The Cardiff and Merthyr Guardian Glamorgan Monmouth and Brecon Gazette

THE WEST RIDING ELECTION. TO THE FARMERS, THE OPERATIVES, AND THE FRIENDS OF NATIVE INDUSTRY IN THE WEST RIDING OF YOltX- SHIRE. Brother Yorkshiremen-At the last election the leaders of the Conservative party nobly did their duty. The country gentlemen, whose motto is Live and let live," and the old English manufacturers and merchants, whose maxim is a fair day's wages for a fair day's la- bour," entered into a solemn compact to rescue the Riding from Whig thraldom, and the country from Whig misrule. They hoisted the banner of "The altar, the throne, and the cottage," and called upon the friends of the Church, the supporters of the monarchy, and the pro- tectors of native industry, to rally beneath its shelter; nor did they call in vain. The cheers which announced our glorious victory have scarcely yet died away the handwriting on the wall," which told Lord Morpeth that Whiggery was defunct in the West Riding, is scarcely jet obliterated; and, behold, it is proclaimed to the world that Conservatism in West Yorkshire is as dead as Whiggery. Fellow-countrymen, this is glorious news! From this time forth let the thimblerigging" word Conservative" be struck out of the political vocabulary. It was coined to take in a nation—it has already destroyed a party. Let" Protection" or Free Trade" henceforth be the rallying cries. Let these two principles be again tested at the ensuing election. Rise up, then, men of York- shire —not a moment is to be lost. England expects and insists that you shall do your duty. If those who led you to victory in 1841 are now dead to patriotism, are now impervious to the calls of their country in the hour of peril, when anarchists and demo. crats are marshalling their forces to pull down the Church, to destroy the Monarchy, to upset the Peerage, to lay the aristocracy in the dust, and to plunder the working man of his hereditary property—"a fair day's wages for a fair day's labour if they have forgotten the principles which they avowed in 1841, and which induced ten thousand honest but humble electors to vote for the men of their choice, I thank God that those who on that occasion were induced to follow, are now prepared and determined to take the lead, although deserted by the men who ought to have been foremost in the coming fray. I have this day been called upon by the manufacturing operatives of the West Riding to do my duty, and to ap- pear upon the hustings at the ensuing election, to fight the battle of labour against capital." Since I became a public man I have never deserted their interests, either in the Senate or in the country; therefore, unless unforeseen circumstances occur on the day of nomination, I shall propose as a candidate for your choice a thorough Englishman-a man who has honesty written in his face, and who has a character of unble- mished integrity upon his back who is for— Protection for our Protestant religion against the insi- dious attacks and alarming encroachments of Popery, avowed Infidels, and Unitarian Dissenters— Protection for the Monarchy against a league of con- spirators, who dared, at a public meeting at Rochdale, to avow that they wanted no Royal Funily"- Protection for the Peerage against a league of conspi- rators who have openly declared that "they will not cease their labours until the Peerage is laid in the dust," and who were designated by Cobden, at Stockport, a set of noodles and doodles"- Protection for the aristocracy against a league of con- spirators, who have openly declared, that they will not cease their labours until the aristocracy is laid in the dust"- Protection for the landowners, be they great or small, against a conspiracy of cotton lords, who boasted at Manchester that their wealth would buy up the whole of the land in the kingdom— Protection for agriculture, as the source of all human provision- Protection for the farmer, who has multiplied his cattle, replenished the earth and subdued it, and converted bar- ren hills into fruitful fields- Protection for the manufacturers' securest and best market—"the home trade"— Protection for the manufacturing operatives' labour against a conspiracy to reduce it to the continental level" Protection for the manufacturing operatives against life-destroying labour, by an efficient Ten Hours Fac- tory Bill"- Protection against the truck system," and against abatement of wages— Protection for the poor against the tyranny and op- pression of the Poor Law Commissioners, who have waged a ceaseless, and desolating warfare against the poor man's cottage— In short, a man whose motto shall be—" Protection for all, destruction to none." This man is the Hon. Edwin Lascelles. From him we shall have, from him we will receive, no refusal; for public men doubly become public property in the hour of danger. Yorkshiremen!—Although late in the field, we have nothing to fear. The constituency amounts to 36,000 voters, and after all the exertions of the League, not one quarter are yet pledged to vote for Cobden's man." Landowners !-Cobden tells you that you are a set of muttons," who are going to be fleeced without a bleat. Farmers'.—Cobden tells you that you are a set of Chawbacons," and are unfit to till the soil and so you will be, if you don't rise as one man and drive" the League candidate" out of the Riding. On the day of nomination, I shall exercise my privilege as an elector, and call upon Lord Morpeth to answer the following questions :— 1. Upon what country do you propose that England shall become dependent for her supply of cornl 2. What guarantee do you propose to give that any country will provide us with a constant supply of corn in all seasons, in peace and in war, and that the people will never rise up under a dread of scarcity, and prevent it; exportation 1 3. What security will the country have that corn spe- culators will not raise the price of corn far above the value it has ever been sold for in England after they shall have monopolised the supply ? 4. In what way do you propose to remunerate the landowners for the loss which they will sustain in the reduction of the value of land 1 5. In what way do you propose to remunerate the farmers for the reduction in the value of their capital by the introduction of foreign corn 6. How do you propose to employ the agricultural labourers thrown out of employment by the introduction of foreign corn ? 7. Will not a large increase of bands in the manufac- turing labour market reduce the price of labour 1 S. Would not a Free Trade in manufactures reduce wages to the continental level! 9. Have not the wages of the manufacturing operatives greatly decreased during these last few years, whilst the supply of manufactured goods has greatly increased < 10. Dare the Anti-Corn Law League meet the opera- tives in any manufacturing town, and publicly discuss the question of Free Trade! If they dare, be so good as to name the town. 11. Name one single foreign country which is prepared to enter into a Free Trade treaty with England. 12. Are not all foreign governments encouraging and nursing their manufactures by protective and prohibitory duties, and have they not increased their Tariffs since we reduced our Tariff2? 13. If no foreign country will enter into a treaty of I1 ree Trade, how do you propose to carry out the princi- ples of Free Trade in manufactures 1 14. The Poor Law Commissioners, in the year 1836 and 1837, delivered into the hands of some Anti-Corn Law League cotton-spinners a great many thousands of agricultural labourers, for the purpose of enabling them to "absorb" the "surplus population" of the south, in reducing the wages of the manufacturing operatives- Will you be so good, now that you are a member of the Anti-Corn Law League, as to inform the operatives now present, whether they are alive, or whether they have been absorbed" and used up." Operatives !-I shall call upon you to adopt the follow- ing resolutions:- We, the operatives of the West Riding of Yorkshire, do hereby resolve, that the delivering a large body of agricultural labourers into the hands of the Anti-Corn Law League cotton-spinners by the Poor Law Commis- sioners, for the purpose of I absorbing' the surplus popu- lation' of the south in < equalising our wages to the con- tinental level,' was a secret conspiracy to rob us of our property, a direct invasion of the rights of labour, an act of monstrous cruelty and oppression, and a violation of the British Constitution." That Messrs. Ashworth and Gregg, who originated this secret conspiracy with the Poor Law Commissioners, to rob us of our fair day's wages for a fair day's labour, are members of the Anti-Corn Law League." That the introduction of the « surplus population' of the south into the manufacturing districts not only I lowered wages to the continental level,' but reduced the manufacturing operatives to such a state of misery and want as to compel them to feed upon the refuse of dunghills." That one of the chief objects which the Anti-Corn Law League has in view is to reduce wages to the con- tinental level, and thus to increase the profit of capital, by screwing down the price of labour." Operatives !-Be at Wakefield on the day of nomina- tion in your countless thousands; pass these resolutions, and give the League its death-blow in Yorkshire. I am, ever yours faithfully, Paris, Jan. 16, 1846. W. B. FERRAND. 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Intjinnal$)avltamrnt. HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY. The Lord Chancellor read the Queen's Speech (which we gave in our last number), and which was afterwards read by the Clerk of the House at the table. The Earl of Home rose to propose that a humble address be presented to Her Majesty, in answer to Her Majesty's most gracious Speech from the throne, which their lordships had just heard read. Lord De Roos, in seconding the Address, noticed with especial commendation the suggestion for effectual means to check assassination in Ireland. After several Peers had spoken, the Address was agreed to, and the House adjourned to Saturday, when the Address was presented to Her Majesty. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY. The Speaker, in his state robes, entered the House about half-past one o'clock, and prayers having been said, the members were soon after summoned by the Usher of the Black Rod to attend in the House of Peers, by com- mand of Her Majesty. At a quarter before four the Speaker again took his seat, when twelve new members came to the table to be sworn. THE ADDRESS. The Speaker then said, that is obedience to the Royal command, he had attended Her Majesty in the upper House of Parliament, when Her Majesty had been gra- ciously pleased to make a Speech from the throne, which, with the permission of the House, he would then read. The right hon. gentleman then read the Speech. Lord F. Egerton then proceeded to move the Address, in reply to the Speech from the throne; and, after advert- ing to some of the earlier topics of the Speech, dwelt at much length upon that relating to the commercial policy of the country, upon which he admitted that his opinions had undergone considerable change; and he believed the time had arrived for reconsidering the whole of our laws relat- ing 10 import duties. As to any fear of evil from relying upon foreigners for our supply of food, his lordship said he looked upon it as chimerical, for no combination of circumstances could prevent our receiving corn for which we were willing to pay, as was evidenced in the year 1810, when we were at war, with the world in arms against us, and yet had received 1,200,000 quarters of corn from European countries, 600,000 of which were from Fraace herself. The noble lord concluded by moving the Ad- dress, which, as usual, was but an echo of the Speech. Mr. Beckett Denison, in seconding the address, alluded to the state of Ireland, which had been threatened in the last few months both by famine and by murder, and expressed a hope that the danger of the first was exagge- rated, though he was compelled to admit that the latter had been walking unpunished in bioad daylight for some months past. He stated that his constituents, the most numerous of any constituency in the kingdom, were looking with great anxiety to the nature of the proposi- tions of the Government with regard to the commercial policy of the country. The Address having been read from the chair, Sir R. Peel rose, and addressed the House. He said he hoped that, though his course might be deemed un- usual in rising at so early a period of the debate, he should be considered as acting in conformity with the ordinary practice of the House in explaining at once the grounds which had led him, and those with whom he had acted, first to tender their resignation of their offices to Her Majesty, and then to re-appear in the House as the Ministers of the Crown. The right hon. gentleman said— I ask you to listen at least with patience and indulgence to those facts and that evidence which I shall this night adduce, and which will form the materials on which other tribunals, judging under less excitement, will ultimately pronounce upon the motives and the conduct of men charged with deep respon- sibility in critical times. (Hear, hear.) I wish to explain what were the grounds which led me and those with whom I acted humbly to tender to a gracious Sovereign the resignation of the trust which was committed to us. I wish also to ex plain what were the circumstances under which that trust was resumed, and under which I now appear as the minister of this empire. (Hear, hear.) The immediate cause which led to the t'is otution of the Government in the early part of last December was that great and mysterious calamity, which caused a lampntable failure in an article of food on which great numbers of the people in this part of the united king- dom, and still larger numbers in the sister kingdom, depend mainly for their subsistence. That was the immediate and proximate cause, no doubt, which led to the dissolution of the Government. Hut it would be unfan and uncandid on my part, if I attached undue importance to that particular cause. That particular cause appeared to me to preclude further delay, and to require immediate decision—decision not only upon the measures which it was necessary at the time to adopt, but as to the course to be ultimately taken with regard to the laws which govern the importation of grain. (Hear, hear.) I will not assign to that cause too much weight. I will not withhold the homage which is due to the progress of reason and to truth, by denying that my opinions upon the subject of pro- tection have undergone a change. (Cheers from the opposi- tion ) Whether holding a private station, or in a public one, I will assert the privilege of yielding to the force of argument and conviction, and acting upon the results of enlarged expe- rience. (Cheers.) It may be supposed that there is some- thing humiliating in making such admissions I feel no such humiliation. (LOIld cheers.) I should feel humiliation, if, having modified or changed my opinions. I declined to ac- knowledge the change for fear of incurring the imputation of inconsistency. (Cheers.) The question is whether the facts are sufficient to account for the change, and the motives for it are pure and disinterested. Nothing could be more base on the part of a puhlic man Iban to protect himself from danger by preteuding a change; on the other hand, nothiug can be more inconsistent with the duty he owes to his Sovereign aud country than if, seeing reason to aher his course, be is pre- cluded from that alteration by the fear of being launted with it. He then observed that a change in his opinions had been forced upon him by the experience of the last three years. He did not now think protection of native in- dustry was in itself right and advantageous, and said— That by the removal of protective duties great social inte- rests have been promoted, prices maintained, crime dimi- nished, morality improved. I could bring evidence to prove public health also improved—trade extended—and all this, not only without injury to domestic productions, but with an increase in their price. But, notwithstanding the conviction thus brought home to my mind by experience, my impression was, that on other grounds the duty of reconsidering the Curn laws ought not to have devolved upon me. (Hear, hear.) This, then, was deeply impressed upon my mind—that I could not this session have met the motion of the hon. member (Mr. Cobden) for a reconsideration of the corn laws with a direct negative. (Loud cheers from the Opposition.) I claim nocreditat ait,for the arguments which have brought about this change of opinion have beM those of experience, and I tuink those who, without waitin £ ror the lessons of that experience, arrived at the same conclusions, are entitled to credit in that respect. But I could not undertake the defence of the corn laws on public ground-either on the ground that heavy debt and high taxation rendered those laws requisite; or on the ground that the interests of labour required that they should continue, for the sake of a connexion supposed between high prices and high wages; or on the ground that interference with protection to domestic industry must affect the general interests of the countiy. But I wished most earnestly to have an opportunity of stating to those who have honoured me with their confidence on so many occasions, that I could continue my contest no longer—that I must devolve on others the duty of defending the corn laws. I doubted if it would not be advantageous that in another Parliament the question should be considered. (Hear, hear.) But there did occur, in the course of last autumn, an event which precluded my taking the course which would have been more consonant to my own feelings. A great calamity, caused by a scarcity which was, and which I believe still is, impending (hear, hear), a visit- ation of Providence, occurring, not in Ireland alone, nor in Great Britain, but in many parts of America, in many parts of f ranee, was then threatening. We Her Majesty's servants held the Government at the time. It appeared to us as a Government that it was our duty to the Sovereign and to the country to take every possible precaution to meet the danger. If it was advisable to take immediate measures to meet the danger, then it would have been impossible, consistent with our duty, to avoid taking those measures. If, indeed, we had pretended to entertain those apprehensions of scarcity for the purpose of effecting an alteration of the corn laws, nothing could have been more base or more dishouest. But you shall now have an opportunity of judging of the motives by which I and others were actuated, and of determining whether or no, with the information of which we were in possession, we were not justified in drawing the conclusion that it was impossible for us to maintain in all their integrity the existing corn laws. (Cheers.) My opinion, founded upon the evidence which I shall now adduce—my opinion was, that that was impossible. The advice which I individually offered at an early period, early in November, was to meet the emergency by a suspension of the existing duty upon corn and provisions. (Cheers from the Opposition.) I came to that conclusion—I was induced to advise that unusual, not unprecedented, but I win admil un- usual proceeding—I was induced to give that advice by the following considerations. I now approach those explanations which I have to give of the circumstances under which the Government was temporarily dissolved, and nnder wbich the Government, as now constituted, resumed office on the 20th of December of last year. There are two important periods, in giving this explanation, to which I shall refer. The first period is that which elapsed from the 1st of November, 1845, to the 6th of November, 1845, and the second period is that which elapsed from the 25th of November to the 6th of De- cember. 1 propose to read to you consecutively the informa- tion which we then received from different parts of the country and from the Continent, and which appear to me to justify the conclusions to which I came both in the early part of November and at the more recent period. The right hon. baronet then read for the information of the House a number of letters which he had received from England, Scotland, and the Continent, on the sub. ject of the failure of the potato crop; and hoped that those who had so precipitately condemned the Government would now make some allowance for its difficult position. He then proceeded:- These were some of the accounts received in the* months of October and December as to the state of the crop, and I will now direct your attention to Ireland, where so large a propor- tion of the people subsist upon potatoes. In the report made to the Government by Mr. Lucas, Sir R. Routh, and Professor Kane, it is stated that the numerical proportion of the Irish population that may be considered practically to live exclu- sively upon potatoes includes certainly 4,000,000. (Hear.) And I would ask (said the right hon. baronet), would the Government be justified in acting carelessly in teference to a calamity which threatened the existence of 4,000,000 of people ? (Hear, hear.) The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had been sending ns almost day by day accounts from the whole of the constabulary force, who are spread over the whole of Ireland. It was the duty of my right hon. friend and myseli to devote our days and nights to the reading of these accounts, for the purpose of finding what was the real state of Ireland. I shatt not enter into details they were nearly all concurrent; it will not, therefore, be necessary for me to enter into details; but I will state the impression made upon the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and I will state the communications which he made to Her Majesty's Government here. On the 17th of October, Lord Heytesbury writes to the Secretary of State "Even if the crops should turn out to be as bad as is now apprehended, it is not thought that there will be auy immediate pressure in the market. There will be enough saved for immediate con- sumption. The evil will probably not be felt in all its inten- sity titt towards tbe month of February or the beginning ot spring. I am usurer that there ia no Mock whatever of laaf lwl potatoes ia tbe country." The right hon. baronet said, that these letters, and the reports of Messrs. Playfair and Lindly, &c., had caused him, on the 6th of November, to propose, either by order in council, or by calling Parliament together within a fortnight, to remove the restrictive duties on corn for a limited period, during which a settlement of the whole question might be determined u; on by Parliament. He was prepared to take the responsibility of an order in council, and to follow the example of Belgium, which, by such a course, had in a short time cleared Liverpool of rice, and raised that article 75 per cent. in price in the British markets. His advice was taken by three only of his colleagues, and they separated on that occasion with- out coming to any conclusion. So far as he was person- ally concerned, he ought then to have resigned but he felt that he ought not to evade a difficult duty, and he resolved to remain while a hope remained of inducing his colleagues to take his view of the question. On the 26th, he again urged his proposition on the attention of the Cabinet; but in the mean time his position had been changed by the appearance of the letter of Lord John Russell on the 22d. He felt, on the 26th of November, that nothing but the support of a united government would enable him to bring the settlement of the question to a successful issue, for they would appear to be servilely following the recommendation of the noble lord, in his letter of the 22d. Even then he would not have aban- doned the task if he were supported by a unanimous Cabinet. He had the misfortune to differ from one noble lord for whom he entertained the highest esteem—Lord Stanley—who thought that the danger of the potato crop had been greatly magnified, and that there was no occasion for the order in Council. Lord Stanley felt it his duty to resign, and as he was not the only member of the Ca- binet who took the same view of the subject, he (Sir Robert Peel) thought it better to retire from the govern- ment. His resignation was accepted by Her Majesty, and he considered himself as a private member, and he was prepared in that capacity to give every facility to any government which might be formed for the settlement of the question of the Corn-laws. He remained under this impression until Saturday, the 20th of December, when, by command of Her Majesty, he again waited upon her at Windsor, and was asked if he would persevere in his resignation. He at once replied that as Lord John Russell had not succeeded in the formation of a Ministry he would return to town, and endeavour to prevail on his colleagues to fall into his views. He did so, and his col- leagues felt that, under the circumstances, it was their public duty to the country to assist him. He would not anticipate the discussion of Tuesday next, by then stating the nature of the proposition he had submitted to the Cabinet, but he would reply to the charge which had been made against him of treason to the agricultural in- terest, to which he would, indeed, have been a traitor had he called for public money to purchase oats, as a substitute for potatoes, while at the same time refusing all relaxation of protective duties. He had been taunted with owing obligations to those who had placed him in power, and who had it in their power to displace him if they chose. He wished it to be understood that he owed no obligation to any man, or body of men, for compelling him to submit to the toils of office. He valued not power because it conferred the privilege of distributing honours, for that privilege of selection gave no pleasure, because its exer- cise inevitably occasioned more disappointments than con- ciliations. Personal objects he had none. 'He had served four Sovereigns, and to each of them he had stated that he required no other reward but the assurance that he had served them as a faithful and a loyal subject. Power for personal objects he wanted not—to be relieved from it with perfect honour, so far from being a penalty, would be to him the greatest of boons. He did not wish to be the Prime Minister of England but whilst he was so, he would hold office by no servile tenure. He would hold it by no other obligation than that of serving the public interests. He concluded his speech with an eloquent defence of his own Conservative policy both at home and abroad, contending that he had put an end to the murmurs of disaffection, and had done his utmost to perform no easy task, namely, that of reconciling the action of an ancient Monarchy and a proud Aristocracy with that of a reformed House of Commons. The right hon. gentleman sat down amidst loud cheering. Lord J. Russell then rose, and entered into an explan- ation of the causes which had led him to write his letter to the electors of London. He thought, in the state of the potato crop, that Government was not doing its duty in not opening the ports and it now appeared that the right hon. baronet and three of his colleagues were of the same opinion. On the 8th of December he received the commands of Her Majesty to wait upon her at Osborne House, and on the 10th he was enabled to do so, when it was proposed to him to form an Administration. He at once told Her Majesty that there were great difficulties in the way—that his friends were in a minority in both Houses of Parliament, and it would be therefore impos- sible to propose a settlement with any hope of success. Her Majesty immediately placed in his hands a letter from Sir R. Peel, stating his reasons for resigning, and also stating that as a private member he would give every faci- lity to any Government which might be formed for the settlement of the question of the Corn-laws. He consulted with a few friends, and they all felt a desire to know the exact nature of the proposition which the right hon. ba- ronet had submitted to his Cabinet. He accordingly communicated with Sir R. Peel, who gave him all the information which he himself possessed, but did not think it expedient to enter into the particulars of his proposition. Then came the question, whether they should submit their contemplated proposition to Parliament at once, or dissolve and call a new one. He (Lord John Russell) thought it better not to dissolve unless they could be cer- tain of the support of the right hon. gentleman, and of a considerable number of his supporters. The right hon. baronet, however, for reasons which he (Lord J. Russell) admitted to be cogent, thought it was nwt advisable that a person out of the service of the Crown should be consulted. He again consulted with his friends on the measure which the right hon. baronet had intended to propose for the settlement of the question, that measure being contained in his letter to Her Majesty. It was a present suspension of the Corn-laws, and their total repeal at no distant pe- riod, by a gradual reduction of duty; this gradual reduc- tion, he thought, would be an advantage more apparent than real to the landlord. He, however, stated to Her Majesty all the difficulties of his position, and Her Majesty replied, by saying that she had sent his letter to Sir R. Peel, who had replied by saying that he would support a proposition for the settlement of the question. The following is his lordship's letter;- Chesham-place, Dec. 16, 1S45. Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Ma- jesty, and has the honour to submit to your Majesty tbe fol- lowing considerations :— Sir Robert Peel's letter to your Majesty, communicated to Lord John Russell at Osborne House, offers the support of Sir Robert Peel to bis successors, provided their measures should be founded on certain principles, which are there explained, and framed in a spirit of caution and forbearance towards the interests to be affected. The measures which Sir Robert Peel had in contemplation appear to bave been Ihe present suspension of the duties on corn—a repeal of the Corn-laws at uo remote period, preceded by a diminution of duties; relief to the occupiers of land from burdens by wbich tbey are peculiarly affected, as far as it may be practicable. Upon full consideration of these proposals, Lord J. Russell is prepared to assent to the opening of the ports, and to the fiscal relief which it was intended to afford. But upon maturely weighing the second proposal, that by which duties would, after a suspension, or temporary repeal, namely, be re-imposed and again diminished, there appears to him to be grave objections to such a measure. The advantage given thereby to the land appears to him more apparent than real; the uncertainty of prices in future years will be aggravated, and the prospect of a complete free trade would be still kept in the distance the prospect alarm- ing the farmer, and the distance irritating the merchants and manufacturers. In Ihis view be finds that many persons deeply engaged to the maintenance and support of the agricultural class entirely participate. So great an object as the settlement of this question might indeed have been held sufficient to justify the support of Sir R. Peel's Administration, had they proposed such a measure. But as Lord J. Ruuell is placed at present, he could nQt him- self propose a measure against which tIle weight of argument as well as of public opinion, appears to him to preponderate. Had the harvest been plentiful, and curn cheap, it might have been very advisable to have diminished the duties gra- dually, but the restoration of a duty after suspension has all the appearance of the re-enactment of a protective law. Lord John Russell humbly submits to your Majesty that should the proposal of an immediate repeal, instead of imme- diate suspension and ultimate repeal of the Corn-law, preclude Sir Robert Peel from affording that support to a new govern- ment which he so spontaneously and handsomely offered in his letter of the 10th of December, Lord John Russell must humbly decline the task so graciously confided to him by your Majesty. Lurd John Russell concurs with the reasoning of Sir Robert Peel, which shows the inexpediency of pledging him to the outline of a series of measures. The measures for fiscal purposes, therefore, would have to be considered in detail by those aloue who may be in your Majesty's service. Lord John Russell trusts that your Majesty will attribute the reluctance which he feels 10 undertake the government without a previous knowledge of the opinion of Sir Robert Peel to his very deep sense of the iojury the country may sustain from the rejection of a measure of such vital impor- tance, and not to a desire to obtain a|security_for those who may be in power. The Noble Lord, after the reading of the letter, said— Her Majesty was graciously pleased to answer my letter the same evening, informing me that she had sent to Sir Robert Peel, and that she understood the motives by wbich I was guided in endeavouring to procure support for the great mea- sure which I bad undertaken to propose. All I shall say in this place is, that those rumours which were circulated, that I was unable to bring those I consulted to an agreement on the subject of the Corn-laws, were utterly unfounaed. (Hear, hear,) Those I consulted—all, with the exception of my brother, the Duke of Bedford, persons who had belonged to Her Majesty's Privy Council, and had been in the Cabinet during either the present or the former reign-entirely con- curred with me in the sentiments expressed in my letter. Her Majesty next day desired I would attend her at Windsor Castle and when I then explained the difficulty whi".h I felt, she put into my hands a letter from the Right liou. Baronet, which, if he has no objection, I will read. Sir R. Peel.—I have no objection. Lord J. Russell then read the following letter from Sir Robert Peel to Her Majesty :— Whitehall, Dec. 17, 1845. Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and takes the earliest opportunity of acknowledging the receipt of your Majesty's letter of yesterday, which reached him at a late hour last night. Sir Robert Peel feels assured that your Majesty will permit hIm humbly to refer to the communications he has addressed to your Majesty since the tender of his resignation, as an evidence of his earnest desire to co-operate in a private capa- city in the adjustment of the question of the Corn-laws. In the letter of Lord John Russell to your Majsty, he ex- presses his concurrence in the reasoning of Sir Robert Peel, which snows the inexpediency of pledging Sit Robert Fed to the outline of a series of measures connected with the settle- ment of that question. Lord John Russell requires. at the same time. that Sir R. Peel should give assurances which amount substantially to a pledge, that he will support one of those measures, namely— tbe immediate and total repeal of the Corn-laws. Sir Robert Peel humbly expresses to your Majesty his regrpt that he does not feel it to be consistent wiih his duty to enter upon the consideration of this important question in Parlia- ment, being fettered by a previous engagement of the nature of that required from him. In consequence of that letter, he undertook the forma- tion of the government, though he felt that he was in- curring a great risk, for if they failed they would be exposed to the charge of having undertaken what they were unable to perform. The following day, however, he had to communicate to his colleagues a letter he had received from Lord Grey, stating reasons why he could not join the Administration. With great respect for the ability, courage, and honesty of Lord Grey, this alone would not have caused him to give up but when he remembered that he was the first amongst them all to declare himself in that house in favour of free trade in corn, he felt that all kinds of interpretations would be put upon his absence from the government. He there- fore wrote to Her Majesty, informing her of the impos- sibility which he found in his way of forming a Ministry. The following is his Lordship's letter:— Chesham-Place, Dec. 20, 1845. Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour to state that he has found it impossible to form an Administration. Lord John Ifussell was aware from the first moment when your Majesty was pleased to propose to him this commission, that there were very great difficulties in the way, which it required the most cordial co-operation on the part of his friend-, and the firm support of a large portion of those who followed Sir Robert Peel, to surmouut. Lord John Hussell has had solely in view the settlement o the question of the Com-lavs, by which the country is so much agitated. Those who have served your Majesty and your royal ore- decessor in Cabinet offices during the Administration of Lord Grey and Lord Melbourne, who were now in political con- nexion with Lord John Russell, were consulted by him. They agreed -on the principles by which they would be guidrd in framing a measure for the repeal of the Corn-laws. Thus one great difficulty was surmounted. Hut as the party which acts with Lord John Russell is in a mmority in both Houses of Parliament, it was necessary to ascertain how far they were likely to obtain the support of Sir Robert Peel. Your Majesty is acquainted with all that has passed on this. subject. Lord John Russell is quite ready to admit that Sir Robert Peel has been willing from the commencement to the end to diminish the difficulties in the course of a new govern- ment prepared to attempt the settlement of the Corn-laws. But Sir Robert Peel could not, of course, rely on the support of his political friends, should the proposed measure be in their eyes dangerous and unwise. In this uncertainty of obtaining a majority in the House of Commons, it was absolutely necessary that all those who were prominent in the political party to which Lord John Russell is attached, should give their zealous aid, and act in concert in the new Administration. Lord John Russell has, in one instance, been unable to obtain this concert, and he must now consider that task as hopeless, which has been from the beginning hazardous. Lord John Uussell is deeply sensible of the embarrassment caused by the present state of public affairs. He will be ready, therefore, to do all in his power, as a Member of Par- liament, to promote the settlement of that question which in present circumstances, is the source of so much danger, espe. cially to the welfare and peace of Ireland. ° Lord John Russell would have formed his Ministry on the basis of a complete free-trade in corn, to be established at once without gradation or delay. He would have accompa- nied that proposal with measures of relief to a considerable extent of the occupiers of land from the burdens to which they are subjected. But he will be little disposed to insist, as a Member of Parhament, on what may seem to your Majesty's advisers, an impracticable course. The country requires above all things, an early and peaceable settlement of a ques- tion which, if not soon settled, may ill au adverse state of affairs cause a fearful convulsion. His Lordship said he owed the deepest debt of grati- tude to Her Majesty for the gracious manner in which she had intrusted him with the task of forming an Adminis- tration, and for the facilities which she was always ready to afford with the view of lessening the difficulties of the task he had undertaken. He then stated that his pro- posal would have been a repeal of the Corn-laws without gradation or delay, but accompanied with the removal of some of the burdens pressing upon agriculture. The noble lord concluded by stating, that his only regret for not having succeeded in forming a Ministry was, that he was thereby prevented from bringing forward a measure which he believed would have conduced to the happiness of the people of Ireland. Mr. Disraeli, Lord Northland, Mr. Miles, and Col. Sibthorp then severally addressed the house after which the Address was agreed to, and the house adjourned. FRIDAY. The proceedings formed an interesting appendix to those of Thursday though they may, and must, be briefly described. On the report of the Address, which passed without formal opposition, Mr. Colquhoun revived the wrangle which Mr. Disraeli began. He reproached Sir Robert Peel for desiring not to be bound in 1846 by views ex- pressed in 1842, and for abandoning that strong attach- ment which he had expressed for the Church, Agriculture, the Aristocracy now called proud" and the Crown. He predicted for Tuesday, that there would be some com- pensation for the agricultural interest—some commuta- tion—lots of mystification but the Corn-laws would be abandoned. Sir Robert's arguments were as rotten as the potatoes. It must be admitted that in his financial measures and in his foreign measures the Administration of Sir Robert had been characterized by great wisdom, great prudence, and therefore, by great success. But the whole policy of England was not wrapt up in those two questions, and for the approaching storm with which our institutions are threatened he had shown himself a bad pilot. Mr. George Bankes afterwards followed up this attack. The Ptemier, the Royal Speech, the measures, and even the increase of the Navy Estimates, all things Ministerial except the Slave-trade paragraph, were warmly vindicated by Afr. Hume! Sir Robert Peel re- plied to Mr. Colquhoun by reiterating many of his posi- tions of Thursday night. He warned his assailant, that in two months the scarcity would prove to be no fit subject for joking levity about rotten potatoes the most alarming reports had been received that morning from Ireland. Mr. Colquhoun, who reproached him with change, had himself changed sides, having voted with Mr. Yilliers why had he changed ? because, having been disappointed by the Minister on the subjects of Maynooth and the Scottish Church, he sought to retaliate through the Corn-laws. But Sir Robert declared that he would not be provoked by any acrimony to lose his temper the subject at issue was far too important to be disposed of by recriminations and personalities let him be answered by arguments not reproaches. As to the Aristocracy, he did not call it proud" in reproach he alluded to the just pride of high and heroic achievements —the superbia qucesita rntritis. The O'Connor Don and Mr. Sharman Crawford corroborated Sir Robert Peel's warning as to the potato crop. The address was ordered to be presented to-day. Sir Thomas Fremantle obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the acts for the extension and promotion of public works in Ireland. This bill would enable districts to borrow money for the erection of public works, and for the promotion of fisheries in Ireland. It would ex- lend the time for the repayment of these loans from three to twenty years, and would enable the constituted autho- rities to reduce the interest on them to a less rate than five per cent. in certain cases. Such a bill would be of great advantage to Ireland in the present alarming con- dition of its population from impending scarcity. The Oregon question was touched upon. In reply to objecting questions by Lord John Russell, and to an improving one by Mr. Hume, Sir Robert Peel stated that he should consider any termination to the quarrel about the Oregon but a pacific one a most lamentable misfor- tune. The American Goverment had offered terms for a compromise Mr. Pakenham, thinking them little likely to be accepted by this Government, had, somewhat indiscreetly, declined to transmit them since that time, the English Government had again offered to refer the matter to arbitration no answer had yet been received to that proposition. The usual Sessional Order passed, with some of the usual objections. In reply to Lord John Russell. Mr. Goulburn said that Government would resist any altera- tion of the Standing Order relative to the payment of deposits by Railway Companies.

iHaiUttag Intelligence. SOUTH WALES RAILWAY.—Notice has been given by two of the Directors of this Company to the landowners in this town and neighbourhood, that it is the intention of the company by their surveyors, engineers, and agents, to enter upon their lands for the purpose of surveying, taking levels, &c. We therefore presume that the forma- tion of the line will be shortly commenced, especially as we understand that it has been actually marked out in the neighbourhood or Saint Mary-street. Sir George Hayter, who met with an accident at Pens- hurst in July last, has had a compensation paid him by the railway directors, of £2,OOO.-Globe. ASPECT OF THE WBEK-—grand career of new pro- jects is about to commence. Parliament has met, and we are to have forthwith the announcement of the Government intentions as regards these schemes and railways in general. When the deposit question has been settled, we shall know the course to be pursued with committees. The half-yearly meetings of the established companies are now being held, and, as our reports show, give the most satisfactory results. squabbles among several of the promoters of new companies and scripholders con- tinue without much profit to one party or the other. An action of considerable interest to persons who figure as Provisional Committeemen on exploded railway pro- jects was tried on Tuesday, at the Court of Exchequer, before Mr. Baron Alderson and a common jury. Mr. Barnett, a stationer and printer in the City, sued Mr. William Jones Burdett, a gentleman of undoubted re- spectability, for £ 172 10s. 6d. being the amount due for printing and stationery supplied to the Irish West Coast Railway Company." In tills company Mr. Burdett was one of the provisional committee; and was to be paid, like his colleagues, for his services. The list of committeemen comprised the names of several London Aldermen, barristers, and persons with sounding desig- nations. Mr. Burdett signed the registry of this promis- ing concern on the 16th October; but he does not seem to have taken a more active hand in the management than other members of the committee. The shares had never been taken up and the whole available property, in scrip, parchments, prospectuses, and books, was seized by the landlord for an antear of rent amounting to £ 15. The counsellor Mr. BmdeUdid not deny iitf liability for debts contracted after the Ibth Uctober. He men- tioned that his client and several of his colleagues were willing to pay JEI50 each towards the debts. Mr. Baron Alderson observed that no possible doubt existed as to th< defendant's liability for debts contracted after he became a member of the provisional committee. The jury re- turned a verdict of £ 119 10s. for the plaintiff. RAILWAY DEPOSITS.—When £35.000,000 was stated months back, to be the amount of deposit the new railway projects would assuredly have to pay, we estimated that when the time arrived, that sum would dwindle down to at least a third, or £ 10,000,000. The Times now con- fesses that £ 10,000,000 will be about the requisite figure. We based our estimate principally on our conviction that amalgamations and failures to a considerable extent would take place. It is acknowledged that these causes have reduced the old estimate of JM5,000,000 to £ 10,000,000. We may also mention, that we then strongly urged amalgamation of most of the competing projects. These have now for the greater part been carried out; but we cannot help observing, that man) thousands of pounds would have been saved had tha' advice been acted upon at the time it was given. We regret to sav, it sometimes answers the purposes of parties to continue knowingly in the wrong. It is commonly believed, that all those schemes which have failed to deposit their plans cannot appear in Parliament, not obtain Bills this Session. This is a great error. Several of them are already in a condition, by amalgamation with other schemes, to go to Parliament. Thus A, being a scheme that has failed to deposit its plans, makes arrange- ments with B, a competitor, which is only in want of money, to go jointly for the line. Amalgamated, they are fit for Parliament; A makes up the defect in money, B iu plans, &c. Thus a scheme that has failed may be even in a better position to obtain the sanction of Parlia- ment to the line, because, owing to its own and compe- titor's defects, an amalgamation takes place, and competition is got rid of. We do not know, therefore, that failures ill depositing plans should be so much de- plored as they are. It would, perhaps, have been a fortunate mischance for the Leeds and West Riding and West Yorkshire schemes had they failed to comply with the requisitions of the Standing Orders; for if they had done so, it is more than probable that they would have coalesced in time to have obtained a Bill last Session thus saving about six months in time, and £ 100,000 or £ 120,000 Parliamentary expenses in opposing each other, by which both were defeated. It is well known that they have now amalgamated. Railway deposits are now daily being made without the least difficulty. In a great many cases it amounts merely to the simple operation of transferring an account from one book to another; thus, with schemes having an account with the Bank of Eng- land, the deposit is made by pen and ink, in carrying the sum from the credit of the company to the credit of the Accouutant-General.—HerapatlC s Journal, + GREAT WELSH CENTRAL RAILWAY COMPANY. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) The adjourned meeting of the shareholders of the above Company, convened by Mr. Stafford, a solicitor, was held on Thursday, at the King's Head Tavern, Poultry; Mr. D. W. Harvey was in the chair. The Chairman entered at considerable length in detailing the occurrences and correspondence with the committee since the last meeting: the substance of which will be gathered from the following letters which he read. It also appeared that Mr. Harvey had gone to the Welsh Central Company's offices, and had privately made an investigation of the accounts, and that this investigation had resulted in his complete con- viction of everything being perfectly proper and straightfor- ward. A great dcal of recriminatory matter we have purposely omitted, as not at all bearmg on the point at issue. The fol- lowing letters were from Mr. Parker, the Solicitor to the Company: "TO STAFFORD, ESQ., BUCK I NGH A M-STK EET, STRAND. Dear Sir,—At the request of Mr. D. W. Harvey, I got the chairman and secretary to meet him on Saturday last to "o into these accounts, which were accordingly submitted to his exa- mination in detail and after his inspection of them he was invited to go through the vouchers, but thisjhe did not think necessary. Another of the gentlemen named at your meeting has since called and entered into a long and minute investiga- tion of these detailed accounts, and compared them with the vouchers. Now, as I understood you to say. that the only gentleman whom you could point to as the client who had called the meeting, viz :—Mr. Cox, a holder of but ten shares in the company, I do hope that the report of the two gentlemen of your own party who have examined the accounts, will con- vince you and Mr. Cox that all has been straightforward and bona fide, thus rendering unnecessary any further meeting or correspondence, particularly as the company is now dissolved and the great bulk of the shares have been brought in. Mr. Harvey was good enough to offer us the assistance of his Protection Society, but this appeared to be unnecessary, as the affairs of this company have already been brought to a close, and its funds nearly all disposed of. 1 send a copy of this lettei to Mr. Harvey, to whose assis- tance '0\1 e ar e all so much indebted. And remain, dear Sir, yours respectfully, "THOMAS I'AKKEH. "18, St. Paul's Churchyard, Jan. 14, 1846. TO D. W. HARVEY, EsQ., OLD JEWRY. Dear Sir,—In my first letter to Mr. Stafford I requested, as you are already aware, to be furnished with the names and addresses of, and the number of shares, held by those persons whom he professes to represent, and to be informed whether any and which of them were subscribers. This information has not been given. Strictly speaking, my clieuts had a right to a clear and ex- plicit answer to these inquiries before entering iuto any expla- nation. They however took higher grouud, und at once threw open their accounts It) your own critical inspection. You made your own appointment. The accounts in detail were laid be- fore you. You examined them, and .hen you had finished and made your own memoranda, you were invited to remain and go over the vouchers, but declined doillg so, intinating that there did not appear any necessity for that, and expressing, particularly, your suprise, that so far from there being, as had been misrepresented at your meeting, £40,000 in hand, the assets had in fact been paid away in satisfaction of the debts of the company, most of which had been piiid, and in pay- ment of the 24s. 6d. per share, back to the numerous persons whose signatures you saw aud examined. You offered us the assistance of the Protection Society in endeavouring by law to compel defaulters to pay, but on reminding you that even ttns, if ever attainable, would be the result only of delay aud inigatioD, and would not, in the end, benefit the shareholders, and Ihat the affairs of the company were already very closely wound up, you left us under an impression, on our minds cer- tamly, that nothing furdleT remained to be done. On a subsequent day, while much occupied in paying hack the balance of deposits, another of your committee, withont any previous notice, called and requested the inspection of tin- accounts of the company. They were laid before him in the same state as you had left them. I did not see the gentleman myself, but am told that he went into a minute examination, called for and inspected the vouchers, made numaons inqni- ries, as you yourself had done, and that he left the people in the office with appareQtly the same impression as you harlleft them, viz:—that every thing was right and proper. I have since heard that this gentleman has expressed to his colleagues his entire convictiou that everything is clear, straightforward, aud satisfactory, and his belief that further inquiries can only be productive of unnecessary trouble and expense. Under these circumstances, and believing that you also, individually, are satisfied, but that nothing short of a suit w',1I satisfy others, who, I fear, ouly seek inforluation witu this view, I shall advise those of the late company who are my clients, to decline further camluunication with them, but to reserve the vindication of their own conduct for the proper time and place. I remain, dear Sir, Your devoted humble servant, THO, PAITK.EH. The next letter is from Mr. Roberts, one of the shareholders named on the Committee of Inquiry, who it appears had also paid a loug visit to the offices of Ihe Company. "13, Kennington-row, January 14, 1846. Sir,—I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 12th instant, respecting an appointment at 3 o'clock to-mor- row, with Mr. D. W. Harvey, as to the affaIrs of the Great Welsh Central Railway Company. 1 am sorry to say, busi- ness of rather a pressing nature will prevent me attending at that time. I, however, applied this day at the offices in Cle- ment-lane, and was introduced to the secretary, Mr. Downman, and the solicitor, Mr. Parker, having mentioned the purport of my visit, I was shewn to the secretary's private room, and a detailed debtor and creditor account was produced. I ex amined this account, and found that the vouchers and bank- ers' cheques produced corresponded wtth the amounts paid. It is but fair to mention, that I received every attention and assistance both from Mr. Parker and Mr. Downman (especially the latter gentleman)—in fact, they seemed rather to court than 6hun iuquiry. "I regret I shall be unable to attend the meeting to-morrow, as it was my intention to have stated to the Committee what part I had taken, and that so far as 1 am concerned, I am per- fectly satisfied with the accounts rendered. your obedient servant, « TllOS. A. ROBERTS.' Mr. Stafford." He had now placed befove the meeting all that had passed. The committee, as the meeting well knew, was appointed for the purpose of investigating the accounts of the company and for Mr. Parker to come to the conclusion that because two of the committee called at the office merely to facilitate the in- quiry, that preliminary investigation was to stifle the object for which the committee had been appointed, was one of those appeals to our infirmities which he (,\1r. H.) thought was never before hazarded. He would suggest that those who were not satisfied with the manner in which the affairs of the company had been managed, and still less with the manner in which the inquiry bad been eluded, should deposit their shares in the hands of the committee (cries of when shall we get them back again''), to be a security for the expenses to be incurred in obtaining justice at the hands of the company, such ex- penses not to exceed 5s. per share. He then read several reso- lutions which he bad prepared for carrying out his suggestion. After some observations from Mr. Hopwood, who, it appear- ed, had received back his deposit, minus the 17s. 6d. It was moved and seconded that the conduct observed to- wards the committee by the officers of the company, as detailed to tbe shareholders, confirmed the impression originally en- tertained of the highly unsatisfactory manner in which the affairs of the company had been conducted. Mr. Hyde (solicitor), who attended in behalf of several shareholders, spoke at great length in opposition to the prose- cution of law proceedings against the company. He had been to the offices in Clement's-lane, where he was shown the ac- counts, and received satisfactory answers to every question be had put to the officers. The institution of actions in the way contemplated might bring them within the law agaiust barratry and "maintenance, and render them liable to transportation (cries of hear. hear"). Some most unwarrantable observa- tions, he thought, had been made against the provisional corn. mittee, though nothing of a specific character had been alleged (hear, hear). No one had ventured to insinuate that the pro- visional committee had put the money of the shareholders in their pockets all that was alleged was, that the expenses were large, and that the committee appointed by the share- holders had not an opportunity of inspecting the accounts. As be had already said, the accounts had been submitted to his inspection, and every information he had required had been afforded to him; and as to the expenses, those who knew the difficulty of procuring engineering aud other assis- tance during the recent excitement in railway matters would not, he thought, be inclined to make very serious objections on this point. If the shareholders chose to attack those who had not performed the obligations they had entered into with the company he certainly should have no objection to sunport them but it was a most ungracious thing to deliberate upon taking legal steps against gentl.-m.-n who had without fee or reward used their best exertions to wind up the affairs of company in a manner least expensive to those whose interests had been committed to their charge. Mr. Hyde then moved is an amendment, That considering the small nuinbir of shareholders who have not surrendered their scrip and re- leased the company, and also considering the fact that the c impany ha* been dissolved pursuant to the powers conferred by the subscribers' agreement, it is the opinion of this meeting that the adoption of legal or other proceedings agninst an\ person connected therewith would be useless and inexpedient" (hear, hear). The mntion having bcen seconded, The Chairman said, before proceeding further it was neces- sary to state that they could not get access to the committee. Mr. Hyde said he would not be put down; the man that endeavoured to put down another could not be honest. (Cries of Hear, hear," and cheers.) Mr. Roberts, who had been placed upon the committee of investigation, begged that his name might be struck from it. lie stated that he had. upon application at the office of the company, been shown their accounts, which appeared to him to be satis- factory. Mr. Shearil, a gentleman who appeared not only as the repre- sentative of Mr. Parker, but also as a shareholder in the company, rose to defend the provisional board from the attacks which had been made upon them. lie said that Mr. Harvey had not stated a single fact that warranted the expressions he had made use of in reference to the provisional committee, nor h ul he advanced anything in support of the conclusions he appeared to have arrived at, relative to the conduct of those gentlemen. It was believed that Mr. Stafford actually represented only a small number of shares, but that gentleman had studiously avoided giving any information on this point. In respect to the chairman's statement as to his having been refvised the accounts, such a statement was not true. Not only were the accounts submitted to Mr. Harvey, but he devoted considerable time to their investigation; and more than that, actually volunteered an expression of his good opinion of them. (Hear, hear.) The chairman had accused the committee of having done wrong, but he had not pointed out in what way they had done wrong. (Hear hear.) The real facts of the case had not been brought before the meeting. The shareholders had no power to sue their committee, either in law or in equity. There was only one course-one way to do so—which was by the imputation of fraud! — and he did not think they were bold enough to make such a charge. The greater part of the shareholders had accepted the offer of the committee: and he was quite sure, upon a dis- passionate survey of the position of all parties, that if the greatest success should attend the efforts of those who recom- mended hostile proceedings, they would be more than counter- balanced by the expensive litigation to which they would inevitably be exposed. A copy of the accounts had subsequently been refused to the chairman, for reasons obvious to any man of business. It had been said that the directors had set the shareholders at defiance by closing the office of the company; but, under the deed, the directors had the power of shutting up the offices of the company whenever they pleased. W hat good could have been achieved by keeping the company's offices open 1 After some further observations to the same effect, Mr. Sheard concluded by supporting the amendment. (Cheers.) Mr. Hurstone spoke at considerable length in favour of the conduct of the directors in winding up, and advised that pro- ceedings, if adopted at all, should be instituted against default- ing shareholders. Mr. Harvey repeated his statement that he had been promised a copy of the accounts, After several observations in answer to some portions of Mr. Hyde's speech, which we have not given as they did not bear upon the matter at issue, Mr. Harvey declared that the labours of the committee were at an end, the mover and seconder of the original motion having consented to withdraw it. Mr. Hyde was desirous of putting his ameudment as an ori- ginal motion. Mr. Harvey said this could not be done, and a protracted and recriminatory discussion ensued, which terminated in Mr. Har- vey's leaving the chair. The meeting then separated. The meeting, which at first appeared to receive favourably the statement of the Chairman, became evidently dissatisfied on finding that the shareholders had been a. second time called together upon insufficient grounds—and considerable disappro- bation was evinced. The several speakers in favour of the committee were received with cheers and Mr. Harvey's pro- position, that parties wishing to take proceedings should deposit their scrip with his Protection Society," was not at all res- ponded to.

BANKRUPTS.-(From the London Gazette..) FRIDAY.—John Tuddenham, Pickering-place. Bayswat''1 builder. Joseph Clearly, Church-road, De Beaiivoii-sqtlsl" builder. Robert Baker; Southampton, stone-mason. ibo Carlisle. Little Love Lane, Wood-street,City, commission John Linnit, Argyll-place, Regent-street, goldsmith. Josep Hutchinson Hipwood, Cornhill, merchant. David Hut.iOP, Saint Albans, Herts, agent. Bartholomew Calway, TooleY' street, Southwark, draper. John Turner, Brook-street, Hal, born, manufacturer of printing materials. John Coker, Narfof" Norfolk, timber-dealer. William Buchanan, Old Jewry bers, City, merchant. Samuel Bateman Holder, City of Lond,)O, merchaut. John Roberts and William Hughes, Manchester linendrapers. Benjamin Crossland, Huddersnetd. heratd kii ittol I Thomas and Michael Thomas Knight, Bath, upholsterers. Jain*1 Freeman, Cheltenham, doctor of medicine. Thomas Hodgso#- Liverpool, bookseller. George Middleton, Nottingham, wittf* 1 merchant. John Arnold, Walsall, StatTord.;hire, woollen-drapd, TUESDAY. -William Walter Sanderson, Great Russell-strec'i Covent-garden, baker. Thomas Tubbs, Palace-row, 'lJc'" road cow-keeper. Charles Gibion, South-street, Grosveno" i square, cheese-monger. John Carlisle, Little Love-la0*! j Wood-street, commissiou agent. Michael and Henry U'0" I minuet, Hanover-square, goldsmiths. Robert Godfrey "'0.' j Canterbury, wine-merchant. John Buon. Norwich, builder. Laurence Kentn-dy, Kochester-terrace, Stoke Newitiglout i pawnbroker. Thomas Oakley, St. Alban's, farmer. Joseph Metford, jun., Southampton, ironmonger. Edgar Barne'» Aldborough, Suffolk, wine-merchant. Kdward ClaytoO" Kdgeware-road, licensed victualler. James Coupon, Bridge- 1 water. Somersetshire, provision-dealer. John IVIASSEY- Huuria, Staffordshire, gas fitter. James Melhuish, Exeter. innkeeper. Samuel Cullen, Nottingham, druggist. Jaiue* j Hill, Leeds, Yorkshire, shar"broker. r i

LONDON MARKETS. GENERAL AVERAGE PRICES of CORN" pel I Quarter contputed from the Inspectors' Returotq. GENERAL AVERAGE. s. d. j s. i. Wheat 56 8 Rye Barley 32 3 Beans 38 Oats 22 10 1 Peas 40 6 DUTY ON FOREIGN CORN. s. d. g. J Wheat 16 0 Rye 8 6 Barley 6 0 Beans 4 6 Oats 6 0 Peas 2 <» j I

CORN EXCHANGE-MONDAY. The arrivals of English wheat are very small, which has | caused rather more firmness in the market to-day, and sample* are generally cleared off at fully the currency of this day week. Foreign free wheat is held at last week's prices, and we have had more demand for bonded wheat, and some parcels here and cargoes floating have changed hands at I s. per qr. advance. I The flour trade continues dull, and prices nominally the same. The trade is very inactive for barley, beans, and peas, and we have no change in their value. The arrivals of oats are short, t and prices are fully maintained on a 3mall business doing to-day. WHEAT. s. s. jt I tissex & Kent red 52 — 56 White .60$6 i Old. Do 60 — 62 Do t>2*— C»i — 63 | RYE. f s. s. I s. *• Old 35 — 37 ) New — *» BARLEY. I s. s. a. «• I Grinding 23 Chevalier 36 Malting 30 — 85 Here 20 — 2U Irish 29 30 MALT. 8 9« |t I# Suffolk and Norfolk 58 — 63 Brown 56 69 Kingston and Ware 61 — 0 Chevalier 64 — OATS. 9. S. g. »• Yorkshire and Lin- colnshire feed 25 — 26 Potato 33 — # Voughall and Cork Cork white 23 — 2* i\ v •*••••••— 22 — 23 VVestport 23 — 24 "ubl,nr • 23 — 22 Black 23 — i* Waterford white 22 — 21 Newry 25 26 Gal way 21 22 < ^d 23 24 Potato 26-27 Clonmel. 24 — 25 Limerick 26 & Loudouderry. 25 0 Sligo 2S—26 BEANS. S. s. s s. r,ck new 40 — 44 I Old small 44 — 50 PEAS. 8. S. 3 S. Grey 31 — 36 Maple 35 — White 40 — 46 j Boilers. 41—48

SMITHFIBLD MARKETS—MONDAY. t The last week's importations of foreign stock for this market consisted of 2 oxen, 28 cows, aud 59 sheep, from Schiedrm; 13 oxen, 2 bulls, and 9 cows, from Rotterdam; 133 cows, 9 oxen, and 420 sheep, from Harlingen. To-day, upwards of 200 oxen and cows and 400 sheep were landed from the above ports, aud brought iorward lor sale. The number of foreign beasts, therefore, on offer this morning, was 512 and of sheep. 600, in. generally speaking, very middling condition, compared with the arrivals in some previous weeks. The former found buyers at from £ 14 to £ -0 the latter 36s. to 47s. per head. At the outports, very few boasts or sheep, owing, we presume, to the compaiatively high rates ruling here, have been imported since our last. From our own grazing districts, the receipts of J beasts were on a very limited scale, though of fair average quality. The large number of foreign beasts on .sale, however. had a depressing influence upon the beef trade, which must be considered heavy, at a decline in the quotations obtained on Monday last of id. per 8lbs.; the highest figure for the best Scots not exceeding 4s. 2d. per 8lbs., and a clearance was with difficulty effected. From Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Cam- bridgeshire, we received about 500 Scots, homebreds and short horns from the northern districts, 500 short horns from the western and midland counties, 6JO Herefords, runts, Devons, &c.; from other parts of England, 400 of various breeds from Ireland, 80 beasts and from Scotland, 60 Scots—the remainder of the bull(,ck supply being chiefly derived from abroad, and the neighbourhood of the metropolis. The numbers of sheep were very small, all breeds commanded a brisk demand, at an advance in the prices of fully 2d. per 81b. There were about 300 shorn sheep on sale. The few lambs in the market sold readily at 7s. per 81bs, for the primest qualities. In calves a steady business was doing at full prices, while pigs were quite as dear as last week. A Statement and Comparison of the Supplies and Price. of Fat Stock, exhibited and Sold in Sinithtield Cattle Market, on Monday, Jan. 27, 181-5, and Monday, Jan. 26 18t. Jan. 27, 1845. Jan. 26, 18*6. r> „ 8- "■ »• d. s. a. ». d. Ooarse and inferior Beasts. 2 8 to 2 10.2 6 to 2 8 Sccoud quality ditto 3 0 3 4 .2 10 3 4 Piiine large Oxen 3 6 3 10.3 6 3 a Prime Scots, &c. 4 0 4 2.3 10 42 Coarse and inferior Sheep.. 3 6 4 U "JJs 10 4 6 Second quality ditto 4 2 4 6,.V.*4 2 4 4 Prime coatse woolled ditto 4 d 4 10.5 0 5 2 Sout. PrmeSouthdowudttto. 5 0 5 2.5 2 5 4 Large coarse Calves 4 4 4 10.4 4 5 0 Prtnestuatt.ditto. 5 0 5 2.5 2 54 Large Hogs 310 4 6.3 10 4 6 Neatstuall Porkers 4 8 5 2.4 8 5 2

THE METAL TRADE. £ s. d. £ s. a. IRON-Bar Wales per ton 00 0— 9 0 0 London. 915 0-10 0 0 Nail rods LO 10 0—1015 0 Boop(Staf.)„ 0 0 0-1110 0 Sheet 0 0 0-12 10 0 Bars 0 0 0-11 0 0 Welsh cold-blast foundry pig. 0 0 0- 5 10 0 Scotch pig, Clyde. 0 0 0— 4 0 0 luils 0 0 0-12 0 0 Russian, CCND 0 0 0-15 10 0 1>SI 0 0 0-16 0 U GourielF 0 0 0-1410 0 Archangel. 0 0 0 -13 12 6 Swedish, 011 the spot 0 0 0-11 10 0 Steel, fagt. 0 0 0-16 10 0 >. j, kegs 15 0 0-15 5 0 CoppnR—THe. 0 0 0-92 0 Õ Tough cake 0 0 0-93 0 0 Best selected. 0 0 0-96 0 0 Ordinary sheets lb. 0 0 o-u 0 10i „ bottoms. 0 0 0- 0 0 Hi Tm—Corn.b)ock<cwt. 0 0- 0- 5 3 0 „ bars. 0 0 0- 5 4 0 Refined. 0 0 0— 5 7 6 Straits 0 0 0- 4 8 0 Banca 0 0 0- 4 10 0 TIs PLATas-Ch.,IC.box. 1 13 0— I 14 0 IX. 1 L'J 0— 2 0 0 Coke, IC 1 8 6- 1 9 0 v IX 1 14 6—1 15 0 LEAD—Sheet 0 0 0-20 5 0 Pig, refined 000-31100 „ common. 0 0 0-19 5 0 „ Spanish, in bd 17 15 0-18 0 0 ..Amehean. q 0 0-17 15 0 SPELTER—(Cake; 20 0 0-20 5 0 ZIXC-(Sheet) export 0 0 0-10 0 0 UuiCKsiLVEtt 0 0 0- 0 4 6 REPINED METAL 0 00- — SATURDAY, JANUARY 31, 1846. Published by the sole Proprietor, HENRY WEBBER, at his residence Charles-street, in the Parish of Saint John the Baptist, in the Town of Cardiff and County of Glamorgan, and Printed by him at his General Punting Office in Duke-street, in the said Parish of Saint John, in the Fowu and County aforesaid. Advertisements and Orders received by the following Agents LONDON Mr. Barker, 33, Fleet-street; Messrs. Newton, and Co., 5, Warwick-square; Mr. G. Reynell, 42, Chancery-lane; Mr. Deacon, 3, Walbrook, near the Mansion-house; Mr. Joseph Thomas, 1, Finch.lane, Cornhill; Mr. Hammond, 27, Lombard-street; Mr. C. Barker, 12, Birchin-lane W. Dawson and Son, 74, Cannon-street, City Messis. Lewis and Lowe, 3, Castle Court, Birchin Lane. MERTHYU Mr. H. W. White, Stationer, BltEcON .Mr. William Evans, Ship-street, SWANSEA Mr. E. Griffiths, Printer, And by all Postmasters and Clerks on the Road. This paper is regularly filed in London at Lloyd's Coffee House City. "Peel's Coffee-house, Fleet-street. -The Chapter Coffee-house, St. Paul's.—Deacon's Coifee-houde, Walbrook.