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---Jmjfitiat laijlian^nt

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Jmjfitiat laijlian^nt ♦ HOUSE OF LORDS. MONDAY. MISCELLANEOUS. The LORD CHANCELLOR laid upon the table a bill for amending the Charitable Trust Act, which was read a first time. The Companies Clauses Act (1863) Amendment Bill and the Poor Law Union Loans Bill were, on the motion of the Earl of DEVON, read a second time. The Marquis of SALISBURY moved the third reading of the Beerhouses, &c., Bill. After some conversation the bill was read a third time and passed. The Earl of WINCHELSEA asked if the attention of the Government had been directed to the conviction of Colonel G. B. Knox, for furious driving in Rotten- row, and whether they considered it expedient to leave the law in its present state, thereby constituting the policeman who happened to be on duty, and whose judgment it was much to be feared had not been matured by a long course of study in the differ- ent points of pace, an ex-officio judge, whose dictum was to be final when once it had been given on -oath. Earl GRANVILLE said that some years ago very great complaints were made as to the manner in which horses were ridden in the park, and policemen were placed on duty there to check the practice. He was not acquainted with the particulars of the case referred to by Lord Winchelsea, and he had not Had an opportunity of communicating with the Home Secretary upon it. He was assured, however, it might turn out that there were two sides to the ques- tion. The Earl of PORTARLINGTON asked the Government, in the event of the bill for the disestablishment of the Irish Church becoming law, in what manner it was proposed to provide the successors for the offices of Prelate, Chancellor, and Dean of the Order of St. Patrick, and in what manner and in what place the ceremonies connected with the institution of the knights were for the future to be conducted and held. Earl SPENCER, in reply, stated that as the question was not intimately connected with the important measure now under discussion it had been reserved for future consideration. The Titles of Religious Congregations Act Exten- sion Bill passed through committee. The Public Parks (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed. THE IRISH CHURCH BILL. The House then went into committee on the Irish Church Bill. Upon clause 29, which provides that where any real or personal property becomes invested in the Commis- sioners by virtue of the Act, which was the produce of the moneys given by private persons, but of their own resources, since 1660, the commissioners shall, on the application of the representative body of the -Church, vest such property in that Church body, but that where no application was made then the pro- perty shall be vested in the representatives of the person by whom the endowment was given. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY moved as an amend- ment that the date, instead of being 1660, should be "the second year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth." Tne LORD CHANCELLOR believed there was no his- torical data to substantiate the assertion that Bishop Bramhall had obtained private endowments for the Irish Church to the extent of .£30,000 a year, and was of opinion that the cld.im for any endowments of im- portance prior to 1660 was purely mythical. As to the Ulster grant of King James, for which also a claim was set up, it was the appropriation for Church pur- poses of public moneys and lands won by the English people in putting down rebellion. In no case could it be regarded as a private endowment. The Bishop of PETERBOROUGH said the only ques- tion to decide was which was the righteous and just date to fix-1660, which would exclude the gifts of Bishop Bramhall and Archbishop Laud, or 1560, which would include them. He replied to the arguments of the Lord Chancellor, and urged that neither upon the ground of justice nor of legal right ought the Church be deprived of the endowments which she had received from private sources between 1560 and 1660. Earl GRANVILLE was of opinion that there would be great difficulty in proving the right of the Church to these endowments, and that all the amount she could possibly obtain would be swallowed up in the litiga- tion which the Church body or individuals would have to undertake in establishing their claim. He was, however, prepared to propose as a compromise a lump sum of £500.000 for all private benefactions. The Marquis of SALISBURY said it was an incon- venient practice for the Government to come down at the last moment with propositions which their lord- ships had had no opportunity of considering. The best course would be to defer the clause until the House could have that opportunity, but he hoped that the date. of 1560, which involved principle, would find its way into the bill. Earl GRANVILLE said he had not refrained from suggesting a compromise by any want of courtesy, but because he was anxious to ascertain the course which the discussion would take. If their lordships had not made up their mind upon the subject he would not object to postpone the clause until the end of the bill. If his proposal was accepted there would be no necessity for inserting any date in the clause. Lord CAIRNS suggested that the clause should be passed without any date, and upon bringing up the report there would be an opportunity of informing the Government whether the proposal was accepted. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY, in withdrawing his amendment, thanked the Government for the con- ciliatory spirit in which they had met not only the- present proposition, but a former one, which involved the mode in which the vested interests of the clergy were to be calculated. The amendment was then withdrawn, on the under- standing that the question should be considered on bringing up the report. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY then moved to insert at the end of the clause a proviso that when any real property becoming vested in the commis- sioners consisted of lands which had been appro- priated as the glebe land of any benefice, by Royal grant or letters patent, since the second year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the commissioners should, on the application of the representative body, within six months after the 1st January, 1871, by order, vest the property in the representative body, subject to any life interest subsisting therein. Lord DUFFERIN opposed the amendment. A long discussion ensued, in the course of which Earl GREY expressed regret at the vote their lord- ships came to the other night on concurrent endow- ment, and a hope that they might still be inclined to reconsider their decision. He believed that many peers had voted on the first amendment on Friday because they thought the second amendment would also be carried. Lord CAIRNS supported the amendment, on the ground of justice, and not of expediency or policy. The LORD CHANCELLOR opposed the amendment, and justified the course which the Government took on Friday in reference to concurrent endowment. He urged that the Government were following the will of the country. The Bishop of ELY said the evil of this measure of disestablishment and disendowment was that it de- spoiled the Church and left all other sects in the en- joyment of their private endowments. At present all the bill left to the Protestants was their churches, their houses, and their life interests; but they would not establish a real principle of equality unless they gave them something more. He urged that it was impolitic and inexpedient to impoverish as well as disestablish the Church. Their Lordships then divided, and the numbers were :— For the amendment, 105 against, 55; majority, 50. The amendment was accordingly carried, and the clause as amended was agreed to. Clauses 30, 31, and 32 were agreed to without com- ment. Upon clause 33, which authorises the commis- sioners to sell any rent charge in lieu of tithes vested in them under the Act to the owner of the land charged therewith, in consideration of a sum equal to twenty-two and a half times the amount of such rent charge. The Earl of LIMERICK moved the addition of the words, "less such sum in the pound as such owner shall be ascertained by the commissioners to have been on an average of live years preceding the passing of this Act entitled to deduct for poor rates." Lord NORTHBROOK opposed the amendment. Earl GREY thought the most fair and candid course would have been to provide that arter a certain lapse of time all tithe-rent charges should cease. o The Marquis of SALISBURY said the clause involved an arithmetical puzzle, but it was intended as a sop to the Irish landlords. Their Lordships divided and the numbers were—For the amendment, 91 against, 64 majority, 27. The clause as amended was then agreed to. Upon the 34th clause, which provides that the com- misioners may, in order to the commutation of tithe rent charges, purchase the surrender or assignment of tay subsisting lease of the tithe rent charges made by aL ecclesiastical person or corporation. Lord CAIRNS moved to add to the clause the words any person purchasing from the commissioners shall hold the lands, tenements, and hereditaments purchased by him subject to all tenants' rights of renewal to which the same were subject in the hands of the com- missioners at the time of such sale." The amendment was agreed to and the clause was added to the bill, as also were clauses 35, 36, 37, and 38. On clause 39, which gives compensation to Noncon- forming ministers for the Regiurn Donum, the Earl of Courtoun withdrew the amendment of which he had given notice. The clause was then agreed to, as was also clause 40. On clause 41, which repeals the Maynooth Acts, and gives compensation to the professors, &c., on the cessa- tion of the annual Parliamentary grant, Lord FITZWALTER moved the omission of the clause. The Earl of BANDON objected to the clause on the ground that it violated the preamble of the bill, which cfcclared that the property of the Church should be held and applied for the advantage of the Irish people, but not for the maintenance of any church, or clergy, or other ministry, nor for the teaching of religion. Lord CAIRNS admitted that the* clause violated the preamble of the bill, but he was not prepared to vote for the rejection of the clause, which would have the effect of throwing the charge upon the Consolidated Funds. The Duke of ARGYLL defended the clause. The Duke of RUTLAND had no objection to an annual grant for Maynooth, but he had never heard a more monstrous proposition than that the funds of the Church when disestablished should be used for that purpose, and he hoped Lord Fitzwalter would press his amendment to a division. After a short conversation their lordships divided, and the numbers were For the clause, 146 against, 22 majority, 124. The clause was therefore agreed to, as also were clauses 42 down to clause 67, inclusive. The Chairman then reported progress, and their Lordships adjourned shortly after 12 o'clock. TUESDAY. OUTRAGES IN IRELAND. The Duke of ABERCORN called attention to an out- rage which had taken place in Ireland on Sunday last, when a Wesleyan Methodist congregation in the pri- vate park of a gentleman was attacked and violently dispersed by a Roman Catholic mob. He regarded this affair as suggestive of the future treatment of a Free Protestant Church in Ireland, for there was no case in this instance of Protestant ascendency, titles, or endowments, but the poorest, most modest, and least aggressive of the religious bodies .was most unjustifi- ably interfered with. Earl SPENCER replied that several of the offenders had been identified, and proceedings would of course be taken against them. THE IRISH CHURCH BILL. Their lordships then went intocommitteeon the Irish Church Bill. On clause 68, which provides for the appropriation of the surplus, # Lord CAIRNS, in moving that the surplus be reserved for future application, as Parliament might direct) said that they had really no definite plan before them, and as it would be several years before the surplus could be realised no harm could result from this proposal. He deprecated its application to relieve the rates of those already obliged by law to provide for the care of lunatics, &c., and trusted that Parliament would not part with the control of the seven or eight millions without a more definite scheme for its application before it. Earl GRANVILLE could not willingly accept the pro- posal of the noble lord. The Earl of MALMESBURY supported the amend- ment. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the proposal of the Government was not at all popular in Ireland, but quite the reverse. Lord T'AUNTON believed that the best way of con- ciliating the people of Ireland and attaching them to the Government would be to provide for the clergy of the great majority. 0 The Duke of CLEVELAND regretted the failure of his proposal for concurrent endowment, in favour of which he believed public opinion was rapidly growing. He objected to the specific proposal of the Govern- ment, which had no reason or advantage to recom- mend it and believing in the sense of justice in the people of this country, he felt that they would ulti- mately consent to provide residences and decent but small maintenance for the clergy of the Roman Catholic majority in Ireland. He saw no harm in this large fund being held over until Parliament could fully decide as to its disposal. The Duke of ARGYLL supported the clause as it stood. The Marquis of SALISBURY warmly protested that a valuable fund like this should be recklessly thrown away, as proposed by the Government, and ridiculed the declarations of the members of the Government that they were individually in favour of concurrent endowment, but that under present circumstances it was impossible. The obvious inference, therefore, was to wait until it was possible, for it was lamentable to see the Government sacrifice not only their own convictions, but considerations of the highest policy and statesmanship to the dictation of the Liberation Society. The Earl of KIMBERLEY opposed the amendment. Earl GREY said that the application of the surplus, as proposed by the Government, would lead to an enormous amount of local jobbery, and to a most undesirable power of interference on the part of the executive in the local affairs of Ireland. Earl GRANVILLE again appealed to their lordships to consider their decision. The committee divided, and the numbers were For the amendment, 160 against, 90 majority, 70. The amendment was therefore carried, and the clause, as amended, agreed to. Seven clauses which relate to the interpretation of terms and other technical matters were then agreed to. The postponed clauses were then taken. On clause 19) Lord CAIRNS proposed to add a power to the Estab- lished Church to meet in convocation or general as- sembly, representing the clergy and laity of the several dioceses, for the purpose of reorganizing the Church before the time for disestablishment arrived. After some discussion the amendment, with a slight verbal alteration, was adopted, and the clause agreed to. On clause 29, The Archbishop of DUBLIN moved an amendment that no alteration in the doctrine or formularies of the disestablished Church should be binding on any ordained minister who had expressed his dissent within six months. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought that the amend- ment would be an invitation to schism and dissent, and hoped that, in the interests of the Church itself, it would not be pressed, The amendment was agreed to after some discus- sion, and the clause as amended added to the bill. Clauses 21 and 22 were agreed to with some verbal amendments at the suggestion of Lord Cairns, who, however, reserved an important one for the report. On the preamble, Lord CAIRNS moved an amendment bringing it into harmony with his alteration in the 68th clause, re- serving the surplus for the future appropriation of Parliament. The preamble was then agreed to, and the bill passed through committee; and was ordered to be reported on Friday. The other business having been disposed of, their L0rdships adjourned at 9.40 p.m. HOUSE OF COMMONS. MONDAY. MISCELLANEOUS. Dr. PLAYFAIR asked the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer what were the terms and the date of the rule to which he referred when declining to appro- priate public money towards a monument to Dr. Faraday, or any private citizen, however illustrious. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he could not o-ive the date or the terms of the rule. It had never been the custom in this country to erect public statues to private individuals, however illustrious. THE RIOT AT PORTADOWN. Mr. C. FORTESCUE, in reply to Sir James Stronge, said that, with respect to the unfortunate occurrence at Portadown, the official and the private information which he had received did not quite bear out the re- port of it in the public papers. Mr. FORTESCUE, in reply to Mr. W. Verner, said there would, of course, be both a Government and a judicial inquiry into the affair, and it ought to be a very strict one whenever the armed force of the Go- vernment came into collision with the people. DUBLIN FREEMEN'S BILL. The adjourned debate on the Dublin Freemen's bill was resumed. After a long discussion, in which the bill was op- posed by several members, on a division it was read a second time by a majority of 246 to 126. OVERENI), GURNEY, AND CO. Mr. FAWCETT called attention to the fact of the Solicitor-General having been retained as one of the counsel for Messrs. Gurney. The SOLICITOR. GENERAL, in a very lucid explana- tion of the practice of the profession in these matters, administered to the hon. member a very sharp rebuke for the ignorance and intemperance of the remarks he indulged in. SUPPLY. The House then went into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates, and a number of votes were agreed to in connection with the public build- ings, museums, and scientific societies. THE TELEGRAPHS. In committee of the whole House on electric tele- graphs, The Marquis of HARTINGTON said that if anyone desired to revive the discussions of last year, or be- lieved that the terms for the purchase of the tele- graphs were excessive, he would have ample opportu- nity to do so on the second reading. The Government could not come into possession before the 31st of December. In conclusion he explained the facilities which it was intended to afford to the public by bringing the telegraphs from the outskirts of the towns to the centres of the population, by extending the facilities to the suburbs of the large towns and to the smaller towns which did not enjoy any at present, and ended by moving a series of resolutions. A brief discussion ensued, in which Mr. Hunt, Mr. R. Crawford, and Mr. M'Fie took part. The resolutions were agreed to, and ordered to be reported. The bill, having been read a first time, would be referred to the examiners of private bills. The other orders were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at 2.20 a.m. TUESDAY. THE MEDICAL PROFESSION. Mr. BRUCE, in reply to Sir John Gray, said the Privy Council was at present in communication with the Medical Council, with the view of considering whether the Medical Act might not be so amended as to secure a better degree of efficiency in the medical profession throughout the United Kingdom. CONTAGIOUS DISEASES BILL. The House then went into committee on the Con- tagious Diseases (Animals) Bill. THE ELECTRIC TELEGRAPHS. The report on the electric telegraphs was brought up t and agreed to, and the bill for the acquisition of the telegraphs, framed upon the resolutions previously passed in committee, was read a first time and referred to the examiners. WINE DUTIES. Mr. AYRTON, in reply to Mr. Akrovd, stated that the correspondence on the subject of proposals for a re- duction of the wine duties in connection with negotia- tions for treaties of commerce with Spain and Portugal was not complete, but when it had arrived at such a stage that it could be presented he would be happy to do so. INTIMIDATION IN WALES. Mr. H. RICHARD called attention to recent proceed- ings of certain landlords in Wales towards tenants on account of the free exercise of the franchise at the last election. He stated that the majority of the Welsh people were Nonconformists in religion, and were almost necessarily Liberals in politics. It was nevertheless imagined by the land proprietors that their tenants were inclined to follow them blindly in politics. This was a complete delusion. Although such a state of things might have existed in former times, feudalism was now dead, and education and intelligence had spread among the people. A certain class of Welsh landlords, however, could not understand that they were no longer lords over serfs of the soil, or chiefs over clansmen, but men among men. At the last elec- tion considerable excitement prevailed in Wales, but the landlords appeared to regard the votes of the tenants as their property. In Cardiganshire the tenants of one landlord received notice to appear before the agent on a particular day, which they did, and they were then subjected to such pressure to vote for the Conservative candidate that, with one or two excep- tions, they gave in. The tenauts who had voted for the Liberals had since received notice to quit. In another case in the same county the rents of the Liberal tenants had been raised since the election, and they had been informed that they would be required to sign an agree- ment that in future they would vote with their land- lord. The hon. member cited other instances of a similar character which had occurred in Carmarthen- shire, and in other parts of Wales, and said the effect of this coercion was that hundreds of persons were compelled to vote contrary to their principles. Mr. O. MORGAN seconded the motion. He pointed out that there was a difference of race, language, and religion between the Welsh landlords and the Welsh tenantry, and that the effect was to produce a differ- ence of political sentiments. The consequence was that at the last election the Liberal electors of Car- narvonshire, Cardiganshire, and Carmarthenshire walked up to the polling booths with the prospect of ruin staring them in the face. He warmly denounced the practices which were resorted to at the late elec- tion by the landlords, and said they could only be prevented in future by giving the voter the protection of the ballot. Mr. LEATHAM thought the thanks of the House were due to Mr. Richard for the public service he had rendered in bringing the subject forward. The evi- dence given before the committee on Parliamentary elections showed that this system of undue influence had extended far beyond the limits of Wales, and he believed the only remedy was the ballot. Mr. SCOURFIELD opposed the motion on the ground that it contained a general and sweeping censure upon persons whose names were not given, and who had no opportunity of defending themselves. He did not believe that there had been any evictions in Wales in consequence of the votes which the tenants had given, and he thought no landlord would be so ob- livious of his own interests as to get rid of a good tenant upon such a ground. Sir WATKIN WYNN, alluding to some evidence: which had been given before the Elections Committee, denied that he had used any coercive measures upon his tenants in Denbigh. Mr. RICHARDS warmly supported the motion, and confirmed the statement of the hon. member for Merthyr that in all the cases to which attention had been called the evidence was solely owing to the manner in which the tenant had voted. In Cardigan- shire not only had coercion and terrorism been em-' ployed, but gentlemen holding Her Majesty's com- mission of the peace had used that office for political purposes. Colonel STEPNEY, speaking from personal know- ledge of the state of affairs in Carmarthenshire, asserted that undue influence and intimidation were widely ex. ercised in elections in that county, and it could only be effectually checked by the adoption of the ballot. After some remarks from Mr. C. Wynn, Mr. Bruce, and Lord Sandon, the motion was withdrawn. The House adjourned at 2.15 a.m. WEDNESDAY. MONAGHAN ASSIZE. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND, in reply to Mr. Downing, stated that the jury panel for the current Monaghan Assize was substantially the same as that which was quashed at the spring assize on the ground of partiality, with the exception of the two triers who found against the panel at that time. The same sub- sheriff was still in office, and the Irish Government had in consequence declined to put on their trial the pri- soners charged with murder at the Monaghan riots in July, 1SG8, and who were still retained in custody. TRADES UNIONS BILL. Mr. THOMAS HUGHES moved the second reading of the Trades Unions, &c., Bill. He stated that the pro- visions of the bit! had been extensively circulated, and he believed that they were regarded as generally ac- ceptable both by the working men and the employers of labour, whilst there could be but little doubt that they would place the law on a far more satisfactory footing than it had hitherto been, and remove many, if not all, the evils which had been experienced under it. The object of the bill was to legalise unions, whether of workmen or employers, allowing them to make agreements with respect to the wages to be paid and 'the hours of labour with respect to the per- sons by whom any hours of labour shall be done or not done with respect to the conditions or terms on which any work shall or shall not be carried on. It also authorises associations for mutual support, and with power to make regulations and impose penalties voluntarily, with a provision that the object shall not be to procure the commission of any offence or of any object by means of such offence. Lastly, such associa- tions are brought within the 11th section of the Friendly Societies Act. In conclusion he warmly com- mended the good policy of passing the bill, after the trades unions had come so triumphantly out of the recent inquiry, which had removed the unfounded pre- judices to which they had been subjected, and had fully proved their right to the recognition of the law. Mr. T. BRASSEY had no opposition to offer to the bill, having the confidence that the House of Commons would administer equal justice to employers and em- ployes. He believed that all the efforts of the trades unions to raise the rates of wages had resulted in disastrous failure. He admitted the great progress made by foreign manufacturers, but unless the opera- tives by their artificial regulations so enhanced the cost of the production as to drive British manufacturers out of neutral markets, he had little fear of foreign competition; but if they were once so driven out of neutral markets, English capital would fly elsewhere, and he should like to know what all the boasted power of the trades unions could do for the unfortunate operative. He would support the bill, feeling that it was not fair to deny the right of combination for law- ful purposes, but there ought to be concurrent legisla- tion. If they did not violate this very proper law, the trades unions had nothing to fear from it, and for all lawful purposes had a right to claim protection for their funds. Mr. CHARLEY and Mr. PLATT supported the bill. Mr. PLIMSOLL, in a very elaborate speech, quoted statistics to show the general condition of the labour- ing population throughout the country, as a proof of the necessity for legislation of the kind proposed. He passed a glowing eulogy on the good qualities, charity, fortitude, and temperance of the working classes, and spoke highly of the benefits of the trades unions in enabling working men to endure times of depression of trade. Mr. E. POTTER said he had considerable experience in these matters, and never had any trouble with his men, for he had acted on the principle that no benefit was to be gained by any employer from the labour of his men unless he was on good terms with them. He objected to the bill on the ground that it would inter- fere with the great benefits of the friendly societies, but his great objection was that it was admitted that the object of the bill was to favour combinations in order to prevent competition from apprentices and non-unionists. Its tendency, therefore, was against free trade, which was based upon open competition and at the present time, unless that competition was carried on by machinery and the best application of labour, there would be an end of the manufacturing prosperity of this country, more especially as there was now a tendency on the part of trades unions to ques. tion the free trade policy of the country, which had so largely increased its trade and done so much for the material comforts of the working classes. Sir W. DILKE supported the bill. Mr. MUNDELLA denied that the bill would fetter free trade. On the contrary its object was to promote open competition and free trade in labour by placing the employers and the employed on terms of perfect equality. He had had only one protest with respect to the bill, and that was from the Saw Grinders' Union of Sheffield, and with respect to the Bricknrakers' Union of Manchester, no one in his senses could defend their rules but their rules existed in spite of our legisla- tion, and we had this fact to deal with. A good deal' of this was to be attributed to the gross ignorance of the men, but still more to the effect of the unequal legislation, which they now asked the legislature to sweep away as the last relic of a barbarous age. He showed that riots and strikes were the natural results of their previous policy, and anticipated the most bene, ficial results from the adoption of the new and more enlightened policy proposed by the bill. Lord GALWAY read a petition from a body of work- men against the bill, but admitted that the law as it at present stood required alteration. Mr. BRUCE, having complimented the mover and seconder of the bill on the great light which they had thrown on the question, pleaded, on behalf of the Government, for not having acted on the report of the Royal Commissioners, that their time had been fully engrossed by other pressing matters. He be- lieved that the bill, whilst it would afford a satis- factory solution of some difficulties, would not satis- factorily settle all of them. There was no doubt that l it was most desirable to give perfect security to the trades unions with respect to their funds and as the trades unions were, he believed, daily becoming wiser and more sensible of the impolicy of their restrictive regulations there would be little difficulty in legis- lating on this point. As a rille class legislation way to be deprecated, but the Factory Acts, &c., were in- stances of class legislation in the interests of the working men, and the question now before them was, was it desirable to legislate exceptionally to the re- lations of the men amongst themselves ? Violence and molestation would still be punishable by the ordinary law, and the commissioners felt themselves unable to recommend any alteration of the law, but it was not hopeless. The subject, however, was one which in the interests of the honest and industrious workmen would require most careful consideration, and he would promise that the Government during the recess would give it their most anxious attention, for they felt that a subject so delicate and so difficult ought to be dealt with once for all in a wise, liberal, and comprehensive spirit. After some remarks from Mr. Samuda, Mr. Bonham Carter, Lord John Manners, Mr. W. E. Foster, and Mr. Henley, The bill was read a second time. Several unopposed measures were advanced a stage, and the House adjourned shortly before six o'clock.

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