepared and was under consideration by the authorities of that country. Mr. Mainwaring asked why, when moments were so pre- cious, her Majesty was not in London to give the royal assent to the bill for Suspending the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that it was only on Friday that the cabinet.considered and decided on suspend- ing the Habeas Corpus Act in Ireland, and her Majesty hap- pening to be at Osborne, it was necessary to send the bill thither to receive the royal assent. In answer to Mr. Darby Griffith, Sir G. Grey said that there was no law, parliamentary or otherwise, which pre- vented the House sitting on a Sunday if any emergency re- quired it. The House then went into committee on the Cattle Plague (Mr. W. Hunt's) Bill. Mr. Hunt st&ted the object of his bill, which is to prevent all movement of cattle till the 25th of March, except from field to field for 209 yards, from a port to a slaughter-house 500 yards, and from a farm to a slaughter-house two miles, besides other minute exceptions. A number of the earlier clauses were struck out or post- poned. After a lengthy discussion, at nearly half-past 12 a motion to report progress was, on a division, negatived by 117 to 25, and the clauses were proceeded with. The National Debt Reduction Bill, and the Savings Bank and Post-office Savings Banks Bill were passed through com- mittee. The other business was gone through, and the House ad- journed.

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