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Cuddio Rhestr Erthyglau

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JMli. UHAULUS HUMlMStt UlV IWLth & CIP ATION POLICY. The following are portions of the speech of the Hon. Charles Sumner, senator of Massachusetts, at the great war meeting lately held at Boston: Thank God that I live to enjoy this day Thank God, that my eyes have not closed without seeing this great salvation. The skies are brighter and the air is purer now that slavery has been handed over to judgment. By the proclamation of the President, all persons held as slaves January 1, 1863, within any state or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in re- bellion against the United States, shall be then, thence- forward and for eVEl free; and the exeutive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognise and maintain the freedom of such persons, and do no act or acts to repiess such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. But beyond these most effective words, which do not go into operatioa before the new year, there are other words of immediate operation, constituting a present edict cf emancipation. Freedom is practically secured to all who can find shelter within our lines, and the glorious flag of the Union wherever it floats becomes tho flag of freedom. Thank God for what has been already done, and let us all take heart as we go forward to uphold this great edict. For myself, I accept the proclamation without note or comment. It is enough for me that, in the exercise of the war power, it strikes at the origin and mainspring of this rebellion, for I have never concealed the conviction that it mattered little where we struck slavery, provided only that we were struck sincerely and in earnest. So is it all connected that the whole must suffer with every part, and the word3 of the poet will be verified, that in striking tenth or ten-thousandth, we strike the chain alike." I place myself with the toyal multitudes of the North, firmly and sincerely by the side of the President, where, indeed, I have ever been. But it is said that all appeal to the slaves is unconstitutional; and it is openly as- sumed that rebels who make war on the constitution are not, like other public enemies, beyond its protection. But why this peculiar tenderness whenever slavery is in question ? Battalions may be shot down and property may De taken without due process of law, but slavery must net be touched. The ancient Egyptians, when con- quered, submitted easily to the loss of life and property; but when a Roman soldier happened to kill a cat in the streets, they rose on him and tore him limb from limb, and the excitement was so violent that the generals overlooked the outrage for fear of insurrection. Slavery is our sacred cat, which cannot be touched without fear^ of in- surrection. Sir, I am tired and disgusted at hearing the constitution perpetually invoked for slavery. According to certain persons, the constitution is all for slavery and nothing for freedom. The safety of the people is the highest law. There' is no blow which the President can strike, there is nothing he can do against the rebellion, which is not constitutional. Only inaction can be unconstitutional Search the writers on the law of nations, and you will find an appeal to the slaves ustified. Search history, whether in ancient or modern times, and you will find it justified by examples. In our revolution the appeal was made by three different British commanders-Lord Dunmore, Sir Henry Clinton, and Lord Cornwallis. I io not stop for details. That this appeal was not unsuccessful was evident from the language of Washington with regard to Dunmore, of whom he said, His strength will in- crease as a snowball by rolling, and faster, if some expedient cannot be hit upon to convince the slaves and servants of the impotency of his designs." That such an appeal would be proper is admitted by Jeffer- son, while describing his own individual losses from Cornwallis" He destroyed all my growing crops and tobacco; he burned all my barns, containing the same articles of last year. Having first taken what corn he wanted, he used, as was to be expected, all my stock of cattle, sheep, and hogs, for the sustenance of his army, and carried off all the horses capable of service. He carried off also about thiriy slaves. Had this been to give them ireedom, he would have done right." But admitting that an appeal to slaves in support of the Union is constitutional, and also according to the ex- amples of history, it is said that it will be unavailing; for the slaves will not hearken to it. Then why not try ? It can do no harm, and it will at least give us a good name. But if we are not beyond learning from the enemy, we shall see that the generals most hated on our side, and like Adams and Hancock in the revolution, specially excepted from par dun, are Phelps and Hunter; plainly because the ideas of these generals were more feared than any battery or strategy. Of this be assured. The opponents of an appeal to the slaves are not anxious because it will fail. It is only because it may be successful that they oppose it. They fear that it will reach the slaves, rather than that it will not reach them. The glad tidings of freedom will travel with the wind-with tne air-with the light, and will gradually quicken and inspire the whole mass. Secret societies, already formed among the slaves, will be the heralds. The destructive avalanche of the Alps is some- times started by the winding of a horn, and a structure so irrational as slavery will tremble at a sound. From such an appeal two things must ensue: first, the slaves will be encouraged in loyalty; secondly, the masters will be discouraged in disloyalty. Tne rebellion will lose its power. It will be hamstrung. That such a panic would ensue is attested by the concurring testimony of Southern men, in other days—especially in those remarkable words of John Randolph—that the fire-bell of Richmond does not toll at midnight without the mother clasping her infant to her breast, fearful that the slaves had risen. It is attested also by the actual condition of things when John Brown entered Virginia, as pictured in the familiar words:- He captured Harper's Ferry With his nineteen men so few, An he frightened Old Virginny 'Till she trembled through and through. n asserting the efficacy of this appeal I ground myself on no visionary theories or vain hopes, but on the nature of man and authentic history, To doubt its efficacy is to doubt that man is m"n, with a constant desire for liberty as for life, and it is also to doubt the unquestionable instances in our own history where this desire has been displayed by African slaves. The fears of a servile insurrection are founded on a mis- taken idea of the African slave. The story of St. Domingo, so often quoted against him, testifies to his humanity. It was only when Napoleon, in an evil hour, sought to enslave him, that those scenes d blood occurred which exhibit less the cruelty of the slave than the atrocious purposes of the white man. The African is not cruel, vindictive, or harsh; but gentle, forgiving, and kind. Such is authentic history. If slavery be regarded as a disease, it must be extirpated by knife and cautery, for only in this way can the healthful operations of national life be restored. If it be regarded as a motive, it must be expelled from the system, that it may nolunger exercise its disturbing influence. But fellow-citizens, the war which we wage is not merely for our- selves it is for all mankind. Slavery yet lingers in Brazil, and beneath'the Spanish flag in those two golden possessions, Cuba and Porto Rico; but nowhere "can it survive its extinction here. Slavery is the heaviest burden which man has been called to bear; it is the only burden which oar country has been called to bear. Let it drop, and our happy country, with humanity in her train, all changed in raiment and in countenance like the Christian Pilgrim, will hurry upward to the celestial gate. If thus far our example has failed, it is simply because of slavery. It was vain to proclaim our unparalleled prosperity, the comfort diffused among a numerous people, resources with- out stint, or even the education of our children; the enemies of the republic simply said, "There is slavery;" and our example became powerless. But let slavery disappear, and this same example will be of irresistible might. Without firing a gun or writing a dispatch it will revolutionise the world. Therefore the battle which we now fight belongs to the grandest events of history. It constitutes one of those epochs from which humanity will date. In this hour of trial let none cf us fail. Above all, let none of us go over to the enemy, even should his tents for a moment be pitched in Faneuil Hall; and do not forget that there can be but two parties—the party of the country, with the President for its head, and with eman- cipation for its glorious watchword; and the party of the rebellion, with Jefferson Davis for its head, and no other watchword than slavery. Mr. Sumner spoke about two hours, and was frequently applaudad, and subjected to occasional interruptions from his opponents. — «

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