The Aberystwith Observer

(Dur .f anion Corns pntoii. [We deem it right to state that we do n .ot identify ourselves with oar correspondent's opinions.] Government are progressing fairly with their budget, and, with the exception of a few minor modi- fications, it is probable that the whole of the resolu- tions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be passed. The bill for the abolition of the paper duty which is, in fact, a part of the budget, may now be considered safe. The Chancellor of the Exchequer having agreed to allow the paper makers a drawback, it seems to me that the trade has nothing to complain of, and the measure is one which will benefit the public. There are, of course, some arguments in favour of the retention of the duty, but the argu- ments are certainly in favour of the abolition. What a contrast was the debate on the paper duty to some of those illiberal, narrow-minded notions which the Sidmouths and the Castlereaghs of half a* century back used to enunciate! What a tribute was paid to the value of the Cheap Press-the people's press The press may now be considered entirely free. No more Excise spies, no more antiquated security laws, no compulsory stamp, and no censorship. Not that we have, in the present generation, been afflicted with this; but the thought will force itself onus when hearing of the miserable fettered condition of the conti- nental press. Thank God for a free press! The liberty of unlicensed printing," of which Milton wrote, was a good thing to obtain by stealth; the liberty of licensed printing was better; but the liberty of printing with- out Government being able either to license or prohibit, is a grander thing still. If anything should make us love our country well, it is our free, enlightened, moral ress. May we continue to use our power wisely and Your readers cannot be expected to take much interest in the management of our suburban gardens open for the amusement of the public, but I may be allowed to allude to a matter which is of general interest. The Royal Surrey Gardens, made famous as having been so long the preaching station of the Rev. C. H. Spurgeon, have latterly been conducted in a way to give great offence to the neighbourhood and the community generally. There have been Sunday even- ng concerts, admission to which has been gained by refreshment tickets, and the conduct and the character of the company have been such as to cause regret to the religious and moral portion of the community generally. I hear that a great change is to be now made—the Sunday admission being entirely abandoned. It would be well if a similar change. could be effected elsewhere. These Sunday evening concerts, combined as they are with drinking and smoking, cannot but be injurious to the morals of the crowds which they attract. It seems, to me that some legislative enact- ment is required in this direction. We are to have another literary benefit, a grand vocal and instrumental concert being given at Sadler's Wells Theatre, "for the benefit of a literary gen- tleman, long suffering from severe illness." There ca be nothing objectionable in this; but it is to be regret- ted that the funeral of friends should be followed by burlesques to pay the funeral charges, and support dependants. I cannot think it is in good taste that gentlemen should, as it were, dance upon the tomb- stone, and then go round with the hat. It may be well to say this much before another case is announced -a case which I hear is looming in the future. It is a thousand pities that literary men, who have it in their power to make a. provision for their families, should thus leave widow and children as a legacy to the kind- ness of friends. How fast and furious must have been the dancing, and how great the bustle and confusion, at the Volunteer Ball, judging from the advertisements which appear in the daily papers relative to things which were lost at the Floral Hall. One gentleman has lost a light-coloured rough great coat;" another, "a perfectly plain sword;" another, a military cloak;" and as to the ladies, their losses are innumerable! Madame R, advertises that the lady who dressed for the Floral Ball at Madame 's saloon, and who left a costly bracelet, need not be under alarm," &c., &c. Now, I mind me that this same Madame R-— was, some time since, a witness on a trial, and it came out that she was a kind of maker-up, or dresser of ladies who were anxious to lend artificial charms to those of Nature, or to substitute them for those of which Nature had deprived them. Madame R-, it seems, makes a handsome income by this sort of thing. She is a perfect adept at false ringlets, false teeth, Ninon bloom, pearl powder, and rouge; she knows how to pencil the eyebrows, and tinge the cheek. If she cannot give lightness to the step and fire to the eye, she can, at least, give every advantage that long practice and con- summate skill in her curious profession can afford. I wonder whether any bracelet was lost; whether the lady is not a myth; and I wonder, too, what was lost at the Floral Ball. Did any false ringlets drop off? Did any false teeth drop out? If so, they were irreclaimable perquisites! Arabella. Clarinda would never apply for those tresses she bought at Truefitt's, nor would Grace Angelica (aged) claim that ill-fitting front tooth. Ah, me! what secrets could the ball- room tell if it knew all that the "gay and festive throng" know! We most of us remember what a sensation was made in the academic and religious world when the cele- brated "Tracts for the Times" appeared, especially that celebrated Tract No. 90, which sought to unite the Churches of Rome and England. Puseyism is not confined now to the seat of learning from which it emanated; it has spread, and, it is said, is spreading; but, I fear, from the same learned city whence ema- nated Anglo-Catholicism is likely to emanate a more dangerous system that of enlightened, classical, learned scepticism, under the guise of liberal Chris- tianity. Professor Baden Powell and Professor Jowett, men of undoubted first-class ability, are apparently the leaders of a movement which seems to aim at sapping the foundations of evangelical Christianity as received by orthodox Churchmen and Dissenters. To the volume of "Essays and Reviews," which is now attracting so much attention, the former gentle- man contributes a paper on the "Study of the Evidences of Christianity," and the latter a paper on the "Interpretation of Scripture." The views enter- tained by these gentlemen are peculiar, and are giving much anxiety to those who value the simple truths of the Gospel. There was rather a eurious and suggestive gathering in London a day or two ago. Your readers are aware that in Central Italy there has been a kind of general election—a public voting to decide whether Central Italy shall be annexed to Piedmont, or whether it shall be a separate kingdom. Strange to say, also, this general election extended itself here. In the; neigh- bourhood of Hatton-garden there are numbers of Italians—image-men and organ-grinders (and fellows, by the bye, who grind the grinders—padrones, as they are called). These persons had an equal right to vote with their fellow-countrymen at home. Accordingly numbers of them might have been seen wending their way down Hatton-garden to the London Mechanics' Institution. They went to record their votes. Each Italian had two voting-papers. On one was inscribed Annessitne alia monarchia costituzionale di Re Vittorio Emanuele Second,o on the other, "Regno separato — (" Annexation to the constitutional monarchy of Victor Emmanuel," and Separate king. dom"). According to each man' wishes, so he de- posited his voting-paper in a voting-urn. It is some- what curious that this act of citizenship should have been followed up so zealously by men far away from the scene of strife in Italy. It shows how strong is the love of country. If not true of personal love, Haynes Bayly's line is certainly true of love of country— Absence makes the heart grow fonder." Public attention is now very actively directed to the vast improvements in gunnery which are being effected, and it may be well, therefore, to allude to the great injustice contemplated towards a gentleman who is doing much for the people in this respect. The way in which inventors have in all ages been pooh-poohed by Governments, and laughed at by the people, is well known. Sir William Armstrong was at first a recent instance of this, so far, at least, as official authorities I are concerned; but he now appears likely to be some- what more highly honoured than he deserves, to the prejudice of the inventor of a still greater gun than that of Sir William. After a good deal of official delay and cold water, Government at last take up with Sir William Armstrong, and lay out an enormous sum of money in manufacturing Armstrong guns. But to! there comes news of a more powerful gun-a stronger arm than anything from the armoury of Sir William Armstrong—the Whitworth rifled cannon. Now, it seems only reasonable that Mr. Whitworth should have not only the credit, but the pecuniary benefit of his invention; but, if all I hear be true, the authorities are allowing, or are likely to allow, Sir William to reap the advantage of Mr. Whit- worth's invention. The former maintains that the Whitworth rifled cannon is only the Armstrong principle developed, and {rather unscrupulously intimates. that he, Sir William, can also make the Whitworth cannon. Nominally he will improve his own gun to the excellence of that of his rival, but virtually there can be little doubt that new ideas will be appropriated, the originator of which will gain nothing by them. This is the old tale. The inventor lives and dies in poverty the adapter succeeds in more senses than one. But Governments especially should be careful that honour is given to whom hcnour is due.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. In the House of Lords on Friday, March 9, the Marquis of Normanby called attention to the cruelties practised by the Provisional Government of Tuscany, moving for copies of certain correspondence and instructions to the British Charge d' Affairs at Florence. He entered into an elaborate analysis of the election and constitution of the Tuscan Assembly, and of the acts of the Tuscan Provisional Govern- ment, and proceeded to denounce the arbitrary acts of the Tuscan Government. A desultory discussion ensued, during which Lord Malmes- bury deprecated any intervention of this country in the affairs of Italy. The motion was ultimately withdrawn, and their lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, after various questions of a miscellaneous character had been put and answered, and the subjects of some of them discussed rather warmly, the motion for adjournment was agreed to, and the adjourned debate on Mr. Byng's resolution was resumed, Mr. Horsman supporting the amendment of which he gave notice, in a very elaborate speech, and Mr. Vivian following in a speech full of important information on the question of coal supply, especially as it regarded Wales. Mr. Bentinck, after replying to arguments employed by Mr. Gibson, Sir H. Cairns, and Mr. Byng, condemned the treaty, because it was founded upon erroneons principles. He regarded it as unjust, one-sided, and degrading to this country, and he believed that a war with France would be less prejudicial to the honour and interests of England than the ratification of this treaty. Sir R. Peel asked if they could deny that the Government had been desirous of opening fresh channels of commerce to this country, and to draw closer the ties of amity with a neighbouring state? Although there would be a loss of revenue under the treaty, its advantages would infinitely outweigh the sacrifice. But, while the House approved the treaty, he hoped it would express an indignant protest against the proceedings of France in relation to Savoy, which he denounced, as well as the general policy of the Emperor of the French, in terms of asperity. In conclusion, he pronounced a glowing and flattering eulogy upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Disraeli observed that no one could say that this treaty had been negotiated under ordinary circumstances the circumstances were of a most exceptional character, and he objected to it upon three grolinds-ftnancial, diplomatic, and political. His first objection was to the creating a large deficiency of revenue for the purposes of this treaty. Upon the second ground, his principal objection to the treaty was, that it had been unskilfully and negli- gently entered into, and he adduced proofs of what he considered precipitation, and of carelessness in regard to British interests. Then the political objections to the treaty were a part of the subject which could not be evaded, as the House, he said, had been challenged to consider the treaty upon political grounds, it having been avowedly negotiated for political purposes. With a full knowledge of the inten- tion the Emperor of the French with regard to Savoy, no protest was made until a comparatively late period, and the House was now asked to assent to a commercial treaty on account of the critical condition of Europe, although it was so placed that it could exercise no control in the matter. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he thought the House would be of opinion that the time for the full dis- cussion of the matters referred to in the speeoh of Mr. Disraeli had not yet arrived. He should be ready, he ob- served, to rest the defence of the treaty on the various speeches already delivered, excepting the speech of Mr. Hors- man, to which he replied, protesting against the tone and language in which he had described the character, policy, and conduct of the head of a neighbouring and friendly nation. After vindicating the general policy of the Government in relation to the affairs of Italy, he considered the ob- jections offered to the treaty. With regard to France, no measure was more likely to conciliate the people of France. There was another important consideration. Nothing, he thought, would be able to withstand the moral contagion of the example of England and France acting together on the principles of free trade, which, in his opinion, would extend far beyond the limits of the two countries. Mr. Gladstone then proceeded to reply to specific objec- tions to the articles of the treaty. If, he concluded, by the blessing of the Almighty, a spirit of justice, prudence, and moderation should prevail in the councils of Europe, we ought to hope that this treaty may produce effects beyond our power to calculate. After a fruitless attempt by Mr. Newdegate to be heard, the House divided upon Mr. Horsman's amendment, which was negatived by 282 to 56. The original motion was then agreed to. The other orders were then disposed of, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on Monday, March 12, Lord Wode house moved for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the for- feiture of life policies by persons joining rifle corps. The bill was read a first time. The Marquis of Normanby then made some personal ex- planations relative to the discussion on the affairs of Central Italy which took place on Friday night. Some conversation arose on this matter, but it was devoid of public interest. A conference then took place between a deputation of both Houses on the bringing up of the address to the Queen in relation to the treaty. Lord Taunton gave notice that on Thursday he should move the Address. Lord Ellenborough referred to what he called the peculiarly ambiguous cha- racter of the third article of the treaty," and hoped that some explanation of it would be given before Thursday. After a short conversation, in which the Duke of Argyll, Lord Ellenborough, and Lord Stanhope took part, the House adjourned. In the Commons, after various questions had been disposed of, a short but important discussion took place on the subject of Mr. Kinglake's forthcoming motion respecting Savoy and Nice, in the course of which Mr. Kinglake urged that time was precious, as events were hastening to their accomplish- ment Mr. Disraeli suggested that the conduct of the French Emperor in the matter was not the sole point for considera- tion, but that the conduct of her Majesty's Government was an essential part of the question; and Lord Palmerston challenged and invited inquiry. Mr. Byng brought up the Report on the Address voted on Friday, which was agreed to, after a few words from Sir H. Willoughby. THE PAPER DUTY DOOMED. Mr. Gladstone then moved the second reading of the Paper Duty Repeal Bill. Sir W. Miles objected to the repeal of this duty at the pre- sent state of our finances. He could not consider the repeal of the paper duty, he said, apart from a lOd. income-tax, and he showed from calculations, founded mainly upon the figures contained in Mr. Gladstone's financial speech, that, by retaining this duty, which yielded 1,200,000^ and not im- posing the additional Id. income-tax, the surplus at the end of the year, which Mr. Gladstone had estimated at 4M.OOM would still be not less than 429,0002. He discussed the alleged difficulties attending the collection of the duty and the arguments used in favour of its repeal- in particular that the tax was detrimental to the spread of knowledge, contending that, though papermakers and publishers might be benefited by its repeal, generally speaking, it would not be felt by consumers. He then called attention to the heavy pressure of the income tax— a tax which, he said, ought never to be used but in times of great emergency, especially upon persons receiving less than 1502. a-year, who could not be benefited by the cheapening of French wines and French silks, and asked whether this was a time for augmenting so severe a burden for the mere purpose of taking off the paper duty. THE AMENDMENT. He moved as an amendment a resolution, that, it appeared that the repeal of the paper duty would necessitate the addition of Id. in the pound to the property and income tax, it was the opinion of the House that such repeal was, under such circumstances, at the present moment inex- pedient. Mr. Banks Stanhope seconded the amendment; and Mr. Ntrris then delivered a forcible speech in favour of the repeal. In the debate which followed Mr. Mill, Mr. Black, Mr. Maguire, Lord Robert Cecil, and Mr. Gibson took part. The latter gentleman showed the oppressive effects of the duty upon the cheap press, by eating up its profits, and suggested the influence which its impoverishment must exert upon its quality. In this view, the paper duty was really a tax upon knowledge, while it operated as an obstacle to the reward and the enterprise of authors. Mr. Horsman said this small precedent of filling up a deficiency by a remission of an indirect tax, and laying on a direct tax-shifting the whole burden of taxation upon one class—would effect a complete fiscal revolution. He con- cluded a speech replete with point and sarcasm with some severe remarks, approaching to acrimony, directed against Mr. Gladstone, and by denouncing the Bill as a flagrant abandonment of the principles of Sir Robert Peel. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, after a temperate notice of the invective of Mr. Horsman, professed not to understand the vote he intended to give whether he considered that the Government had made a bad choice in the tax they proposed to remit; otherwise his speech, he said, tended only to bewilder. He admitted that the remission of the war duties on tea and sugar would afford great relief but the decision of the Government in favour of the paper duty was founded upon a careful examination of conflicting claims. He denied that this was a concession to the rich, and he showed that the effect of the Excise on paper checked the manufacture of the article, and operated as a positive prohibition of experiments that would create new trades for the employment of labour. He insisted that the repeal of the paper duty was in the spirit of the policy of Sir Robert Peel, and that paper hail a stronger claim than glass, the Excise upon which had been repealed by him. The paper duty burdened the trade in all its branches, and its effect was to create a chain of monopolies, or a system of narrow and exclusive trading between the making of paper and the selling of books. The resolution moved by Sir W. Miles, however, dealt with two different questions, and called upon the House to vote not only that the paper duty should not be repealed, but that there should be no addition to the income tax; but he contended that they could not be combined. x. The income-tax had, many vices, but it had one virtue—that, in the main, it did make the property of: the country subservient to the uses of the State for beneficial purposes. After a remonstrance from Sir J. Pakington, the House divided upon the amendment, when there appeared— For the second reading 245 Against it 192 Majority —-53 The result of the division was received with cheers, and the bill was then read a second time. Other bills were forwarded a stage, and, the remaining I business having been disposed of, the House adjourned. y In the House of Lords on Tuesday, March 13, Lord Chelmsford reminded their lordships that a few evenings since he had presented a petition from a large number of the tradesmen of the metropolis, complaining of the laws relating to Sunday trading, and had promised to introduce a bill for remedying the evils in question. The evidence in con- nexion with this subject was so voluminous as almost to deter any one who attempted to legislate on it, but a bill for regulating Sunday trading had been brought in during a former session as the result of a committee of inquiry, and the measure which he had to propose to the House was al- most identical with that bill. It was his earnest desire to promote the due observance of the Lord's Day, and his only object in bringing forward his bill was to see how far he could benefit all classes by putting an end to the present baneful system. The bill was then read a first time. The House then went into committee on the Attorneys and Solicitors' Bill. In the House of Commons, after some routine business, Mr. Duncombe gave notice that in committee on the Reform Bill he would move a clause enabling electors to vote by ballot. Mr. Alderman Salomons asked the President of the Board of Trade if he had received from our Consul at Pernambuco any account that could be laid before the House of the lamentable occurrences which had taken place on board the Acrington transport ship; and if he could state the total number of deaths, according to the latest advices, among the women and children who were embarked in that unfortunate vessel Mr. M. Gibson said a long report had been received, but he did not know that there was anything special he could lay before the House. The number of persons who died on going out was 67 others died on landing. Air, Liddell asked the First Lord of the Treasury on what day her Majesty's Government, in accordance with a pledge recently given to that effect, proposed to afford to that House an opportunity of fully considering the present con- dition of British Shipping. Lord Palmerston said Govern- ment would facilitate the discussion of a resolution on this, subject if it could be agreed upon. Lord J. Russell, in bringing up Further Correspon- dence on the Affairs of Italy," said he would take the opportunity of adverting to an inquiry made on a previous evening. The object of the Government his lord- ship said, was to allow Italy, after three centuries of op- pression and servitude, to form their own government, independent of France, Austria, England, or any other Power. Upon no occasion had her Majesty's Government concealed their views upon this subject from the Emperor of the French or led him to suppose that this was a scheme which would not meet with great objection. The noble lord having given a history of the difficulties which Italy had had to encounter said the Government felt that a European interest had been at stake, and that it was their duty to assist in laying the foundation of a large and solid basis for the independence of Italy, and so far from shrinking from that object he should always take pride in the fact that he had been able to aid in any way in carrying it out. Mr. Whiteside animadverted very strongly upon the con- duct of the Government. After some observations by Mr. Milnes and Mr. Cochrane, Mr. Horsman said he believed the House would be unani- mous in thinking that the annexation of Savoy should not be made a cause of war. But the question was whether France would not thereby acquire a new military frontier for a great military Power. The policy of tame acquiescence would be a dangerous and an unworthy policy the other would place us in a dignified attitude before the world. The discussion was continued by Lord H. Vane, Mr. Grif. fith, and Mr. Kinnaiid. Lord Palmerston thought the course which the Govern- ment had pursued in this matter was much more clear and consistent than Mr. Whiteside had represented. It was clear that this Was not a case upon which the issue of peace or war ought to depend. The cession of Savoy did not involve the interests of this country so as to induce us to go to war to prevent it. As regarded England, France would not be stronger after the acquisition of Savoy than before. As it was not to be done without the con- sent of the Sovereign and people of Savoy, and the assent of the great Powers of Europe, we were not come to the point when we were authorised to hold that reflection might not induce the Government of France to abandon the design. In the opinion' of the Government this was a question of European interest, and he could not help thinking that other Governments would take the same view as our own, and that the Government of France would find that it would gain more by preserving the good opinion of Europe than by the acquisition of this small territory, Mr. Disraeli, after disclaiming any desire to make the annexation of Savoy and Nice to France a ground of war. observed that the conduct of France had been frank and open but if the principle of natural boundaries was to be realised—if distrust was excited in Europe-if sanguinary war followed and dynasties subverted-the Government which had assisted that policy would be responsible to the country and to history for the consequences. After speeches from Mr. Kinglake, Mr. S. Fitzgerald, and Mr. Osborne,, the discussion terminated. Colonel Sykes was moving for certain papers when the House was counted out. In the House of Commons on Wednesday, March 14, Mr. Laing brought in a bill on the subject of Refreshment Houses Bill, which was read a first time, and was fixed for second reading on Monday next. Mr. M. Milnes gave notice that he should, in committee on the Customs Acts, move that the duties on all books, except English books, printed abroad should cease and determine. Mr. Locke King moved the second reading of the Religious Worship Bill, the only objection to which he thought could be that it did not go far enough; but in committee he should be prepared to insert words which should make its scope wider. The object ef the bill was to extend that freedom in religious worship which at present was enjoyed by clergy- men of all other classes, to clergymen of the Church of England..According to the law as it at present stood, the preaching in the theatres, of which they had heard so much of late, was illegal; but was it desirable that it should be so i Many of the clergy who at first were opposed to this practice had changed their opinions. Mr. Walpole thought that what the hon. gentleman con- sidered satisfactory to the church, and the interests of religion, could never be carried out by a bill like this. Lord R. Cecil said that there were four gentleman (the Jews) in the House who did not approve of the preaching of the Gospel, and this was an insult to them. The bill would entirely destroy the authority of the Episcopate. Sir F. Goldsmid denied that he, and those who thought with him, disapproved of the preaching of the Gospel. 0 the contrary, he and others always promoted the establish- ment of schools and the preaching of the Gospel amongst those who were born in the Christian faith. Mr. Milnes advised that the bill should be withdrawn and that another should be introduced more perfectly se- curing the object which the mover had in view. Mr. Bouverie thought that this measure, if passed, would throw affairs into such a mess that Parliament would be glad to do anything to get out of it. He moved, as an amendment that the bill be read a second time that day six months.. i fc- Mr. Spooner contended that the crying evil which pre vailed in the country demanded an immediate remedy. Air. Locke King, in reply, said that Mr. Bouverie, who moved the amendment, was formerly in favour of the principle of the bill, but he had lately been made an Eccle- siastical Commissioner, and that circumstance appeared to have changed his views. The House divided- For the second reading 1311 Against It 168 Majority 37 The Bill was therefore lost. The Marriages (England and Ireland) Bill passed through committee. The other orders were disposed of, and the House adjourned.

SOMETHING MORE ABOUT THE ROYAL CHARTER. The scene of the wreck of this unfortunate vessel was visited on Thursday last by as large a concourse of people as on any day since the fatal occurrence. Owing to the report that the tide on that day was to be the highest during this century, and, consequently, would ebb lower, hundreds of people congregated to witness the operations going forward to raise the fragments of wreck, and expecting, as the pieces were removed, to witness the floating of mangled bodies supposed to be confined to them. In all of this there was much disappointment, as the operations on the wreck were merely routine, that of scratching in the, crevices for what could be found of the passengers' property in gold, &c., and preparing for the ultimate floating of the larger fragments into a more convenient spot for breaking up. This work, however, is not expected to be accomplished under three months. In the interim the smaller pieces of the hull, with the leasts, rigging, &c., will be secured. The iron will be conveyed to Liverpool, and the other materials will be sold at Moelfra. For floating the longer fragments, about sixty large casks, of about 200 gallons each, will be lashed to a framework made for the purpose, to which the wreck win be made fast, and this machine is cal. culated to support a weight of 80 tons. The whole of The whole of the operations are carried on under the able superin- tendence of Captain Martin, the energetic representa tiveof Messrs. Gibbs, Bright, and Co., of Liverpool" the owners, to whom the un derwriters have recently sold the wreck. On Tuesday two bodies wore found floating outside the wreck, and were taken. to the church at Penrhos Lligwy. One was that of a man, five feet six inches high, of slender make, s-upposed to be in good cir- cumstances, from the fact; of his clothing (all under) being of a superior kind- --a Guernsey or singlet and drawers of thick warm wool of scarlet colour, over which was a merino or fl annel shirt of fine material. His stockings were ribbed', and of good texture and make, but there was no namk: The other body had on a pairs of Bedford cord trous? ers, stockings, a part of a Guernsey, md striped shir) fc. On the latter were the following J BDLL 12 On the 29th of February, at the particular wish of their relatives, the remains of Mr s. Hogarth, from Lland- bedrgoch churchyard, and of Mr. P. P. Hogarth, from the churchyard of Llanfairm athafarneithaf, were con- veyed in double coffins to Penrhos Lligwy, where they were reinterred with their little boy, Robert, who was buried there the first week of the wreck. It was a singular circumstance that the boys Hogarth and Pilcher were cast up the first day of the wreck, and both temporarily laid in the same church, side by side. Now each boy lies with his parents, lost at the same time. Young Pilcher was taken with his parents to the cemetery at Brompton, near London, while young Hogarth lies with his parents in the secluded burial ground of Penrhos Lligwy. It is understood that no effort will be made to recover the remainder of the gold until the fine weather has set in. The underwriters represent that the amount of gold recovered was short by £ 40,000 of the amount on freight, and which they paid.

In reference to this catastrophe, we extract the following from the obituary notices of last Saturday's Timei :— On the 26th Oct., 1859, in the wreck of the Royal Charter, James Davis, of Woodside, aged 52, late M.P. for Gipps Land also, his beloved wife, Louisa Davis, aged 49, eldest daughter of the late Peter Degraves, of Tasmania, and niece of the late Colonel Henry Degraves, of Fort St. George also, their two daughters, Sophia Davis, aged 16, and Florence Davis, aged 15; also, their two sons, Walter Davis, aged 11, and Derwent Davis, aged 9 years. Likewise, Ellen Fenwick, aged 33, fourth daughter of the late Peter Degraves, of Tasmania, and niece of the late Colonel RenryoDegraves, of Fort St. George; together with her four children.

AN ELOPEMENT AND ITS RESULTS. A case of considerable interest is now pending, in the shap^ ot a charge of perjury, ag&inst Mr."Dawson, recently of Sheffield, pianoforte tuner. The circumstances'of'the case are somewhat curious, involving as they do a romantic attach- ment, an elopement and marriage, a suit in Chancery, and finally a charge of perjury. They are thus narrated by the Sheffield Times:— > The young lady who has been the innocent <3ause of these events is Miss Jessett, daughter of Mr. Jessett, surgeon, yho at the time of her marriage., \vas Qnly 17 years of age. Up to June last,'she was at a boarding- school at Scarborough, and oh her return to Sheffield she went to live with Mrs. Dawson, the mother of the lady whom her father, Mr. Jessett, has married since the death of his first wife. Here she became acquainted with Mr. 'Ddwson, who is a son df Mrs. Dawson, the lady with whom she went to reside. Very quickly Mr. Dawson found favour in the eyes of the young lady, proposed, and; was accepted.c. But they had every reason to believe that Mr. Jessett would not consent to their marriage, and they therefore de- termined upon a clandestine union. Early in Septem- ber they left town together, and proceeded to Birmingham, where they were married before the registrar. As soon as Mr. Jessett discovered that his daughter had gone to Birmingham, he went in search of her, but was too late to prevent her marriage. Although, how- ever, the irrevocable vow had been pronounced, pro- ceedings were taken not at all pleasant to the bride- groom. Under the will of the late Mr. Sanderson, 4,3OOl. was left to Miss Jessett, payable upon her marriage. Mr. Tozer, one of the trustees under the will, had, some time previous to the marriage, obtained from the Court of Chancery a release from his functions as trustee; and Miss Jessett then became a ward to Chancery. Upon learning of the marriage, Mr. Tozer moved the Court of Chancery in the matter, and Mr. Dawson was cited to appear before the Master of the Rolls and show cause why he should not be committed for con- tempt of court in having married the ward of the court without its consent. When the case came on, an affidavit was ^read from Dr. Thomson, stating that the young lady s state of health was such that any excitement, such as that likely to be caused by her husband being sent to prison, would be seriously injurious to her, and might even endanger her life. Under these circum- stances, and as the case was not pressed against Dawson by the friends of the young lady, the Master did not wrder him to be imprisoned; but he issued a decree for the settling upon the lady herself of the 4,300l. to which the youthful Mrs. Dawson Was entitled. So far all went, smoothly with the new married couple. But Mr. Dawson's troubles were not yet ended. Some statements made by him before the registrar to fulfil the requirements necessary before the marriage could take place, and which were stated to be false, were laid before the court. These were that he and Miss Jessett had lived in Birmingham fifteen days (whereas they had only been there two); and that the consent of Miss Jessett's father to the marriage had been obtained. There were also some alleged false statements as to the ages of Dawson and Miss Jessett. The Master of the Rolls intiinated that he should lay the facts before the Attorney-General, and leave it to him to decide whether a prosecution for perjury should be instituted against Dawson. The Attorney-General has decided to proceed with the prosecution, and the trial is expected to come on at the ensuing' Warwick Assizes.

MURDER IN NOTTINGHAMSHIRE. An atrocious murder was perpetrated at a place called Walkingham, situated about four miles from Gainsborough, and ten miles from Retford, on Tuesday, the 7th inst. The murdered man was a cattle-jobber, named Spencer; who resided at Walkingham. He had been to Gainsborough market that day, and left Walkinth Ferry, crossing the Trent, on his way home, at night. He had been stopping for a short time at the ferry-house, Walkinth, and it was known that he had in his possession a considerable sum of money. At the time the payment alluded to took. place, two in- dividuals, named John and J ames Fenton, of Walking- ham, were ih the public-house. In crossing the Trent the murdered man was accompanied by the individuals named, and a Mr. Anderson. As soon as the boat reached the Notts side of the river, the two Fentons walked on towards Walkingham, about-one mile dis- tant, leaving the murdered man talking with Mr. Ande*son, who lives near the banks of the river. The body of the murdered man was discovered about six o'clock on Wednesday morning, in a dyke only about forty yards trom his own residence, and presented a truly horrible spectacle. The head was almost com- pletely severed from the body, there being two terrible gashes on each side of the neck, only a little of the flesh in front and a little of that behind remaining." A pool of blood was discovered upon the road adjoining th<r dyke, beside which two discharged pistols were lyings It very evident that the murderer had been lying in wait for his intended victim. It appears that he had taken up his position against an old barn, which the deceased, to reach home, would have to pass, and upon deceased making his appearance a pistol was fired. The shot failed, it Would appear, to produce the effect intended, and the murderer then seems to have proceeded to attack his victim with some deadly instru- ment. John Fenton, one of the men referred to, has been taken into custody on suspicion. An inquest has subsequently been held at Walking- ham, before the deputy-coroner for North Nottingham- shire. The jury having been sworn, they proceeded to view the body, which was a most appalling sight, and so cut and mangled about the face and throat as scarcely to be recognised. Having returned to their room, four witnesses were examined, the most im- pqrtant testimony being that of Mr. Smith, farmer, of Walkingham, who, on being sworn, deposed that the pistols found near the body, and now produced, to'the best of his knowledge, forifaerly belonging to the prisoner's father; and afterwards to the prisoner himself He had had them in his hand on several occasions' He also further stated that the prisoner had a county coiirt summons, and had recently had a difficulty in meeting his payments. He had seen the prisoner at Gainsborough market on the previous day, and had paid him his bill. The inquest was adjourned to Wed- nesday.. Since the prisoner i enton has been in custody, he has maintained the greatest reserve, .and never alludes to the' fatal tragedy. He only talks "of getting up a j petition in his favour, and obtaining the assistance of legal advice. Public excitement seems to increase rather than diminish with reference to the horrible murder at j Walkingham. The scene of the tragedy has, during the week, been visited by hundreds of people, and daily and hourly strange faces may -be seen hovering about the usually quiet village. New facts gradually come to Ught in connection with the terribly appalling affair. Intelligence has been received, which is likely to lead to the exploded pistols found near the body being actually traced to the prisoner's (John Fenton's) ] possession. The coat and waistcoat worn by the < prisoner on the night of the murder have been found, J but they have no appearance of having had blood upon j them. The finger of suspicion seems to have pointed in the first instance to the other Fenton, but he would ] appear to have satisfied the police of his arrival at home < before eleven o'clock, at which hour, of course, the i murder was not committed. He states that he left his companion at the turning of the road which leads down to his own house, and saw nothing of him afterwards. His mother speaks quite posi- tively also as to the time at which he reached her house. One fact, which makes the apprehension of John Fenton on suspicion of being concerned in the commission of the horrid deed still more distressing, is the important one that he is a half cousin to the mur- dered man. Up to the presen ttime no clue to the finding of th £ knife or other instrument with which the awful gashes in deceased's neck were made has been obtained, although it is said that the water in the dyke where the body was found has been drained off and diligent search made. It would appear as if the murderer had met the deceased in front, and, when quite near to him, had deliberately fired both pistols in his face. Deceased would then, in all human probability, have fallen to the ground, and whilst in that helpless condition the other terrible injuries were inflicted. To endeavour, however, to save himself from these additional injuries, he seems to have held up his hands, and, with supplication for mercy on his lips, wrestled for a brief space, with all the energy a dying man could exert, with the wretched murderer, in order to prevent him from accomplishing his diabolical designs. The mortal remains of the deceased were consigned to their last resting-place, in Walkingham churchyard, late on Friday afternoon, a vast concourse of people being present. The coffin was carried by six young men, the aged parent and the eldest brother walking next to the corpse, followed by about thirty other rela- tives of the deceased.

SEDUCTION AND REVENGE. The Bombay Gazette of February 11 gives the fol- lowing narrative:— Three weeks ago the officers of the 14th Light Dragoons assembled at Kirkee to present a silver tea-service to Sergeant-Major Hunt, who was for 13 years in that regiment. "in testimony of his zealous and faithful services as mess- sergeant during a period of 11 years." It may be imagined with what feelings of honest pride and gratification Mr. Hunt received from the hand of Colonel Scudamore this tribute to his- estimable qualities and ex- emplary character, for lie could not have dreamt at that time that one of those very officers whooftered him their "good wishes for his future welfare and success" would, before two weeks had passed, be denounced and justly punished by him as the dishonourer of his home and the destroyer of his happiness. Unacquainted, even by repu- tation, before the sad event occurred which has startled Bombay and Poona from their* propriety, with either Mr. Hunt or Cornet Brown, all that we hear from day to day of the former gentleman convinces us that the expres- sions of praise used by the colonel of the 14th in speaking of his conduct were not misapplied, and that the ex- sergeant-major throughout both his military and civil career was a worthy member of society. Of Cornet Browne nothing is said. He was, of course, in virtue of his position as an officer, entitled to rank as a gentleman; and this probably was the attraction which made him superior to her husband in the eyes of Mrs. Hunt. Accustomed for many years to regard the commis- sioned officers of the regiment as belonging to a higher class than her own, the wife of the chief partner in the mercan- tile house of Hunt, Monet, and Co. could not shake off the remembrance of former days, or resist the impression that the wife of one who had been a sergeant ought to feel flattered-by the attentions of a cornet. Mr. Hunt, it seems, had intercepted a letter which proved clearly his wife's guilt. He went to his house, took a loaded pistol, and pro- ceeding to Browne's Bungalow at Kirkee with the letter in his hand, Mr. Hunt accosted the man and asked him if he could deny what had happened. The reply of this officer, who seems not even to have had the manliness to attempt a defence of his victim's reputation, was a jeering laugh" and a light confession that he had committed the crime of which he was accused. Mr. Hunt then called upon the cornet to give him such satisfaction as a duel could afford for his wounded honour. Again the only answer was a smile of mockery and derision, and an intimation that it would be beneath the dignity of this wretched seducer to fight with one who had been a private soldier. On this, Mr. Hunt, still keeping a marvellous calmness, remarked that Cornet Brown forgot the man he had injured was no longer a sergeant-major in the 14th Dragoons, but a partner in a mercantile house, who by the usages of society was entitled to the consideration due to a gentleman. The cornet again treated his questions with the supercilious in- solence he had displayed throughout the interview and Mr. Hunt, his patience exhausted, said, Your blood, then, be on your own head," and, raising the pistol, shot him like a dog. T

THE SPIRIT OF PARLIAMENT. The protracted debate on the Treaty and1 Budget yields the following selections from the more remark- able speeches:— The French manufacturers who considered themselves aggrieved talked of tearing the treaty in pieces with can- non-balls and if the establishment of very high protective duties in France, in return for the total abolition of duties on this side of the Channel, was meeting us half way, it was the most curious half-way house he had ever heard of.—Mr. Bentinck.

WHAT MR. HORSMAN SAYS. We have made concessions to France upon our side which might be made independent of treaty, and she has on her part made concessions to this country for the purpose of carrying which into effect no arrangement of the kind was necessary, and we now stand in the position of being invited to express our approbation ofthepeèuliar mode of giving effect to their policy which the Government has adopted. WHAT THE EMPEROR WISHES. In this treaty the Emperor of the French addresses him- self to the English Cabinet. Deal with me," he says, by a treaty of reciprocity. To be sure, it is against your law, but it won't be the first time you have endeavoured to oblige me by changing your law." (Hear, hear.) "Give me," he says, a treaty of reciprocity by this means I can leave out my Chambers, and can force free trade down the throats of my reluctant subjects." By this act, say the admirers of the treaty, you secure the friendship of the French nation by helping their Emperor to jockey them you secure their eternal gratitude (hear, hear) you will get hold of their affections; old jealousies and animosities will become as dead as reciprocity was six months1 ago; and as to the war party in France, you will never hear of it again, as M. Chevalier said the other day; and those who were wont to exclaim against perfidious Albion would hasten to the Hotel Meurice to enrol themselves as members of the Peace Society. A POLICY OF AGGRESSION AND AGGRANDISEMENT. When there is an entirely exceptional state of things in France—when the military element predominates over the commercial—when you have a policy of aggression and aggrandisement openly avowed and unscrupulously carried out—when you have armaments by sea and land such as the world has never seen before, and a military organisation unknown since the days of the Roman Empire—such a time, t say, is not the precise moment to part with our legislative independence, especially to that Power whose menacing attitude to ourselves (hear, hear) imposes on us in time of peace war taxes and burdens (hear, hear), and a grievous ex- penditure in order to protect us from the attacks which we apprehend from herself. WHAT DOES AN ALLIANCE WITH FRANCE MEAN ? Does it not mean an alliance prospectively against some other Power ? And is there any other Power at this moment with whose principles of international policy we have no more sympathy and a closer approximation than we have with France? Is it possible for any two countries to differ more widely than we do from France as to the policy to be pursued in Italy ? Our principle is that the Italians should govern themselves. The policy of France is that Italy should be governed by France, Our policy is that Savoy should per- tain to the paternal Government of Piedmont. The French policy is that Savoy should pertain to France. Our policy is respect for treaties, reverence for international rights, as the ijest security for the peace of the world. The policy of France is extinction of treaties, aggression, aggrandisement, ind war. RUINED BY OUR OWN BLACK DIAMONDS! We feel that we have much to dread from the probability that English coal will be used against us in war. We have much more to dread it as an element of competition in peace., Reversing the policy of Sir R. Peel—the jealous patriotism that guided him—our Government have cheap- ened coal to Rouen and Havre, and make it dearer to Birmingham and Manchester. Can any advantages arising from the increased trade of coal compensate for the heavier load and increased cost of manufacturing production in the enhancement of the price of coal ? The Emperor does not bestow on us a share of the sun in southern France, nor can he give us or share with us the brilliant hues of French silks or the delicate flavour of French wines. The command of these he must keep. He is secured in these respects from the possibility of reciprocity. But the whole shores of the Channel, from Dunkirk to Cherbourg, and the whole country from the banks of the Seine to the great Manchester of France, he has made a part, and a favoured part of Eng- land in respect to coal, and henceforth you have a race eminent for industry, for energy, for taste in the fine arts, who have acquired a vested and permanent right in the mineral resources of England. I say the whole history of civilised legislation furnishes no parallel for such improvi- dence. This is the more inexplicable, because it is now proved on every ground to be unnecessary; it was not called for by the interest of England, nor demanded by the Government of France, for the Ambassador of France, the moment this question was stirred, knowing how objection- able the principle was, how.obnoxious and unpopular it must be in England, and how injurious to this country, came forward voluntarily and suggested to the Government a modification of that article. The Government would listen to no modification. IRISH RECIPROCITY AND MORAL EQUIYALMTTS I I saw it stated in the Journal des Dibats, which is a great free-trade authority, and an organ of the Emperor, that 80 per cent. was intended by the Emperor to be a prohibitory duty, and that he had outwitted the English negotiators. This received some confirmation from what the Chancellor of the Exchequer said about French gloves, which were practically excluded by a duty Of 15 per cent. As far, then, as material equivalents go, we do not gain much from tins treaty. We allow French manufactures to come m uuiy free, while our manufactures on entering France are to pay 30 per cent. The treaty is not to come into operation on the side of France for 18 months on our side it takes effect im- mediately. In fact, we make a present to the Emperor of two millions while we have a deficit in our own exchequer that has to be made up from an increased income-tax. The reciprocity of all this is somewhat of an Irish character. But then there are the moral equivalents. BRIBING ENGLAND TO TRIP UP FRANCE! Any hon. gentleman who reads the French newspapers will learn for himself what they say or our proceedings. They are saying at this moment, that the Emperor has bribed England to help him to trip up France-that the complicity of the nation of shopkeepers has been purchased through the lust of lucre for sordid purposes, and that our services have been sold to aid him in circumventing his people. The Protectionists of France-if I may say it without offence to the hon. gentleman opposite-are a very benighted race. But why not leave them to fight out their quarrel with their own Emperor ? Surely the odds are enough against free trade if he wishes to convert them; and it is not necessary that 1#3. we should strengthen their prejudice by teaching them t t- contrast the morality we display with the Mamnjon we wor- ship, or to point to the friendship we profess and the treachery we practise. NO EXCUSE FOR EXCEPTIONAL LEGISLATION! We have not the excuse of commercial pressure or financial embarrassment for this exceptional legislation. All interests are thriving, money-making is going on to an extent unparalleled in the history of the country, and our people are now blessed not only with wealth and comfort, but also contentment. Why endanger all this by a mad chase after more riches and more contentment ? No argument could be more untenable than that, ha.viBg heretofore consistently adhered to a sound political economy, we should now recede from it to help France to advance. The advice which Sir Robert? Peel bequeathed to his successors in this matter r was, that they should take no heed of foreigners! except to set them an example which we might be sui'e they would sooner or later inevitably follow. And just at the very moment when our example is telling on the most powerful and important country in the world, we are abandoning our principles in the face of all nations.

FRANCE A POOR CUSTOMER FOR COALS' I hope the notion has been disposed of that the object of France m regard to the article of coal is a military one. I am sure that in the mind of any impartial person it is im- possible that such a notion could remain for a single moment. (Hear, hear.) In the first place, France has contrived at this moment to secure a fleet, by means of which fleet she has considerably shaken the nerves of a very large portion of the population of England, without the favour of any stipulation- on our part not to prohibit the export of coal. The whole extent of the naval consumption of France is 160,000 tens, representing a value of 200,000^. The whole affair is utterly insignificant. Why, as large a quantity has been raised from a single mine, and we have been told that at one iron works as much coal has been consumed as- useless at the pit's mouth in the course of a single week.— Mr. Gladstone. OUR COAL SUPPLY ALMOST INEXHAUSTIBLE. I have.Jje&re me a letter from one of the best, most in- structedyand most experienced coal-viewers in the north of England, in which I am informed that we have coal in this country to last for upwards of 2,000 years. I allude to Mr. Nicholas Wood.. (Cheers.) But, as my hon. friend (Mr. Vivian) observed, tnat does not represent half the case for you don't reckon the unworked seams you don't reckon the deeper seams which are accessible you don't take into view the hundreds of cases of new beds of coal which are dis- covered from month to month in England. But, after all, is my right hon. friend sincere in this amendment? It does all very well as a subject for a speech in this House (a laugh); but are we really afraid ? Does my right hon. friend econo- mise the use of coal in his own house? No. ("Oh!") An hon. member says Oh." I agree with his sneer. The con- sumption of coal is 70,000,000 tons; the quantity sent to France is 1,000,000 if you are alarmed about the exhaustion ot the existing stock you will economise on the remaining 69,000,000. (A laugh.) It would be absurd, it is said, when we consume 70,000,000 tons of coal at home, that we should export to another country 1,500,000 tons, which may increase to 3,000,000; we cannot afford it; and, therefore, we must retain power to restrain the export. Sir, these are not the grounds on which this House will carry an amendment to the foot ofthe Throne.—Mr. Gladstone. > .f LITTLE TO GAIN BY THE TREATY. And so at the present moment hon. gentlemen talk of com- mercial intercourse with France as if a new California or a. new Australia were being opened to us. But ancient coun-, tries will never offer the same markets to a country like England as new colonies, such as Australia and California, or as pounces, tetHed under circumstances of very modetn civilisation, with a large extent of country, like Brazil. We must remember that the manufactures of France are, with some few exceptions, more ancient than the manufactures of England, and I believe there is no one in this House who will say that generally speaking the French are less skilful. On the contrary, all will admit that in many points they are more skilful.—Mr. Disraeli. THE TREATY NO BARGAIN. We have heard something of bargains, and we have been told that this treaty is a bargain, that we have asked for equivalents, and that we have not got them. Sir, I deny that this treaty has ever been a bargain, for it is of the essence of a bargain that you give away something which it would be of value for you to retain, and that you receive something which it is important to the other party to keep. Mr. Gladstone. j

II BLESSED ARE THE PEACEMAKERS! The hon. gentleman the member for Norfolk says he thinks a war with France and Europe would be better than that this treaty should receive a final sanction. It is not often we have the benefit of hearing a gentleman stand up and with engaging frankness state calmly and coolly in this House that he would rather have a war with France and Europe than see this treaty ratifled-adding, in the same breath, that no man is more alive than he to the blessings of peace. I must confess I don't feel at all disappointed at the course of the discussion with respect to this treaty. I hope the hon. gentleman will not think it disrespectful to him if I use free language, and if I confess I think,that that one sentiment, and one or two others which he has used in these debates, are not worthy of the high standard of legislative wisdom which I am sure he would seek and desire to attain.—Mr. Gladstone. MAN PROPOSES-GOD DISPOSES Much has been said in the course of these debates that will not bear sober examination. Let us go back to the debates of 1787, and there we shall find that all the samefoofish things and a great many others were said, and said, too, by very wise and distinguished men but time casts a light on the events of those days. Mr. Disraeli appeals to the future-to the future we also appeal. NV e cannot presume to predict the course of events. The experience of Mr. Pitt would warn us ag&inst any such presumption. But although the instrument which he concluded was not destined to last, it did not on that ac- count redound with the less honour to his name. It is not for us to presume to say that this treaty will work with such power as to control future events but if, by the blessing of the Almighty, the spirit of jiistice, prudence, and moderation shall prevail in the councils of Europe, then, looking to the state of Europe-to the power of every country to attain strength and eminence through the development of its in- ternal resources and to the absence of all legitimate causes of strife and collision, we ought to hope that that state of circumstances may remain under which this treaty may nro duce beneficial effects beyond any power of judging and I must say that in that case I cannot but cherish the cheerful and sanguine expectation that it will of itself do something to make the year 1860 one memorable—memorable because fruitful of blessings-in the annals of Europe and mankind. —Mr. Gladstone.

A FAITHLESS "FARMERING" MAN! At Maidstone Assizes the case of Hawkins v. Green has been tried. It was an action to recover damages v jfa| Promise of marriage. The defendant pleaded, first, that he did not make any promise; secondly, that a reasonable time had not elapsed to enable him to perform it; and, thirdly that it was part of the agreement that was entered into between him and the plaintiff that the marriage should not take place until the death of his father, and that he was still alive. The plaintiff in the action was a young woman named Susannah Lydia Hawkins, the daughter of a labouring man living at a place called Stouting, near Canterbury, and the defendant is theson of a small farmer in the same village, the former being 25, and the latter 44 years old. They had been intimate, or kept company," as it is termed, together for more than ten years, and the defendant constantly visited the plaintiff at her father's cottage, and he repeatedly expressed his intention to marry her. On the 25th of October, 1856, the plaintiff and her brother ,and the defendant went to Canterbury, and the latter procured a marriage license, and a ring was purchased, but the defend- ant took no further steps in the matter until a day or two before the period for which the licence was in force would have expired, when it appeared he went to the plaintiff and asked her to marry him on the following morring. She agreed to do so, but when the next morning came the de- fendant said he could not get married that day, as the old man (his father) had not gone to Canterbury, as he expected he would do. The marriage licence then ran out, and the defendant afterwards gave directions that the banns should be published; but on the morning after they were given out the first time the defendant went to the brother of the plaintiff, and told him that he should not get married to William Hawkins, the brother of the plaintiff, proved that the defendant had courted his sister for more than ten years. In the course of his cross-examination he said that he did not know what was meant by a man having an ardent affection for a woman. (A .laugh.) The defendant seemed to be fond of his sister in his way. (Laughter.) He never saw him kiss her. (Renewed laughter.) The defend- ant was a farmering" man, and worked for his father, who had a small farm of about 40 acres. His sister bought some new clothes for the marriage. He was quite sure they were not bought to go to the: fair in. They did not all have a i jolly day together at Canterbury. He left his sister and the;, defendant by themselves, and when they got home the defendant told him that he thought three guineas was » terrible sight" of money to give for the licence. (Laughter.) Mr. Byron, in his address to the jury for the defendant, > said it appeared to him that such an action as this ought never to have been brought. The fact was that the defend- ant was really nothing more than a poor labouring man, and the plaintiff had sustained no loss ijy Dot being married to him. There was no doubt that a sort of courtship had been going on '16^6^ "1^, and that the plaintiff had accompanied the defendant to fairs and other places, as was usual with persons in their condition ofiife The defendant, however, had at length discovered that he was not in a condition to support a wife, and he submitted that it was really a fortunate thing for the ] plSff that tiie marriage had not been carried out. John Green, the father of the defendant, was examined, and he proved that the farm he occupied, and which was his own property, consisted of only 22 acres, and that he had raisea money upon it by way of mortgage. He also stated that the defendant worked for him as a labourer, and he paid him 51, a-year and his board and lodging. The learned judge having summed up, the jury, after a short deliberation, returned a verdict for the plaintiff- Damages, 251.

-= COST OF PAPER IN THE OLDEN AND MODERN TIMES.—The following paper on the cost of printing in 1622 may be. acceptable to some of our readers. It appears to have been drawn up by the University printer:— Although there be many prices, of printing paper, I will make but tw6: The finest, at 5s. 6d. the ream. The lowest at 3s. 4d. the ream. After these two prices, I will also appor- tion the charge of printing the ream of either kind. In the finest are the Bibles and psalms m octavo, and such like books in that letter and of these I reckon the charge of printing and paper at 13s. 4d. the ream. In the second are the Grammar and all school books, and of these I reckon the charge of paper and printing at 7s. the ream, though the Londoner giveth but 6s. 8d. at the most. There are some middle prices between these, whereof some cost 9s, some 10s., some 11s., some 12s. the ream in paper and printing.— Boohseller. As a fit pendant to the above, we may give the following, which our eye alighted on in a Trade Circular:— Messrs. Winsor, of Rathbone Place, London, have intro- duced a new Drawing Paper (and a most magnificent specimen of paper making it is), the retail price of which is seven shillings per sheet, or at the rate of One hundred and sixty-eight pounds per mill ream."