The Aberystwith Observer

fianta CarrcsjtotoL. j [We deem it right to state that we do not identify ourselves f with our correspondent's opinions.] iParty politics in reference to the Budget now run kigh. In my capacity as a London correspondent, however, I have no desire to lean to either side I have but to note the aspects of the political horizon. It is impossible, then, to glance at the political world without ,coming to the conclusion that the present Government .are strong. They show signs of strength. The double attack by the Conservatives on the Palmerston Ministry has signally failed. Mr. Disraeli's onslaught and Mr. Du Cane's forlorn hope have both proved not only un- successful, but have, to a great extent, damaged the party that made the attempt. Giving the Conservatives every credit for sincerity, there is little doubt that the majority of the House and the country are against them on some of the leading features of the Budget. The battle of the Budget has now commenced in earnest and inch by inch the ground will be contested. It is curious to watch how the decisions of the House of Commons have an immediate action upon the interests of the country; for instance, we are reminded that the moment the House passed the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the wine duties, the change in this important branch of trade commenced. Till the 1st of January next there will be only a duty of 3s. a gallon on all foreign wines imported into this country and from that date a graduated scale of duties accord- ing to proof—Is. a gallon on wines under 18 degrees proof; Is. 6d. under 26 degrees; and 2s. under 40 degrees. Now commences the change in the wine trade. There will be, I suppose, a revolution in it such as it has never before had. People talk about the light wines of France as if they were the only wines to be affected by the new law; but we shall soon find the fact to be very different to this; Would that with this change in the law there were also more new regu- lations to prevent adulteration! How much "port" shall we have for sale now, I wonder ? Already there is about twice as much "port" sold in this country as really comes from Portugal. It is manufactured "port;" of course as much like genuine port as a penny Cuba'is like a genuine Havannah. An enormous lot of rub- bish will now be sent into the market, and it is high time that some powerful repressive measure were brought to bear upon the adulterators—not of wine only —but of almost every article of consumption. Mr. Scholefield's Bill will be, I fear, so far alrbut powerless in this matter. In connection with the wine-duty question there is another question arising out of the Budget which is of great interest. I refer to the proposed alterations in the licensing system. Opinions differ very widely here on this matter but there is no mistake about the opinions of the public-house interest. Public opinion varies,' but public-house opinion ia time as the needle, to the pole." The Morning Advertiser, as everybody knows, represents the publican interest,, and it is curious to notice how this journal attacks Mr. Gladstone for the changes he proposes to make. It says, for instance One year of the operation of Mr. Gladstone's licence to confectioners and proprietors of refreshment places generally, to sell wine, will inflict an injury on the morals of the community which it will require a whole generation to repair;" and it further opines that this part of the .Budget "will prove the parent of evils of such fearful magnitude, both as regards the present life and that which, is to come." But the most curious feature of the Tizer's" antagonism, is that it actually sides with the teetotallers :-—" We are glad to perceive that the Total Abstinence Society has begun to take up this question, and that the religious bodies are preparing to bring all their powerful re- sources to bear against the passing of that part of the Budget which contemplates the granting licences for the sale of wine to the classes we have mentioned." For a paper which is almost exclusively supported by pub- licans, which is managed by a committee of publicans, and which belongs, in fact, to the "licensed victuallers," this phase of political antagonism is certainly curious. By the way, it is very curious also that the publicans' paper should be edited by a teetotaller, but it is not more curious than true. Mr. Gladstone, however, has to contend against a powerful body when he has opposed to him the public-house interest. The publicans, as a body, are very powerful here. During the period of an election this power is manifested very decidedly. In London the candidates for senatorial honours are ob- liged to court the favours of the publicans. The com- mittee-rooms are all at public-houses, and in return for the large amount of custom which the election pro- ceedings brings to the house, Boniface gives the can- didate a good deal of assistance. Any one who puts up for a metropolitan district knows full well that he must engage a number of public-houses, or he will stand no chance. This accounts, perhaps, for the way in which the metropolitan members are opposing the proposed abolition of the public-house monopoly. If they do not, the publipans will mark them for vengeance next election. On dit that the match between the Prince of Orange and the Princess Alice is off, or, to speak more politely, that the offer of the Prince's hand and heart has been declined. Of course, the public are not supposed to know anything about it, but it has oozed out that an objection has been raised by her Majesty to the be- trothal. As the match would be, for political and religions reasons, of an advantageous character, it is whispered that the reasons why it is put off are of a serious and of a personal character. Speculation is, of course, on the qui vive to know what these reasons are. The ladies are in these matters the best judges, and the ladies come to a unanimous conclusion, as far as I know. They sum it up in a few words: "She don't like him." If this be the case, the decision at which the Queen has arrived does her great credit. Royal mothers have not usually been so considerate of young ladies* feelings. Your readers may often catch sight of such a para- graph as this:—" His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, honoured the performance of Christy's Minstrels with his presence on Thursday last, at the Town Hall, Oxford. His Royal Highness was attended by the members of his suite." This may all be very well; it is perfectly legitimate, no doubt, for the young gen- tleman to go and hear the Christy Minstrels, attended 'by the members of his suite." But, if all I hear be true, his Royal Highness likes now and then to rid himself of this incumbrance. Our old friend Haroun Alraschid, of the Arabian Nights, used to slip out from his courtiers, and' wander about Bagdad in disguise. All sovereigns, more or less, must have a fancy for the same thing. The Prince of Wales, however, is still in statupwpillai'i, and generally speak- >i.i T t • • ,ther J ales went How as I eard here- your f, the :ment e kably y had •ently -,f the paid to ine motion untu he tmu uad io unique an Jfthn matter alluded to. If any old trees had been cut dov -n he should be sorry for it. After some remarks from the Lord Chancellor, the Mar quis of Westmeath, and the Earl of Carnarvon, the sen "„s of hills for Consolidating the Criminal Law were read a see, md time. The House afterwards went into committee on the Indie t able Offences Bill and the Court of Chancery Bill whicl: I both passed through committee. The report of amendments of the Endowed Schools Bills was brought up and agreed to. The St. Mary in Rydal Marriages Validity Bill was read a third time and passed. Their Lordships then adjourned. In the House- of Commons the preset! tat'on of petitions for and against the chief points in the Budget agi;m«cpuoied a considerable^iortion of the early part of the eveiiidg. Mr. Jackson moved that a humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to Issue a Royal Commission to inquire into the system of control and management of her Majesty's dockyard, the pur- Chase of materials and stores, the cost of building, repairing, altering, fitting and refitting her Majesty's ships.—Ordered. Mr. Stanhope moved for some returns relating to the in- come tax, which were agreed to, Questions relating to different features of the Budget were put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer by several members, to which Mr. Gladstone gave suitable answers and explana- tions. In reply to Mr. Kinglake, Lord J. Russell stated that the papers completing the guarantee treaties, wli, ch had been moved for on Thursday last, required for the purpose of the discussion respecting Savoy and Nice, would be found in the 3rd volume of the State Papers. Some discussion followed on a motion by Mr. T. Dun combe relative to the Corrupt Practices Prevention Act, which was ultimately withdrawn. The adjourned debate on the Conservative amendment to the Budget was resumed by Mr. Hubbard, who made an able speech against the Government proposals. He was answered with equal ability by Mr. E. Baines, the member for Leeds. Several short speeches followed, of which the most notice- able were those of Mr. Horsfall and Mr. Byng, both in sup- port of the Budget. Sir F. Baring spoke at some length in general condemnation of Mr. Gladstone's scheme, expressing his alarm at the pro- spective deficiency of twelve millions in a Budget to be pre- sented in a newly-constitui ed Parliament. Mr. Bright observed that there was but one opinion ex- pressed in the country with respect to the general proposi- tion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the mQtion, which was a fair one, went to defeat the whole scheme, to reject the budget and the treaty, and to overthrow the Govern- ment. The result of this would be a new budget, indirect taxes, and, at the same time, an estrangement from France, which he thought would be very unfortunate. The treaty, he observed, was but a part of the proposition of the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, who proposed to reduce and simplify the tariff, and to abolish the hated excise upon paper and he asked the opponents of the Budget whether Id., or 2d,, or 3d., in the pound Income-tax was too much to pay for the great good which the country would receive from it. But, although he spoke thus in favour of the treaty, the Budget, and the relaxation of the tariff, he was not unmind- ful of one great blot in the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer he alluded to the frightful, the scandalous increase of expenditure, Mr. Whiteside, after a reply, seasoned with sarcasm, to Mr. Bright, discussed the treaty, which he termed a partial and one-sided instrument. He especially condemned the article binding England not to impose a duty on the exportation of csal, which deprived the House, he said, of its legislative authority in the matter. He returned to the speech of Mr. Bright, upon which he expended a good deal of declamation, lively, satirical, and discursive and then attacked the financial scheme of the Government,—the reduction of the wine duties, the repeal Of the paper duty, and the income- tax, upon the demoralising and mischievous effect of which he vehemently insisted, declaring the doubling of it to be an immoral proposition, calculated to corrupt society. The treaty, in his opinion, ought to be reconsidered, and the budget, under the circumstances of the country, he considered unwise and inexpedient. Mr. Cardwell observed that the motion demurred to no particular article in the treaty, nor to any proposition in the budget, but raised the whole question of our financial policy in the fairest manner. He justified the course pro- posed by the Government by the success of the policy upon which it was founded, observing that even where duties were altogether remitted, it was a mistake to suppose that no returns to the Exchequer were obtained by the remission. But returns to the Exchequer were not all the benefits con- ferred by the remission of taxation; it had trebled our foreign trade, added to the wealth of every class of the community, diminished the expense of pauperism, and ex- tended social comforts. On the motion of Mr. Newdegate, the debate was again adjourned. The Valuation of Rateable Property (Ireland) Bill passed through committee. After some further business, the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on Friday, Feb. 24th, Viscount Dun- gannon introduced his resolution about clergymen preaching in theatres, but it was by no means palatable to the House. Lord Shaftesbury and the Duke of Marlborough defended the special religious services. The Bishops said little and in the end Lord Dungannon withdrew his resolution, and the House adjourned. In the House of Commons, after a long series of questions upon a great variety of subjects had been put and answered, a novel question was put by Mr. Hadfield as to the great and disgraceful prize fight for what is called the championship of England. The Home Secretary remarked that he could do no more than instruct the police to prevent it, but he held out little hope that the police would scent out the time and place. The adjourned debate on Mr. Du Cane's motion was resumed by Mr. Newdegate, who condemned the financial plan of the Govrnment, and warned the House that 12,000,0002. would not represent the deficiency it would have to cope with in the year 1861-62, and this deficiency Mr. Bright, he said, threatened to fasten, by direct taxation, upon real property. Mr. Bright, in explanation, said he had never made such a proposition. Mr. Bernal Osborne replied at some length, answering those who called the Budget a Manchester one by saying that it was just because it was a Manchester Budget that he gave it his support. Mr. T. Baring spoke at some length against the treaty and the Budget. Mr. Milner Gibson had heard with regret, he said a person of such high authority in the commercial world as Mr. Baring condemn the policy and financial arrange- ments of the Government; but he recollected that Mr. Baring had been the uniform and persevering op- ponent of commercial reform. In defending the provisions of the treaty Mr. Gibson showed that the benefits conferred by it upon the agricultural class, in supplying articles which they were in the habit of consuming at a lower rate, would not be inconsiderable, while the poor-rate would be diminished by the demand for labour which the reductions of duty would create. There was, he observed, a great feeling against the income-tax; but 30,000,000z. expended upon our military and naval armaments obviously necessi- tated a high income-tax; and he contended that it was not out of proportion to our expenditure, being 36 per cent upon 70,000,000z., the same rate as when the tax was first introduced. He felt strongly that it would be most unfortunate if the House of Commons should throw out the French treaty, and put its veto upon the remissions of duty proposed by the Government on the ground that the income-tax was a little too high. Mr. Walpole explained his reasons for voting for the reso- lution, and foreshadowed the difficulties of next year. In voting for the resolution he had no wish to displace the Go- vernment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, after listening to the speech of Mr. Walpole, he could understand his premises apart from his conclusion, or his conclusion apart from his premises, but it was a riddle more hopeless than that of the Sphinx. He was favourable to the main features of the Bud- get, favourable to the treaty with France, and favourable to the maintenance of the Government, yet he was about to vote for the motton of Mr. Du Cane. After noticing some of the topics discussed by Mr. Walpole and Mr. Barirg, and as indignant allusion to a speech of Sir. J. Pakington at a hop-growers' meeting, denouncing the Budget, he passed to the general issue before the House, and the motion as it stood. The Budget, he observed, had been pronounced in that House ambitious, audacious, and a bold experiment upon the country; but Mr. Bright had given a different description of it. He had said truly that the Chancellor of the Exchequer could lay no claim to the merit of originality he simply walked in the footsteps of those who had gone before him. What, he asked, was the motion ? It declared that "it was not expedient to add to the existing deficiency by diminishing the ordinary revenue." Could this be recon- ciled with the treaty ? In its terms it was aimed at the very life of the treaty. But much more than this. It was an opinion repudiating and condemning the mass of our com- mercial legislation for the last 18 years. He reviewed the financial operations of 1842, 1845, and 185S, and in- sisted that the plan which he proposed corresponded with those measures, referring to special circumstances further justifying the course, the effecS1 of which would be to add to our resources, creating constantly growing funds by the remission of taxes. He admitted that it was impos- sible to expect a rapid return to a lower expenditure but, being on a high level of expenditure, let us he said, strengthen ourselves by pursuing the course which in former years had been found so efficacious. The stationary system of finance recommended by the motion would sacrifice the supply gained by past legislation, and provision must be made by new taxes. He was quite satisfied, he said, in conclusion, with the issue raised. If Parliament was to be reformed, the best security they could take was to show that they had done justice to all classes while the old system was in ex- istence. Mr. Disraeli denied the exact similarity between the measure the Chancellor of the Exchequer had introduced and those he had referred to in 1842, 1845, and 1853. Of the Budget he would say that it aimed at too much, and pro- vided too little. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had esti- mated his deficiency at 9,400,000^. it would be a moderate estimate to add a million more to the army expenditure on account of China; but, takingthe deficiency at only 9,400,0002. for the next year, he would find wanting the 1,400,0002. for malt and hop credits, while 1,000,0001, would be required tor Exchequer Bonds. It was because Mr. Gladstone's plan was not like those he had cited that the motion called upon the House to interpose and express an opinion upon his proposition. With respect to the treaty, he and his party had no prejudices against a commercial treaty with France on the contrary, if the position of affairs permitted, nothing could be more desirable. But his ob- jection to this treaty was that it was drawn with a want of forethought-'Jf knowledge of the circumstances with which the negotiator had to deal, and that by the treaty the defi- ciency under which we were suffering would be largely in- creased, to the extent of 500,0002. beyond the amount at which Mr. Gladstone had calculated his loss. He exposed what he characterised as the great failures of the famous budget of 1853, which he connected with that of 1860, and asked why, after these conspicuous failures, the House should put confidence in a wild and improvident project of the same financier. Adverting to the state of affairs in Italy, he put it to the House whether this was a moment when we ought to husband our resources, instead of sacrificing portions of our ordiuary revenue. Lord Palmerston said he was not going to discuss the ex- traneous topics introduced by Mr. Disraeli. He reoalled the House to the subject before it—a resolution which, in a short compass, was one of the most important ever submitted to it. The motion involved two questions-our commercial re- lations with a foreign country, and the development of our national resources at home; it asked the House to reject summarily and by anticipation the treaty and the Budget. If we were to face a large expenditure, we ought to do all we' could to increase our resources and the two measures were directed to that object, while they would spread over the other countries of Europe the sound principles of commer- cial intercourse. The House then divided, when the numbers were— For the resolution 223 Against 339 Mai orjty for the Government 116 Tho announcement of the numbers was received with loud applause. The remaining business having been disposed of, the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on Monday, Feb. 27, Lord Brougham called the attention of the House to the sufferings and hard- ships suffered by women and children employed in bleaching and dyeiug works, and asked the Government whether it was intended to extend the benefit of the Factory Act to such women and children. Lord Granville said lie would make inquiries on the subject. Lord Dungannon presented a petition from 300 women of a; vlesbury, against legalising marriage with a deceased wife's sis tor. and Lord Wodehouse'presented a similar petition from 42; 5 woiiimt of Aylesbury, to a contrary effect. After a few rex. uarks floul the Lord Chancellor and Lord Dungannon, the sub ject dropped I jord Hardwicke, in calling the attention of the country to the state of the naval reserve, thought that the present num- ber of our naval reserve was not sufficient for the defence of the country. He was sorry to see the little which had been as Y et done to provide the country with an efficient reserve, and condemned the practice of allowing .the Coastguard service LO he deteriorated by the indiscriminate admission of persons who had been engaged in the coasting trade. The Duke of Somerset, in reply, explained the steps which had been taken by the Admiralty to establish a supply of boys for the Navy by means of training-ships stationed at the naval and commercial ports, and proceeded to point out what improvements were contemplated on the present system, in order to make the education given to lads for the Navy efficient for rendering them good and able sailors. He said efficient for rendering them good and able sailors. He said that great liberality had been lately shown to seamen, and that means were now under consideration for the quicker and more frequent payment of wages. He hoped the number of volunteers would be much increased when the suspicions engendered by the extreme liberality of Parliament were dissipated, and when seamen became thoroughly impressed with the knowledge that they would never be called out ex- cept in cases of absolute emergency. After a few remarks from Lord Ellenborough, the subject dropped, and their Lord- ships adjourned. In the House of Commons, the House having resolved itself into a Committee on the Customs Acts, The Chancellor of the Exchequer' moved a resolution on the wine duties, introducing the motion with a minute and somewhat technical explanation, observing that the subject was one of the most difficult connected with fiscal and com- mercial law. He explained the reasons which had induced the Government to depart from the simple method of one uniform duty upon wine, and had compelled them to pro- pose a varying scale of duties. A uniform rate of Is. per gallon would have occasioned an enormous fiscal sacrifice but there was a much more serious reason-namely, the re- lation between the duty upon wine and the duty upon spirits, and hence it became necessary to adopt what was termed the alcoholic test. The proposed scale by the alcoholic test had some reference to value, and the system of classification had been resorted to in the case of sugars but the test in the case of wine was a more cer- tain one, and there was no fear of fraud. There was another important point, he observed, connected with this change- namely, the drawback on wines. As a general principle, in his opinion, nothing could be worse than the allowing of drawbacks upon articles subject to Customs duties (Excise duties being of a different character); and although on general grounds there was no reason whatever for allowing a drawback on stocks of wine, yet it happened that there were specific and partial arrangements under which a claim migbt be put forward on the ground of good faith. The Government, therefore, proposed to grant a drawback for reasons and on conditions which he explained. Mr. Baillie asked for more explicit and satisfactory in- formation as to the mode in which it was proposed to supply the deficiency of revenue, and Mr. Bentinck said the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not only about to reduce the revenue without showing how the deficiency was to be made up, but to take taxes off the luxuries of the higher classes without attempting to deal with those affecting the labouring poor. Mr. Crossley observed that the working classes would be benefitted by every measure which increased the demand for our goods, and consequently for their labour. The Chancellor of the Exchequer made a brief reply upon the various questions raised in the debate, which subse- quently, though of a discursive character, turned mainly upon two points—the malt-tax, upon which Mr. Ball and Mr. Bass made a vigorous onslaught; and the wine drawback, with reference to which Mr. M. Milnes moved an amend- ment of the resolution, enlarging the eonditions in favour of the holders of stocks but this amendment was negatived upon a division. The first part of the resolution was then agreed to; in the remaining part the Chancellor of the Exchequer substituted the 1st of January instead of the 1st of April" 1861, for the date on and after which the scale of duties according to strength should take effect; and for 15 degrees, as the rate of proof spirit at which the scale should begin, he substi tuted 18 degrees. After some further discussion, the resolution was agreed- to, and the Chairman was ordered to report the same. The Administering of Poison Bill was read a second time. After a short discussion, the Packet Service (Transfer of Contracts) Bill was read a second time, and other bills were advanced a stage. Mr. Cobbett obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to the office of coroner, and to provide for the payment of coroners by salary. The House then adjourned.

WHAT THE PAPERS SAY OF THE BUDGET AND THE DEFEAT. The result of the debate is not unexpected. The general principles of the budget are now, we presume, accepted for better or for worse. But it is still in the power of the Eng- lish party in the House of Commons to destroy the most obnoxious features of both treaty and budget, and we trust the opportunity will not be neglected—Morning Herald. THE ORDEAL OF COMMITTEE. Ministers had a majority of 116. Probably they may be satisfied with its magnitude, but even now it will be as well if they put some restraint upon their exultation at the vic- tory they have won. They had better not halloo before they are out of the wood-which they assuredly are not yet. There is such a thing as a committee, and that they may find to be a much more severe ordeal to pass through than they imagine We have seen in our time many a measure so much mangled in committee that when it emerged from it its author could hardly recognise his own offspring. We do not anticipate so rough a handling to the budget of Mr. Gladstone in its passage through committee, but it is at least within the confines of possibility that some important alterations will be made in it.-Morning Advertiser. A GOOD PROSPECT IN THE FUTURE. The majority of 116, in a very full House, against Mr. Du Cane's motion, is just what might be expected from the rather remarkable tact that not one of its supporters, how- ever ingenious or eloquent, has produced one real objection to the treaty with France and the financial measures of Government. There have been objections without number, and they have been stated with effect; but they have all been such as, rightly reasoned upon, told the other way. A very full House of Commons has pronounced strongly in favour of financial liberality and international confidence, as the principles which have conducted us through great difficulties to unexampled prosperity, and which are about to receive a new application, with results immediately perceptible, but of which time alone can tell the full magni- tude.-Times. "10 PJ5ANS" FOR VICTORY! The battle is won. Ancient jealousies and exploded errors have been invoked in vain. Protection may now go back to its holes, and take the spirit of war with it, for through the House of Commons the country has declared for Peace and Free Trade. The majority-" One Hundred and Sixteen is triumphant." This victory will resound throughout Europe, and its fruits will be blessed by our children's children.- Daily News. A SECOND VICTORY IN ONE WEEK. By this division the House has pledged itself to good policy towards England and good faith towards France, No elo- quence could be so effective as the recapitulation of the facts. The second attack on the Government in one week has been defeated by nearly double the numbers that fixed the fate of Mr. Disraeli's first attempt on Tuesday last. Such a result will have immense effect throughout Europe.— Morning Post. THE SEAL OF FREE TRADE. The division challenged on Monday night upon a point of constitutional form, showed a majority of only 63. That number is now nearly doubled-the question at issue being, first, the commercial treaty with France; and secondly, a more complete realisation of the principles of free trade. The House of Commons has now set its seal on both. Once more it is proclaimed that peace and commercial freedom shall be the basis of our national policy.—Morning Chronicle.

THE CUSTOMERS AT OUR SHOP! A return has been issued by the Board of Trade of the declared value of British and Irish produce and manufactures exported from the United Kingdom during the past year. From this document the follow- ing list has been compiled, showing the order in which "the various communities of the world rank as our cus- tomers. Its chief feature is again the extraordinary growth of our Eastern trade :— In 1857 the value of our exports to Australia was exactly equal to those to India, namely, 11,600,0002. In the subse- quent two years the Indian total has increased 75 per cent., while our commerce with Australia, although better in 1859 than 1858, shows a decline. Within the same period, also, our dealings with China have doubled. Contrasted with the figures of 1858, the trade with our own possessions during the past year, which still constitutes more than 35 per cent. of the entire export operations of the United Kingdom, presents an increase in all instances save those of the West Indies, Singapore, the Channel Islands, Mauritius, the Ionian Islands, and British Honduras. The shipments to the United States, which experienced a serious check after the panic of 1857, have recovered to a point beyond their former scale, and are now more than 17 per cent. of our total exports foreign and colonial, and 27 per cent, of our foreign exports alone. Germany, although her trade with us has declined for the past three years, takes about half as much as the United States, and'then follow South America and Holland. France again presents a falling off sufficient to indicate a most unhealthy state of the commercial relations of the two countries. In 1857 Turkey stood before Russia; but last year their positions were transposed. Spain, Portugal, Naples, and the Papal States all figure on the unfavourable side. Sardinia, however, shows a good increase. Sweden and Norway have also carried on a large trade, while that with Belgium has been unsatisfactory. Finally, it is to be remarked that our trade with Euro- pean States is every year becoming of a mbre secondary character as compared with that which we have estab- lished among our colonial and American progeny. It is to those quarters that the magnificent augmentation exhibited in the present total over 1858, and which renders it of unprecedented amount, is entirely due, .The general increase is 13,831,671?., while to the colo. nies and the United States it was 14,022,424?.

A HINT TO VOLUNTEERS. The Saturday Review, in some respects a very clever London paper, makes the following observations:- A great part of the doubt which veteran officers enter- tain as^o the utility of volunteers would be dissipated if the^precepts laid down for general training in Fistiana" were diligently acted upon during the next three months. We should then see bodies of active, patient, volunteer soldiers, ready to bear at least as much fatigue as any regiment of the line, and to bear it with more cheerfulness. It is not demanded of professional men that they should train rigidly like the boxer. Their occupations would not permit it; but to imitate his mode of training as far as circum- stances will allow." The training which is here recom- mended depends only upon diet and exercise. A man who had habitually practised it lately showed himself able, at more than seventy years of age, to walk from London to Canterbury. Depend upon it," says the author of "Fistiana," "that man had been a tempe- rate, a sober, nay, a chaste man." The boxer's mode of life ought to be so simple and natural that it is to be feared that in London only a distant imitation of it would be possible. He is to rise with the sun, and in summer time he is also to go to bed with it. His food is to be beef and mutton, plainly. cooked. country-made bread, and a very moderate allow- ance of genuine home-brewed beer. If possible, let him avoid tea and coffee altogether; but if the habit of taking them cannot be wholly laid aside, he must be content to drink them cold. Such, then, are the limits of sensual enjoyment prescribed to the combatants in the interval before the fight. Of the active duties of a boxer in training—of his walking, running, sparring with his preceptor, pummelling away at stuffed sacks, and wielding clubs and dumb-bells—itis enough to say, when the day of battle comes, it is often felt as a relief from the more severe punishment of the preparation. Many a pugilist has exulted in his escape from his trainer's hands into his adversary's, just as, in armies where a severe discipline prevails, the actual duties of a campaign come to be looked upon as a sort of holiday. And we believe, from the character of the men, that the 16th of April will be awaited by Sayers and Heenan in the same cheerful spirit. It is to be hoped that the American's demand for a fair field and no favour will be conceded. If the ring is ever to regain its ancient reputation, the first step will be to make sure that all the proceedings in it are above suspicion of partiality in umpires, or of dishonesty in combatants.

A SKETCH OF THE POPE IN PUBLIC AT ROME. A correspondent of the Times gives tke subjoined sketch of a recent public demonstration at the University of Rome, at which the Pope was present 1 was on the square. It was 11 o'clock, as I told you. There were a hundred idlers about; not more, I assure you, mixed with the priests, and a large posse of the police. There was no cheer, no cry whatever. The Pope did not look at his ease. I saw no longer on his lips that usual simper which has given rise to so great a variety of interpretation among political physiognomists. He was received on the threshold by the two cardinals. He proceeded to visit the church lately restored; he then passed on to the main hall (Aula Massima),' where he sat on a throne reared for the occasion. There the Count Thomas Geroli, the dean of the legal faculty, with a trembling and unin- telligible voice read the address. Geroli is known as I a well-thinking man." The Pope tendered his foot to the kisses of all persons present; he then stood up, and answered, in Italian, these words, which I most faithfully report:— I gladly accept, gentlemen, the feelings which I feel (sic) expressed in your address-both those which refer to your duties as instructors of youth, and those which you express towards our person. As to the former I advise you to abide with firmness by your resolutions for the others, I thank you. Certainly our position is at this present moment excep- tional. The present disposition of our youth gives us great cause to fear, as they are, indeed, too proiie to seduction. Those who venture upon this are not many, it is titie-but they are free and bold (sic), and by their evil arts they lead the inexperienced into their own way. I have no more to tell you-nay (sic), will tell you that I have read in a certain paper a sentence which has attracted my attention and has pleased me much this is it,—that the political funerals of the Popes breathe an air of life. Yes, certainly, instructed by the history of our predecessors, I have found out that this sentence is true. I add, that that spirit of prayer which is so universally aroused among the Catholics is also the work of God, and we may, therefore, confidently trust that no greater evils will oppress us. What has occurred in this place (alluding to the riot among the students) is an event which I do not wish to recall to Milid-nay, I will not speak of it. I wish, however, to tell you, that before leaving home IV (sic) I have received some information which has greatly consoled me. In a second-rate Italian town which has gone asunder from the Pontifical dominions, and where a high school exists-you understand me, Bologna-some good priests have celebrated a mass according to the intention (mark well !) of the Holy Father. The fact being brought to the knowledge of those young men (the students), they have clubbed their money to have other masses said to this same holy purpose. I do not say this to induce you to follow their example, oh, no I say it only to tell of my great satisfaction, since prayer is what we must principally rely upon and I am certain that the prayers of so many Catholics throughout the world will not be unfruitful before the Lord, whose blessing I invoke upon you. Benedictus, &c. After closing his speech he descended from the throne, and dismissed the bystanders; he then visited several museums, greatly enriched, enlarged, and rebuilt in the best style by himself. I am told that he distributed his liberalities on that day also, but have not ascertained the fact. At eight minutes to two o'clock the Pope again reappeared on the threshold of the main entrance. The square was all taken up by the carriages of his retinue, by dragoons, and noble guards. His handsome carriage "stopped the way," but the marble posts on either side rendered it im- possible for strangers to approach. Behind these posts were about 30 persons, with the notorious Lieutenant Lumaca (Snail, a nickname), at their head. As soon as the Pope showed his broad, round, full-moon face, they cried "Yiva il Santo Padre After that shout there arose another cry, or rather shriek, in the midst of all that swarming of horses and carriages. They were poor beggar women by hundreds, who called out, "Bread, Bread!" (Pane, pane! volemo piu grosse, moriino dalla fame)—we want bigger loaves, we are starving!" The Pope thrust his hand into his pocket, took out a purse, which he gave to Monsignor Ferrari, and then got in his carriage. Both cries, the cheer and the call of distress, were repeated several times. The Pope—I watched him well-glanced at all that beggarly crowd, rubbed his hands again and again, and turned to talk to one of the Monsignori by his side. The carriage drove off, and the gendarmes drove the poor rabble to the neighbouring palace of M. Ferrari, the treasurer, where five bajocchi (2Jd.) per head were distributed.

A PERSECUTED PRIEST. A capital story is told by the author of the article in the CiviltA Cattolica, which is to the point here (says the author of a very amusing article—" Robo di Roma"—in the Atlantic Monthly) and which, even were it not told on such respect- able authority, bears its truth on the face of it As very frequently happens, a, poor bottegaio, or shopkeeper, being hard-driven by his creditors, went to his priest and prayed him earnestly to give him three numbers to play in the lottery. But how under heaven," says the innocent priest, has it ever got into your head that I can know the five numbers which are to issue in the lottery ?" Eh Padre mio I what will it cost you ?" was the answer. Just look at me and my wretched family; if we do not pay our rent on Saturday, out we go into the street. There is nothing left but the lottery, and you can give us the three num- bers that will set all right." Oh, there you are again! I am ready to do all I can to assist you, but this mat- ter- of the lottery is impossible; and I must say, that your folly in supposing I can give you the three lucky numbers, does little credit to your brains." Oh, no no do not say so, Padre mio Give me a terno. It will be like rain in May, or cheese on my maccaroni. On my word of honour, I'll keep a secret. Via You, so good and charitable, cannot refuse me the three numbers. Pray, content me this once." "Caro mio! I will give you a rule for always being content:—Avoid Sin, think often on Death, and behave so as to deserve Paradise,-and so Basta basta Padre mio That's enough. Thanks! thanks God will reward you." And, making a pro- found reverence, off the bottegaio rushes to his house. There he takes down the Libro dei Sogni," calls into consultation his wife and children, and, after a long and earnest discussion and study, the three numbers corresponding to the terms Sin, Death, and Paradise are settled upon, and away goes our friend to play them in the lottery. Will you believe it ? the three numbers are drawn,—and the joy of the poor bottegaio and his family may well be imagined. But what you will not imagine is the persecution of the poor priest which followed. The secret was all over town the next day, and he was beset by scores of applicants for numbers. Vainly he protested and declared that he knew nothing, and that the man's drawing the right numbers was all chance. Every word he spoke turned into numbers, and off ran his hearers to play them. He was like the girl in the fairy story, who dropped pearls every time she spoke. The worst of the imbroglio was, that in an hour the good priest had uttered words equivalent to all the ninety numbers in the lottery, and the players were all at loggerheads with each other. Nor did this persecution cease for weeks, nor until those who had played the numbers corresponding to his words found themselves, as the Italians say, with only flies in their hands.

A, FRENCH SAVANT'S STRUGGLES. The trial of poor Lablanche, for the illegal practice of medicine, has given us (writes a Paris correspondent) a little practical insight into the reality of that suf- fering amongst savants, of which, when we read, we take no account, deeming it exaggeration of the roman- tic brain. Lablanche, who from his youth up loved to drink for ever at the fountains of science, and could never quench his thirst notwithstanding, after having sacrificed everything to the pursuit of a certain secret in electricity, found it at last-but how? By blowing himself up, and being left for dead, on the floor of the garret, of which the roof had been carried out into the fields by the force of the explosion. The neighbours, who had all rushed to the spot, hastened to convey what they thought the remains of poor Lablanche to the dead-house of the nearest hospital. But there the sur- geon's examination pronounced the man still living, and after much care and curiosity concerning this "inter- esting case," on the part of the doctors, the pieces of the man were so skilfully joined together again that he was pronounced to be no longer of interest sufficent to remain at the hospital, and was sent off to the Bicetre deaf, dumb, and blind! After many years' intense suffering, he became more interesting to the doctors, inasmuch as he was found to be gradually recovering the use of his faculties. When this was almost accom- the use of his faculties. When this was almost accom- plished, the interest ceased once more, and he was therefore bidden to go forth and seek his bread, in order to leave his place to other interesting cases of the like nature. Now it is very well known that the world having no need of savants, they can do nothing but starve, and even that they seem longer about than any other class of men. Lablanche had no clothes, nor money, nor treasure of any kind, but what he carried in his brains—he had no house, and nothing to eat- where was he to go ? What was he to do ? The very first person of whom he made the inquiry, replied promptly, Go on to the open ground of the Boule- vard Sebastopol, and give lectures on chemistry to the .blouses, at a penny a head. Here was Peru! So Lablanche immediately set sail with a bit of canvas rag, a board, and a pair of trestles. In a few weeks his course of lectures became so popular that he was enabled to purchase an electric machine; and with this, so great was' his success, that he was sent for by many doctors to apply it in cases of necessity to their parents. Now set in the tide of popularity. Blouse after blouse was lowered from the shoulders of the wearers in damp weather, when rheumatic pains are sharp, and the sous came pouring into the savant's wooden bowl, like refreshing dew on the parched and thirsting earth. Lablanche was becoming rich; he could already afford an onion to his dry bread, when the large sinewy hand of the sergeant de ville arrested the wheel of fortune in a moment by being extended for the license to practise medicine with which he ought to be provided. Lablanche had never possessed the means of obtaining such a luxury, and canvas, board, and trestles were therefore hauled down in a minute, and, with their owner, carried off to prison. It is comforting to think that the magistrates only inflicted a nominal fine of five francs for the past; but by bidding him go and sin no more, have deprived him of his onion for the future.

PARLIAMENTARY SCRAPS. The long debate in Parliament on the Budget and the treaty of commerce has elicited some brilliant speeches from the notabilities among our representa- tives, from which we extract the following ^interesting paragraphs:— SEVENFE NINEPENNY, OR TENPENNY INCOME-TAX ? Hon. members (said Mr. Milner Gibson) say we cannot get rid of the income-tax, and they call it a war tax. Why is it a war tax? Because it is a tax imposed when you have a large expenditure for military and naval armaments. (Hear, hear.) You have a large expenditure now. It is. not war nor the expenditure for war that necessitates an income-tax. Thirty millions of expenditure upon military and naval armaments of course necessitates a rather high income-tax. (Hear.) Is after all a tenpenny income-tax so much out of proportion at this time ? The expenditure to be altogether pro- vided for this year by the tax payers of the country amounts to the sum of seventy millions and upwards, and is it so much out of proportion to ask ten-pence income-tax, as a contribution to this large expenditure ? But hon. members opposite say that it is out of the question, and that a nine- penny income-tax would be just the thing. I would like to have some proof of that, and how you would make a nine- penny income-tax just the figure. I suppose you are not going to make that reckless onslaught on the establishments of the country which the lion, member for Stamford said would be made. I don't believe it I believe that the people of this country will support what they think is necessary for the establishments of the country. (Hear.) I don't believe in those reckless onslaughts, for I have great confidence in the good sense of the people of the country. A tenpenny income- tax is objected to, but it is said that a ninepenny income-tax would be bearable-or an eightpenny income-tax. The hon. baronet the member for Stamford promised a sevenpenuy income-tax if you take his Budget, but I have been looking to his figures, and I think he is too sanguine. But you would not have his sevenpenny income-tax except at the price of rejecting the French treaty. BREAD RENDERED DEARER IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES BY FREE TRADE. It has been said that the repeal of the corn-laws had not had any appreciable effect upon the price of bread. He (Mr. Hubbard) did not think that was so, but the great merit of that measure was, that it made bread dearer in other coun- tries. It had, in fact, equalised the price of bread, and thus, by making labour dearer abroad, had enabled us to find niar- kets for our manufactures which otherwise would not have been opened to us. BRIGHT ON COBDEN. But if this negotiation was secret, it has also been success- ful, for I think there never was a treaty of equal magnitude, involving such vast interests, promising such great results, begun, continued, and ended within the same space of time. The Chancellor of the Exchequer spoke in much more grace- ful language of my hon. friend. He feels indebted to him, as I do, and as, I undertake to say, the great majority of the people do. He described him as a benefactor of his country, though undecorated and unrewarded. Ho is undecorated, so far as those stars and crosses go which, in the history of the world, I think, have been earned as often by baseness as by merit. But he is honoured by the confidence of two Governments, and by the affections of the great body of the people of this country. As for his reward, he is rich in the consciousness that his public life has been devoted to the public good and in whatever pMt of the world is found intelligent humanity, there are hearts ready to bless the beneficence of the labour in which he has been employed. A HIGHWAYMAN CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER Might he tell the Chancellor of the Exchequer (said Mr. Horsman in the House the other day) by the use of a familiar illustration, what was the real difference between Sir Robert Peel's policy and his? Sir Robert Peel was a gentleman who laid out a certain portion of his income in draining the land, expecting by a larger, produce to raise money with which to pay his debts. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, lie wa.s afraid, was like the spendthrift who squandered the money that might have fertilised the soil, and then, haras- sed by debt, went upon the highway and robbed the firsts comer. (Loud cheers from the opposition.) A WARNING FROM MB. NEWDKGATE.: The scheme of the hon. member for Birmingham would include the abolition of duties on sugar, coffee, and tea, and he (Mr. Newdegate) warned the House that twelve millions would not then represent the deficiency they would have to cope with. The right hon. gentleman the Secretary for Ire- land had quoted Adam Smith, but Adam Srhii h recommen- ded that they should maintain the Navigation laws. He reminded the House of the part which had been taken by the hon. member for Birmingham in exciting public agitation. The hon. member spoke in that House with some moderation, but out of the House he spared the use of no language to condemn its members. The hon. member said that members of that House thrived upon the sweat of the brow of the people whom they oppress and yet .this same hon member boasted of the prosperity of the country, and was everlastingly declaring the triumph of free trade. HOT OR COLD PLATES! I have a right (said Mr. Bright), to claim the right hon member for Buckinghamshire, particularly as a fnend of this treaty. At a time when he was not the leader of a great party that right hon. gentleman was a giant in another field. He left that position to assume one more laborious, though I know not whether more useful than the line he laboured in before. In one of the admirable works which the right hon. gentleman wrote for the edification, or rather amuse- ment of his countrymen, he described the mode of an En- glish nobleman's living at Paris. He stated that Lord Mon- mouth's dinners were always celebrated, and that the secret of his lordship's success in dinners was, that his plates were always hot,—while French dinners were generally served with cold plates, because the ordinary French porcelain could not endure the preparatory warming. The right hon, gentleman, with an instinct which we cannot too much ad- mire, burst into something like an exclamation on this sub- ject. He says :—" If we only had that treaty of commerce with France which has been so often on the point of com- pletion, the fabrics of our unrivalled potteries could be advantageously exchanged for their capital wines. The din- ners of both countries would be improved. The English would gain a delightful beverage, and the French, for the first time in their lives, would dine off hot plates." And he concludes with an observation which I recommend to his devoted followersAn unanswerable instance," he says, "of the advantages of commercial reciprocity." A REGULAR PEACE DISTURBER! There was not a Government in Europe which had not been in a position of disquietude since the present ruler of France had filled the throne-there was not a Cabinet in Europe which might not turn doubtingly and despondingly to England, marvelling how she could a second time incur the heavy and lasting responsibility of giving to a dangerous, dominant, restless, and expiring military Power a vast ac- cession of character, strength, and influence not unlikely to be used for purposes which England could not afterwards control. Was he exaggerating the gravity of the questions before them ?—Jf?-. Horsman. THE DANGEROUS TAX. He (Mr. Baring) would ask, was there not possible injury to the labourer by a high income-tax ? (Hear, hear). Would, any hon. member say that it did not reduce the means of many a man ? Did it not compel curtailment in the employ- ment of labour? Could he clothe his family as well, feed them as well, and above all educate them as well? A lOd. income-tax would, to many a family, be the cause of absolute and necessary reductions- (hear, hear)-and would not those reductions tell upon the labouring classes of the country ? (Hear, hear.) The fact was, that they could not tax the rich man without injuring the poor. More than this, the income- tax was a most dangerous weapon to rely upon. It was an easy engine in the hands of any Ministry but no one knew the moment people; impatient of taxation, might refuse to sanction- its oontinuance, and thereby place the finances of the country in a most critical position. WAR ESTIMATES AND A PEACE POLICY. The policy of the Government was to have large war esti- mates this year in order to obtain security against France. Security against France Why, they had just concluded a treaty of peace and friendship with France. Let the House see that Treaty, because they then could reduce the esti- mates. Oh, no," was the answer; the treaty lead# to a large increase in the estimates." We had, in truth, to raise taxes for war while negotiating subsidies for peace we addressed our ally with a sword in one hand and a sop in the otper and while we remitted2,000,0001. of taxes to live on terms of peace with the Emperor, we took care to add 10 000 OOOl. to the other side of the account that we might meet him in the shock of war. He (Mr. Horsman) did not comprehend that double policy it was not satisfactory to the country we-had to sustain the expense of peace and war at the same time. If we might have peace with France, let us make every eliOTt which a civilised, Christian people could exert to establish it if, on the other hand—which might Heaven avert I-we had to go to tfar with France, let us gird up that war. But it was the present system of ar'^ expenditure, with the policy of'either, that was g«evous and perplexing for, although the Government told the country they had concluded a treaty of peace, their armaments were far more eloquent than their treaty; and it was little com fort to know they had peace on their lips when they had war ia their Budget.. CHOWLERS Hon. members may recollect that in this country there was a eentlpman whose name, I tLniK, was Hiowicr, aim who =aW verv extravagant things at agricultural, meetings, encouraged by hon. gentlemen opposite. If I am notmis- tikPT) hi'tnid US on one occasion that the farmers had more hoMeq than any other class in the country, and, what was also a eood thing, they knew how to ride them. He also said-I hope I am not misrepresenting him, for I speak merely from the newspaper reports and my own recollection -that they would rather march upon Manchester than upon Paris. I hope Mr. Chowler ia now a penitent and a convert to free trade. But there are many of his class in France The French Cllowler-(a laugh)-said the other day that this treaty would have to be rent by cannon shot. That is very fivuch the same sort of thing, but expressed rather in shorter and severer language, as was said in this country. I have no doubt there is somebody in France who occupies the position of the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucks, with less genius, I dare say, in the management of a bad cause,—(a laugh)-but, perhaps, with more faith in it than I think the right hon. gentleman feels. Nay, if we were as familiar with France as we are with England, we should doubtless find somebody who, like the hon. member for North Warwickshire, gets up and recites the unintelli- gible statistics of his party.— Mr. Bright. A FREE AND EASY. In his speech in Parliament the other evening upon the special services in the London theatres on Sundays, Viscount Dungannon said it was stated in the public papers that on the curtain being drawn up at Sadler's Wells the clergyman appeared in a garden scene the boxes were filled with ladies and gentlemen in white kid gloves, just as at an ordinary theatrical performance; and during the delivery of the sermon cheers were heard from the gallery, while oranges and ginger-beer bottles were going their ordinary rounds. At the victoria Theatre placards were put up announcing that refreshments were provided, and the noise from corks flying about and the sale of apples and provisions was such that the clergyman had to pause, and take a show of hands whether the audience wished to hear him, or to allow these things to proceed.

A MYSTERY TO BE UNRAVELLED. Little more than three years ago the murder of an aged couple, attended with circumstances of great atrocity, was perpetrated in the rural and secluded vil.age of Bolton-upon-Dearne. On the night of the 4th of December, 1856, it will be remembered that Luke White, an aged person who was the village postmaster, and kept a small druggist's shop, and was a local preacher, while apparently engaged in preparing his sermon for the following Sunday, heard some one come to his shop door, and on going to see what was wanted he was knocked down and ruthlessly murdered. His wife, hearing a noise in the shop, appeared, while going along the passage leading from the house into the shop to see what was the matter, to have been met and also murdered, both bodies being found wel- tering in a large pool of blood in the forenoon of the next day. No traces of robbery having been com- mitted were visible, and the affair was enshrouded in the most impenetrable mystery. Although every effort was made by Colonel Cobbe and the superintendent of the neighbouring division of constabulary, and large rewards offered, not the slight- est clue could be found to the perpetrators of the horrid crime, and the coroner's inquest, after sitting for a considerable time, was obliged to return an open verdict. The only person to whom the finger of suspicion pointed was the village constable, but no object could be shown, nor could the slightest evidence be adduced to in any way connect him with the dreadful deed; but, on the contrary, it was shown that the deceased had been one of his warmest supporters, and had that day been engaged in getting up a memorial to Colonel Cobbe, in favour of the constable being permanently stationed in the village. However, nothing coming to light, he left the village, and has since been living in anxious ex- pectation that something would turn up to unravel the mystery. Recently, however, we are glad to say (says the Times), circumstances have transpired which are likely to throw some light upon the tragedy. On the day the murder was committed a hawker was said to have been in the village of Bolton, vending caps and small wares, but no clue could be obtained to him afterwards nor could he in any way be connected with the com- mission of the deed. During the past week an Irish hawker, who is said to be undergoing six years' penal servitude at Portsmouth, has made certain statements to a companion relative to the affair. These were communicated to the governor of the gaol in which he is undergoing his imprisonment, and information has since been forwarded to the superintendent of the West Riding constabulary at Doncaster. The hawker, who has pointed out the guilty parties, states that although he himself did not commit the murder, he was in the house when the murdered couple were lying dead on the floor. The names of the perpetrators have not yet been made known, neither has the nature of the confession, further than what has been stated, although we understand the hawker completely exone- rates.the constable from any participation in. the mur- der. The police are now, however, making strict inquiries, with a view to the affair being unravelled, and it is hoped that the mystery in which the tragedy has so long been enveloped will soon be cleared away.

AN ODD PARLIAMENTARY SCENE. The Parliamentary limner of the Illustrated Times thus de- scribes an odd Parliamentary scene In the House of Commons last week, when the.May- nooth debate was on, there was a scene that no one ever saw before, and which we hope will never be seen again. Mr. Spooner was at all times an odd-looking man. His features are strongly marked; he has a wonderful nose, and a not less remarkable chin. He is short, round- shouldered, and his clothes, which look as if they were made by a village tailor, hang loosely upon his oddly- shaped person. But Mr. Spooner, as he addressed the House on this occasion, was the strangest sight we ever saw. He is, as our readers have been before in- formed, nearly blind, and, therefore, he was obliged to come down from his usual place and stand at the table, that he might have the advantage of a couple of can- dles, which had been brought in for his special use. And, further, he wore a pair of large goggles (i.e. round projecting spectacles, guarded at the side by black silk to protect his eyes from the glare of the light); and as the old man stood there in the blaze of the gas from above, and the light of the two extra candles shining full upon his strange features, and in hollow, pulpit tones poured forth his discourse, there was some- thing almost weird and ghostly in the scene. Mr. Spooner spoke for nearly an hour and a half, and we suppose that the reporters in their loft above must have heard him, but very few of the members, we venture to say, heard a word; for, in the first place, nobody listened; and, in the second, there was such a buzz ot conversation pervading the House from the be. ginning to the end of his speech that it was quite im- possible for even the most attentive to catch more than now and then a word. It has become the practice of late years to allow Mr. Spooner to exercise: his hobby- horse alone. Nobody has supported and nobody an- swered him. Maynooth has long been voted a bore which is thoroughly hated in the House, and excites now no feeling out of doors. On this occasion, how- ever, the rule was relaxed. Mr. Newdegate and Mr. Pope Hennessy got up to support, and Mr. Patrick O'Brien to reply; and Mr. Hadfield said something, but what it was we have not the smallest notion. We saw him standing high up near the wall, throwing his arms about violently, and could see that he was in a great passion; and now and then we were conscious of some inarticulate shriek above the elemental row, but nothing more, for as soon as Mr. Spooner sat down the buzz of talk broke out into a storm. It was near dinner- time, and the members were determined to have the division before they went to feed. Mr. Pope Hennessy is bidding high for the ear of the House, but he cannot be said to have fairly gotten it yet; and we question whether he ever will prove an effective speaker. Mr. Patrick O'Brien's quotation of a saying of O'Connell, that there is nothing so dangerous as a pious fool," though true ought to have been kept in. A young man should never try to wound an old man. Mr Spooner, though weak, is sincere; and, as he has no long to live, it is as well to let him ride this broker winded, spavined old hobby of his for an hour or tv; every year in quietude. It pleases him, and does litfe harm to any one now. It is a curious fact, that a that very night the poor old gentleman lost his wi. She had been imbecile, or something worse, for a l<g time, and took her flight to better worlds that nighf

A GOOD TIME COMING! A writer in a contemporary thus dilates on that gpest plague in life," the difficulty of getting a good servant It is, however, an ill wind that blows no goodnd this difficulty of getting servants must have therect of bringing people to live less for show, lncning wealth tempts families of posit to imitate, on a small scale, the establishments of theeat, and the happiness of thousands is destroyed by tvam desire to impose on their neighbours Sensibleople will soon begin to do as much without servants they can. There are many things which it is custony to summon a servant to do for you, but which it ieally much pleasanter to do yourself; and ladies v soon begin to see that they would be much more countable and independent if they at least knew how woJught to be done. The day will come when cated Englishwomen will know how to cook, and wready see the blessed promise of the dawn. A knodge of the English language, quite correct gramn quite correct pronunciation, the right use of wordse right Eitch of voice, combined with a knowledof the igher branches of cookery, ought to bei main features of every girl's education. We muandidly own that these features are at present neged, and are in fact despised. But some day or othae voice of educated men will frighten women into thng their own language the most important part of sar study, and the want of servants will force learn enough cooking to give instructions to the iierienced maids they will be only too glad to get. iresent it is quite true that cooking would be though low as a knowledge of English is thought unnecey.