The Cardiff and Merthyr Guardian Glamorgan Monmouth and Brecon Gazette

TROUBLES IN ALGERIA. France is likely to have hard work in Algiers. The news brought by the Magnanime is very serious. Want of discipline prevails in all directions, and the volunteers who were engaged for the term of the war have flatly refused to take part against the Arab insurrection. This insurrection has increased to a great extent ever since the promulgation of the Crémieux decree, which granted national rights to the Jews. A leading Arab, who received a pension from the Government, sent back his last instalment declaring that he would have nothing more to do with France, and declared war against her. It is reported at Algiers that he is advancing with a numerous army The Arabs have destroyed 100 kilometres of telegraph wires, and it is, only by indirect means that intelligence was received of the blockade of the southern possessions of France. The Government of Algeria will require the services of 50,000 men. The Municipal Conncil and Chamber of Commerce at Constan- tine have protested against the restoration of the military regime in consequence of the insurrection at Algeria.

THE INSURRECTION IN PARIS. PARIS, Sunday Morning. The situation is far from satisfactory. The hopes formed from the appointment of Admiral Saisset, and his eanguine anticipations of the success of his amnesty offer, have entirely collapsed. All Friday peaceable citizens were rejoiced to hearthatnegotiations were in progress. Somesaid colonel was the spokesman of the Government, some a general, but the mayors were the prime movers, and held a grand council at the Mairie. An immense throng of per- sona filled the streets, attracted by the arrival of a column of infantry, accompanied by several pieces of artillery, at the mairie of the 1st arrondissement. An officer passed into the mairie, crying Vive l'Ordre and the crowd was enchanted. When the column reached the mairie, one of the guns was loaded and turned upon it. M. de Vresse, officer of the 1st batta- lion, came out with his men. Can we nego- tiate?" asked the colonel who headed the ad- vancing party. "Certainly," replied M. de Vresse, when you have turned round that gun you have just been charging." The gun was accordingly turned from the mairie, ancUM. Brunei, ex-commandant of the 107th, and General of the Committee, went in and opened nego- tiations. The crowd waited anxiously for the result, when about five o'clock the report of a gun, fired by a group of National Guards stationed at the Rue du Louvre, created a regular panic. Everyone took flight, for the recollection of the tragic episode in the Rue de la Paix was still fresh. But as nothing more was heard it was presumed that the shot was the consequence of awkwardness or recklessness, and the crowd mustered again. About ten minutes later a group of officers came out of the Mairie. The negotiations had gone on well—an understanding was arrived at. The demonstration ot popular joy, the shouts of Vive la Republique the waving of hats and handkerchiefs testified that Paris has had quite enough of revolutions for the present. When MM. Brunei and Protat presented themselves at the assembly of mayors at the Rue de la Banque, at six p.m., a deliberation was held, and after about an hour's debate the following terms were agreed upon:—"The Central Committee demand the municipal elections for Thursday next. They undertake to surrender immediately the Hotel de Ville, the mairies, theTuileries, andtheElysee. They will hold until Thursday at midday, the Place Vendome, the Ministerial offices, the forts occupied by the malcontents, the cannons, and the barricades. They promise as soon as the elections are actually begun to restore all the occupied places and the cannons and to destroy the barricades." The news of the arrangement spread rapidly throughout the city amid general rejoicing. Towards midnight, how- ever, came rumours, which before long grew to certain- ties. The Central Committee disowned the proceedings of its members, and would accept none of their condi- tions. MM. Brunei and Protat had acted without autho- rity, so they said, and coute qui coute the elections must take place to-day. The Debats is very bitter upon the weakness shewn by the representatives of order. The mayors, deputy-mayors, and deputies of the Extreme Left, who have during the last few days been taking the lead in these negotiations, have, it says, thought proper to concede everything that was demanded, and to surrender themselves to the mercy of the Central Com- mittee. No doubt they had their reasons for acting thus; but they did not do the Parisians the honour to inform them what they were, or to consult them in any way upon the point. The Debats forbears to judge them, even as it forbears to criticise the inaction of the Assembly, and of the Government, inasmuch as it is absolutely impossible to conjecture their reasons. The Debats has some right to be severe on the subject, for regardless of a risk which is no slight in the present lawless state of things, it freely and fearlessly denounces the criminal madness of those who would plunge the coun- try into civil war on the question whether the elections shall be held on Sunday or Thursday, and similar absurd preten- sions. The Debats, which wittily declares the present lugu- brious aspect of affairs to be emphatically rouge-et iwir, has already received one warning from the Committee, which it has boldly defied. Other journals, however, are more cautious. The Patiie and Monde Refrain from any comment whatever. Charivari and the Presse have suspended publication. The Cloche reproves its confreres for this timidity, and exhorts the collective Press of Paris to do its duty in the emergency and pre- sent a resolute front. The Rappd is the only known Paper which has so forgotten its public duty as to uphold \be insurrection. That and two of the new extreme Red the (hi du Peuple and the Nouvelle Republique, are the only papers sold in the neighbourhood of the Hotel de Ville, now more strongly guarded than ever, and armed with guns like a besieged fortress. The streets are strongly guarded in all directions, and there is no open opposition threatened to the elections tin fact the rebels are too strong for any measures of a slight or temporary nature being of any good, though it is doubtful whether it would itake the 300,000 men declared necessary by Admiral Saisset to put them down. Meanwhile the Admiral, the Taat of our administrative failures, is off to Versailles, and the Assembly spent the whole of yesterday discussing the legality of a certain decree of the Bordeaux dele. Ration. The state of affairs at Marseilles and Lyons excites great apprehension It was considered a most inoppor- tune thing to call the National Guard together at Mar- seilles at a period when the town was calm; and the event justined the fears entertained. Those who answered the summons returned quietly to their homes, while the engineers and artillery of the Guard joined the men of the old Republican Guard and the National Guards of the suburbs, and meeting with adherents on their way, they numbered two thousand by the time they reached the Hotel de la Prefecture. The strangest part of the affair was that no collision took place, and the peace of the town was not disturbed, notwithstanding the great excitement ■which prevailed. The affair at Lyons also commenced with a meeting of the National Guard, who were anxious to consult together respecting the state of Paris. Fifty or sixty persons in plain clothes joined this meeting who were said to belong to the Central Club at Lyons. A Parisian delegate was also present, who called upon the meeting to pronornce in favour of the establish- ment of the revolutionary commune at Lyons, and after an agitated discussion, the majority of officers present gave their votes in the affirmative. It was the refusal of the mayor to agree to the proclamation of the Commune which led to the rappd being beaten. A committee installed in the room of the Municipal Council issued Beveral proclamations, among which were the deposition of the Mayor and the Council, the establishment of a Revolutionary Commune, the replacement of the red flag on the dome of the Hotel de Ville. On retiring the Com- mittee took leave of the people in exclaiming Down with the Government of Versailles," but the sentiment was not responded to. Five provincial journals, including the Journal dt T&ulouse and the Gazette de Languedoc, have made a pro- test against the recent insurrectionary movement, and declare that all honest citizens should condemn the audacious usurpation of the country's rights. In a political crisis it is sometimes said that the difficulty lies not in the performance of duty, but in the comprehension of it, but in the present instance they affirm that there can be no hesitation, for the plain duty of every citizen is to support the National Assembly. Many other journals of the provinces have given expres- sion to the same sentiments. REVOLUTION IN THE SOUTH. '{FROM THE SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT OF THE CENTRAL PRESS.) TOULON, March 24. You will not have been surprised on learning by tele- graph that the new Government of Paris has been approved in Marseilles. Early yesterday morning the rappel was sounded through all the streets of the town, land great agitation prevailed amongst the inhabitants. No telegram had arrived either from Paris or Versailles, and the National Guards, in a state of uncertainty, re- paired in small numbers to their different rendezvons. The report spreads that the authorities wish to sound the feelings of the people and attempt a manifestation in favour of Versailles. This is disapproved of, and consi- dered likely to be the cause of a conflict. Later it was whispered that Lyons and Bordeaux had proclaimed the "Commune," but the citizen soldiers still hesitate. About twelve o'clock the Clubs of the Republican Alliance of the National Guard dccide upon sending delegates to the Prefecture to demand the telegrams received from Versailles or Paris, as well as the Journal Officiel de Paris. At two o'clock the Municipal Council issues a proclamation, making an appeal for confidence and order. Order appears to have been maintained through the non-resistance of the authorities, for several companies of engineers and artillery belonging to the National Guard, after forming on the Cours St. Louis and Belzunce, marched on the Pre- fecture to the sound of bugles and druma without meeting with the slightest opposition. The authorities immediately abandoned the Prefecture, and the National Guards dispersed at the orders of their chiefs, and retired to their homes. By five o'clock the different posts of the town were occupied, without resistance, by the adherents to the Central Committee of Paris. M. G. CrtSmieux afterwards proclaimed the Republican Commune, and the names of its members, from one of the windows of the I Prefecture; and delegates were sent off to put it in com- munication with the Committee of Paris. M. Crdmieux also "Tnvlted" the citizens to remain m arms ronna I the Prefecture during the night, and appealed to them to remain calm and moderate. The Muncipal Council, animated by a spirit of conciliation and concord, has, upon the request of the Republican Club of the National Guard, appointed three of its members to form part of the Provisional Committee charged with the administra- tion of the Bouches du Rhone. A captain of the navy, who arrived late last night, tells me he barely escaped being taken up for having ventured out in uniform. The Prefect and Mayor appear to have been imprisoned in the Fort St. Jean. Here all is quiet; but doubtless our turn will come, foJ meetings take place two or three times a week. The prin- cipal speakers appear to be strangers, who are passing, and whose mission is doubtless to sow revolution. The work- men in the arsenal, always an unquiet population, are the only source of real uneasiness here. PARIS, Monday. Very little anxiety has been shewn by the Parisian citi- zens to vote in these same municipal elections, in which if we are to believe the Central Committee, they are so deeply interested. The walls of Paris have been covered with countless placards exhorting them to vote, and what is curious is, that the same advice is given by very different authorities. The Central Committee, who have so suddenly abdicated their self-imposed offices, fill their last dying official notice with directions how, when, and where to vote. The mayors and deputy- Mayors in a rival placard, which they term the sole authenticated text of the Convention, explain their nego- tiations with the Committee, and also counsel the people to vote. The whole of the Mayors do not sign this notice, however. Some of them, such as MM. Dubail, Arnaud, &c., have openly pro- tested against the convocation of the electors at this time and in this manner as an attack upon the rights of the Assembly. Only ten of the forty three deputies of Paris, again, support the policy of M. Assy. As for the Central Committee, it is difficult to say how far they are unanimous in any of their schemes, for their numbers are constantly changing. First, they were twenty, then they rose suddenly to forty, then Mr. Lullier disappeared from amongst them, having been arrested by his colleagues. To-day the committee has issued its valedictory proclamation. To-mor- row, for ought we know to the contrary, it may reappear in a new form. The results of the elections are not yet fully known, but it is certain that a great many persons did not vote at alL The Paris Journal estimates the abstentions at a quarter of a million. The candidates of the Committee, as far as is yet ascertained, have been successful, but as ouly about half the voters gave their votes in those arrondissements, of which we have any particulars, it is manifest that the vote cannot be taken as a test of popular feeling. The most satisfactory point is that there has been no attempt at disturbance. Even at Montmartre there has been nothing like tumult. The turbulent spirits there have luckily taken the idea, possibly from the talk of a compromise, that the Committee is reactionary and, therefore, they will not take any part in the vote, but relieve their feelings by mounting guard over the much vexed cannon, and thus find a safety valve for their energies. An extraordinary rumour has been current in Paris that the Assembly has appointed the Due d'Aumale Lieutenant- General of the Army of Versailles, and that M. Thiers has resigned. It is probable that this extrava- gant report arose from the presence of the Duke at Versailles. The news that Admiral Saisset had left for Versailles, after giving orders for the evacuation of the posts occupied by the National Guard, proved better founded. By six o'clock the Place des Victoires the dis- puted mairie of the 1st arrondissement, the Bourse,and the neighbouring streets were completely evacuated. The batta- lions of the Central Committee on their side abandoned a number of their posts, but they are still to be seen at the Hotel de Ville, the Prefecture of Police, the Place Ven- ddme, and the new opera-house, where they keep consider- able supplies. Marshal MacMahon is now at St. Germain. General Langourian, like General Chanzy, has been released by order of the Committee. The idea of a Bonapartist connection with the present troubles is gaining ground. The Belgian papers, who ought to know something of the matter, since Brussels has been ever since September the headquarters of Im- perialism, speak openly on the subject. The Independence Beige remarks significanty that the Second Empire has exhibited many stranger coincidences than the sudden irrvption of Bonapartists into France on the morrow of the outbreak of the 18th. The Echo An Parlement, another Belgian paper, publishes a long letter from M. Rouher whose arrival at Boulogne appeared so ominously well- timed, in which he explains the object of his journey at at great length, protest againsts his illegal arrest in the most indignant terms, denounces the conduct of the existing Government in France, and boldly attributes the insurrection in Paris to the men who inaugurated the Government of September. Another story of a very dif- ferent character is current. The head of the revolu- tionary movement was formerly the ringleader of the strikes at Creuzot, M. Schneider's great metallurgical establishment. Assy is a young man, about 35. who has a certain rude eloquence, and consider- able administrative powers. He has previously had some- thing to do with Bonapartist agents in connection with the socialist movement, a fact which shews he is not too scrupulous in the choice of associates. Everyone knows that M. Rouher attributed his political downfall to M. Schneider, and the ex-President of the Senate was not sorry to see the ex-President of the Corps Legislatif involved in social difficulties at Creuzot. These facts, skilfully woven together, point, according to some persons, to an acquaintance between M. Rouher and Assy, and explain the Bona- partists chiefs opportune arrival at Boulogne. In Paris, the Imperialist notabilities are certainly very fre- quently to be met, they are in the streets, an the boule- vards, at every corner. The Journal des Debats, not usually reckless in its statements, boldly declares that the hand of Bonapartism is clearly recognisable in the insurrection. The same journal, which reproaches M. Thiers with weakness, is greatly displeased at the passage in his circular to the prefects referring to Marshal Canrobert. M. Thiers has the right to forget personal injuries done to himself, but he ought tc remember, in the public interests, that the Marshal was one of the accomplices of the coup d'etat. Whatever confidence the Debats has in the good faith and honour of the Chief of the Executive, it feels bound to remind him of his own memorable words, We are in a position where there is not a single fault left to commit." CONDUCT OF THE INSURGENTS. The Times correspondent, writing on Monday, says:— I have no sympathy with the movement headed by the Comity, but fair play compels me to state that the dis- cipline observed by their troops seems remarkably good. They have wielded now some time the power which, according to the proverb, shews what a man is, and I have neither seen nor heard of any outrage on their part of a disorderly or wanton character. When they have acted harshly or oppressively, it has been from a deliberately-planned, policy, which, wise or unwise, has been carried out in a spirit of strict discipline or organisation. The com- monest men among them—a far from prepossessing lot, their appearance occasionally suggesting a suspicion that the recent gaol delivery was extended to other than political prisoners—are indeed glad enough to tyrannize in petty ways, and too delighted to shew their powers as the sovereign people by turning anybody whom they take to be an arista off the pavement or out of a railway car- riage but they take care to do so only in obedience to superior orders. Nor have I heard of one solitary case of pillage, for I suppose that in these days of military rule one can't fairly apply so harsh a word as pillage to the requi- sitions for food made by soldiers, who profess, and perhaps believe, as it is their interest to believe, that they are defending their own city from conspirators and reac- tionnaires of all types, monarchical and imperialist, and who certainly go through a good deal of work, in the shape of sentry and patrol duty, that can scarcely be agreeable to men bred to peaceful pursuits. They are, in fact, far superior in point of organisation, and perhaps also in pluck and belief in the goodness of their own cause, to the Party of Order, who, disgusted with the lukewarmness or faintheartedness of their own fiends, and looking round in vain for leaders, can make no solid front. The journals, indeed, representing the party of order, declare that disaffection is rampant among the followers and even the members of the Committee— that the latter have taken freely to ordering each other's arrest, and that even on the sacred summit of Mont- martre, where stands enshrined the palladium of the Communists, there are two parties, one of which is looked upon as suspecte because it is getting weary of the monotonous and barren labour of watching the guns, and wants to return to profitable work. These stories are, I believe, greatly exaggerated as regards the past or even the present, but they probably forecast accurately enough the future. It is not in the nature of the Montemartre movement to outlive its own assured success; it would speedily tumble to pieces in the absence of formidable opposition; but the singular attitude of the Government and National Assembly just leaves it danger enough for a rallying cry, though not enough to intimidate. The Parisians flock by thousands to Versailles, and there see and hear enough to make them believe that the Government have resolyed to uae force against Paris, but will take a ridiculously long time In getting ready. "As yon'have already heard by telegraph, General Vinoy's withdrawal of his offer to resign is generally interpreted to mean that Monsieur Thiers has consented to the General's proposal to march upon Paris. I was at Versailles yesterday, and found the place full of war and rumours of war. There are said to be, in round numbers, 00,000 troops there, and 550 piec.-s of artillery. Battalions of volunteers are forming, enticed by the offer of thirty sous a day, that unlucky bribe which has brought so much mis- chief upon Paris. Tents, ammunition, and other materiel of war are being rapidly collected from all quarters but all these preparations are worthless without troops upon whom their leaders can count, and such trotps are in a painful minority. The Marine Brigade, said to be very bitter against the Montmartre move- ment, the cavalry, and two regiments of the line, one of them the 66th, which forced its way so gallantly out of Paris, and received the thanks of the Assembly, are said to make up the slender list of the unquestionably faithful. Of the rest, many are not known, or even believed to b« faithless, but in such a case the slightest doubt would be fatal. The Government could not survive a repetition of its fatal mistake in using troops upon which it could not indubitably count; but still by a certain party the faithful few are thought already quite numerous enough for a march on Paris.

Many English merchants and others have sus- tained ruinous losses by the too successful attempts which were made to provision Paris. A corespondent says large quantities of provisions, never left the lhames, and, in fact, are spoiling on the wharves. Speculators of course, must take their chance of good or ill fortune but. unfortunately, some persons who were arge y influenced by disinterested motives are among the chief losers. (JUKSTION AS TO FRAUDULENT PREFERENCE.— At the Liverpool Bankruptcy Court before Mr Serjeant Wheeler, an application was made to decide whether the payment of £1.500, made to a sharebroker named Matthews by Pim Cherry, a Liverpool cotton broker who has been convicted of fraud at the Liverpool Assizes, and sentenced to two months' imprisonment was a valid pay. ment or not, it having been paid over within four months preceding Cherry's bankruptcy. As the question was one entirely of fact, his Honour said he would lika to have the opinion of a jury on the pomt, and the case was accordingly adjourned for that purpose. THE MIDNIGHT ORATORY IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. -It has been notified by one leading journal to the occupants of the front benches in the House of Com- mons that, except in very rare cases the reports of all speeches delivered after twelve o clock will be greatly curtailed. If this rule be enforced, midnight oratory will receive its death-blow. One night last week there was a lonji discussion which was not reported at all in any of the papers, and the members who took part in it have Miice had to prepare their speeches tor publication in I Hansard. In another instance the speech of a Cabinet Min ster was subjected to an extraordinary amount of compression.

GOOD BEHAVIOUR OF THE INSURGENTS The Times correspondent, writing on Sunday night, expresses his astonishment at the moderation of the rebels: —I think they have borne their honours meekly. They saw that no effort was made by our lawful protectors to avenge the massacre in the Rue de la Paix on Wednesday, and yet they have refrained from slaughtering any more of us in open day. I live in a street close to the Committee's military head-quarters. It is guarded at either end by double posts of Mont- martre and Belleville Nationals. The gate of my hotel is kept locked, and the windows of the lower storeys are blinded with iron shutters. Well, all of us in this street are allowed to go in and out of our domiciles, and there has been no attempt on our lives and properties. Even at the risk of being dealt with as traitors by the Government at Versailles, we are all very respectful to the armed representatives of the Central Committee. Our very existence is in the hands of those men. The Nationals of order have completely deserted us, and, as for our legitimate rulers, they don't give us the pro- tection of even a policeman. Our position does not differ very much from that of nearly four-fifths of the people staying in Paris, because in fourteen at least out of the twenty arrondissements the Central Committee reigns supreme. Is it any wonder, then, that a load was taken off the hearts of the citizens last evening when they found, that as there seemed to be no chance of assistance from Versailles, an accommodation had been arrived at between the legal mayors and the illegal com- mittee, and that for a day or two, at all events, they might reopen their houses and resume their ordinary avo- cations ? I never witnessed anything like the change that came over Paris when the second editions of the evening papers and numerous ajjiches made known to the citizens that the mayors and the committee had agreed to a truce. Shutters were taken down with magical rapidity, shops were lit up with gas, and articles for sale exposed in the windows; men, women, and children flocked out to promenade on the Boulevards, and if a Prussian Etappen Commander had requisitioned all the jobmasters of Paris, carriages could not have appeared on the scene with more instan- taneous rapidity. The lines of bristling bayonets disap- peared from the corners of the Rue Drouot and the Rue Vivienne; Nationals of order and Nationals of disorder"—(I suppose I must use the term by Way of distinction, though it does sound rather dis- respectful to the party in power)—embraced and kissed; and I found myself carried away in a crowd. who were shouting Vive la Republique!" and waving their hats as a battalion of the Montmartre troops proudly marched along the Boulevard des Italiens. To-day the elections have been going on peaceably, and all Paris is out Promenading. The Rue de la Paix is open down as far as the barricade joining the Rue Neuve des Petits Champs and the Rue Neuve des Capucins. Every- one is turning down from the Place de l'Op^ra to see the fortifications in the Place Vendome, which they—the public—are allowed to view across the paving stone obstruction if they obey the order "Circulez" by not standing too long in one spot. There is free passage up the Rue Castiglione also. and on to the barri- cade at the intersection of the Rue St. Honoris. In com- pliment to my nationalty I was permitted to enter the Place itself and inspect all the defences. I believe that a foreigner of any nationality, even Prussia, does not stand a worse chance in Paris now than he did before the Civil War commenced. A day or two ago the term of imprisonment to which an Englishman had been sen- tenced for vagabondage came to a close. An in- surgent official, who signed himself Dtleguf A I'Intiriture." sent him to the English Embassy with a polite note, requesting Lord Lyons to send the man to England or find work for him. Mr. Mallet gave a receipt for the discharged prisoner, and had him sent to England the same evening. Yesterday Mr. Mallet received a message from the insurgent authorities at Batignolles that a person had been arrested there who claimed his dis- charge on the ground that he was an Englishman. The officer who had him in charge requested that some one from the Embassy would inquire into the matter. The request was complied with, but on arriving at Batignolles the official from the bureau of Lord Lyons found that the suspect had already been discharged. Clearly these Montmartre mobs are taking high ground. They decree "Mart ax Voleurs." They declare that they are the guardians of order, and that the party at Versailles are Reactionists, who wish to bring about civil war; and their scrupulous regard for the rights of foreigners, and their threats against the Gendarmes, whom they allege to have fired shots at Prussian sentinels, shew that they wish to establish relations with foreign Powers. But in the midst of the calm of to-day they are keepmg their powder dry, and doing what they have done from the momen the feeble effort made against them by the military authorities so signally failed. AN INTERVIEW WITH THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. TL 3 correspondent of the Tdegraph, who was granted an interview, found tb. Revolutionary Committee exceedingly polite and well-behaved people :—At last I was asked to enter the committee-room, and upon doing so was re- ceived with great politeness. Being questioned as to my business, I stated that I was a correspon- dent of a newspaper, and sought information. One or two members of the Comity expressed their willingness to oblige me, and said they were confident that all true friends of liberty would applaud their action. I was at once struck with their quiet business-like manner, and evident superiority in education to the majority of Frenchmen. I judged that all knew two languages, and many knew three or four. They spoke of England and America with much actual knowledge. As regards the future, they said their patriotism and sincerity would be proved by the fact that immediately after the communal election they would surrender their functions, and leave the direction of affairs in the hand of the repre- sentatives whom the people of Paris had elected. "Last night, or rather between three and four o'clock this morning (Saturday)," said a member of the Com- mittee, "while we were sitting in council, a deputation of the Mayors sought an interview. Four of them, who had been deputed by the rest, came to say that the Mayors of t,le twenty Arrondissements of Paris desired to give in their firm adherence to the Comitd Central: that they thoroughly approved of their demands, and would no longer recognise the acts of the National Assembly." "After such a spontaneous expression of their adherence," observed another Committee- man who can affirm that we do not repre- sent' the wishes of Paris ?" I was then told that the elections would positively commence to-day (Sunday) at eight o'clock in the morning and close at six in the evening. The scrutiny would begin as Boon as the voting was over, and would be carried on throughout the night. The Comity Central wanted the electors to know at the earliest moment the names of their representatives. "Then," said with great earnestness a member of the Comity who had not before spoken, we shall have the Commune established, and the citizens of Paris will be thankful for our exertions in the sacred cause of right." "And what will follow the election of the Commune?" I inquired. Directly after the scrutiny is complete," I was answered, "the representatives—about ninety in number—will be formally installed at the Hotel de Ville." On which day will their assembly take place?" was my next question. "Perhaps on Tues- day, and we hope certainly not later than Wednesday. Until that time," remarked one of the youngest-looking of the Comity, "we shall hold power but directly the representatives meet we surrender our power and cease to act." While he was speaking, a despatch was brought in stating that an important provincial town—the name I did not hear—sent its adhesion to the Comity, with congratulations on the suc- cess which had attended their efforts. How many towns have joined the movement ?" I inquired. "At least fifty," was the answerLyons, Bordeaux. Marseilles, Toulouse, Rouen, Limoges, and many other important places." "And what about the National Assembly at Versailles ?" I asked. Monsieur, we do not recognise the Assembly." But cer- tainly you admit that it exists?" "Yes, but we do not take any notice of it. We regard it as dead." "Do You consider it a thing impossible that M. Thiers may send a strong force against you?" "Monsieur speaks as an Englishman. It is excusable. He cannot know M. Thiers. If he did, he would remember that M. Thiers is a little old man who has no power." But," said I, he has soldiers at Versailles." Monsieur is Wrong again. There are troops at Versailles—30,000 or 40,000—who will not fight against us. He has 7,000 or 8,000 police—mostly old soldiers—who would fight, but What is the use of 8,000 against us?

MR. CHILDERS.—-The late First Lord of the Ad- miralty remains for the present week at Bedwell Park, Hertfordshire. He was visited professionally on Sunday last by Mr. Robert Ellis, who reports favourably on the general state of his health, though he is still weak and incapable of much exertion. Mr. Childers is advised to travel on the Continent, by easy stages, until the medi. cinal springs shall be open, as it is considered that then a course of mineral waters will probably be of great benefit to him. We have the best authority for adding that Mr. Childers has had none of the formidable and hopeless diseases which public rumour has so freely assicrned to him. His is the not uncommon case of an over-anxious and too ardent temperament, exhausting for a time the physical powers, but without producing any organic disease. There is everv reason to anticipate his entire restoration to health and active service in the course of a few months. INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITIONS.—An interesting lecture was lately delivered at the Society of Arts by Mr. Edward Hall, architect, on the aim and scope of International Exhibitions, and their influence in the deve- lopment of art, science, and industry. It had been pur- posed that annual exhibitions should take place, in order to ascertain the yearly progress in arts, science, and industry, and to avoid the inconveniences which resulted from want of space in the buildings of the several exhibi- tions in London and Paris. Mr Hall shewed the advan- tages which had followed from previous exhibitions, and the improvements they had effected in the tastes and habits of the people The shop windows of the large towns bore witness to the services which had been ren- dered to domestic art by the Exhibitions of 1851 and 1862, and no doubt still greater things might be done by an annual display of the kind. Lord Lyttelton, who pro- dded, agreed with the lecturer as to the beneficial influ- ences which might follow from annual exhibitions. Those ladies who have not yet used GLENFIELD STAECH are respectfully solicited to give it a trial, and carefully follow out the directions printed on every package, and if this is done, they will say like the Queen's Laundress that, it is the finest starch they ever used. When you ask for Glenfield Starch, see that you get it, as inferior kinds are often substituted for the sake of extra profits.

I SPIRIT OF THE PRESS. 1 CHANGING THE- LAW OF MARRIAGE. The Times remarks that the bill for legalising marriage with a deceased wife's sister, has been thrown out by nearly the largest adverse majority it has yet encountered in the Lords. Twenty years ago it was defeated by 34 votes last year it needed only four more votes to be successful. This year the numbers it its favour are smaller by two, while twenty more Peers voted against it. Intro- duced by Lord Penzance, it came before the Upper House with unusual recommendations, and the result must be considered a decisive expression of the present judgment of the peers. It will, however, be generally felt that nothing can be more unsatisfactory than that the question should be tossed to and fro by such fluctuating votes. So long as the point is left open, one of the most delicate of social relations is subjected to the difficulties and tempta- tions of a more or less uncertain rule. Whatever else may be doubtful, it is quite certain the matter ought no longer to remain in its present unsettled position. Some means ought to be found of promptly submitting the question to a decision which will at least be accepted by both sides as legally conclusive. So long as persons can only contract illegal marriages under the full risk of the legal penalty, we may be tolerably sure that nothing but a natural impulse so strong as to deserve respect can ren- der such marriages common. But if the prospect be held out of escaping all the consequences threatened by the law, people may think they Cttn legalise unlawful mar- riages by the mere act of contracting them and encou- raging them in others. To alter the Marriage Law is at any time a grave matter; to alter it in accord- ance with a mere popular vote is graver still but to alter it at the demand and for the benefit of those whose inclinations it has restrained is a precedent of the utmost danger. There is but one way, indeed, in which, without this-risk, due regard can be paid to the high authorities from whom we have the misfortune to differ on this subject. The question may be referred, as it were, to the arbitration of some independent and im- partial authority, with an understanding on both sides that the decision thus given shah be final. This would afford a salutary declaration that the Legislature would not alter the law in response to the mere demand of those who had broken it, and was determined to maintain it upon judicial principles which are independent of varying majorities. If the proposed change were thus recom. mended the new law would at least possess whatever elements of stability can be afforded by the highest legal and statesmanlike authority in the country. THE NAVY ESTIMATES. Mr. Goschen affirmed, says the Standard, that the vote of credit of last August was expended, not in repairing waste, but in hastening forward defensive measures al- ready in course of preparation. If war had broken out, however, how many of these measures would have been sufficiently advanced to be of any use ? This is the point which always occurs to the hearers and readers of Admi- ralty statements like that of Monday. We may be on our way to secure a very good fleet; but how long shall we be in completing it, and what is our position in the meantime, with a force, no doubt, half again as large as that of any probable assailant, but with five times as wide an area to protect and ten times larger commerce to watch over? Mr. Goschen points out, indeed, that the reduction in the number of men made by Mr. Childers, from 67,000 to 61,000, does not represent a cor. responding reduction of force, the ships of the present day requiring smaller crews, and flying squadrons and swift cruisers gradually taking the place of the large fleets for- merly stationed in distant seas, and some passages of the speech appeared to display a real appreciation of the necessity of unquestionable maritime supremacy to Eng. land. But he did not seem equally to appreciate the. vast magnitude of the empire which our navy has to defend the fact that it is not merely cur first line of defence at home, but our first weapon of offence and defence abroad, it is not only the navy of England, but the navy of India, of Canada, of Australia, and New Zealand also; ond that its require- ments must be measured by the demands upon its re- sources. When a Minister dwells so strongly on the advantage of having our ships and seamen near home, he may satisfy that school of English economists who grudg- mgly give what is necessary to defend their own shops and factories, and refuse to extend their care or their interests beyond our immediate shores; but it rather tends to aggravate the distrust and uneasiness of those to whom England is but the centre and metropolis of the empire, and the neetnot only the guard of the Channel, but the sword and shield of a power that has interests, duties, and obligations in every quarter of the globe. THE STATE OF PARIS. The Daily New, declares that Paris is at this moment a democratic Republic. It has something like a quasi-inde- pendent government of its own, and every day sees that Government more firmly established. The insurrection which Cavaignac subdued in 1848, aud the Emperor kept under till 1870, has come in 1871 to sudden, though mo- mentary, success. The Assembly declared that Paris is no longer France, and Paris has taken it at its word. M. Thiers may perhaps hope that a policy of inaction will allow the movement to exhaust itself, and that the entire failure of the new Commune to govern the city will open the way to the pacific approaches of the regular Government. But there seems to us to be a danger behind which has hardly yet been reckoned on. It is quite true that these Republican enthusiasts will awake from their dream of an ideal State but the moment of disillusion will be a moment of danger for Society greater than can be incurred by any of their successes and triumphs. Paris stands on the verge of a social convulsion such &II our times have not seen. She is like a somnambulist walking- on a precipice: safe as long as the dream lasts, certain of destruc- tion when the spell is broken. There is hardly any hope that order will be re-established without a struggle and the straggle will be civil war. For Paris herself, nothing but calamity can come out of the crisis. In one respect she will be taken at her word and even though the provinces have to go up in arms to re-established the old order in the capital, they will certainly refuse to allow the seat of Government to be transferred thither at present. M. Thiert probably sees all these terrible possibilities, and is still hoping to avoid them by a compromise. But any compromise must involve the sacrifice by the Paris mob of their ideal Re- public and that sacrifice seems hopeless as yet. The aged statesman who is thus called to be the new saviour of society has all our sympathy. We can hardly join in the denunciations which have been heaped upon him for his apparent dallying with danger. He may well exhaust all hopes of a peaceful solution before he gives the signal for war; and as that signal has not been given, his hope is not exhausted yet. As yet, we look in vain, says the Telegraph, to Ver- sailles for any promise that the inevitable contest will be speedily brought to an issue. Chanzy, released from a captivity that seemed certain to end in a bloody death— Saisset, returning from a mission that has ended in an ignominious failure—have gone back to Versailles to report the very worst about the state of Paris. The Government remains in a mood of helpless indecision, varied with such futile spasms of energy as the despatch of Saisset with complete concessions, or the summoning of Faidherbe to swell by yet another voice the chorus of confusion in counsel. It is useless to spend words in denouncing the inefficiency of the Government that wastes precious days in such exploits as we have noticed. If the symptoms are not singularly mis- leading, condemnation will come speedily from a quarter that can also execute judgment. Tne Right is growing furious with M. Thiers for paltering with the "Reds, and when the Right gets angry or distrustful, its patience and temper must have been fearfully tried. Ominous mutterings of discontent are heard in the Monar- chist coteries of the Legislature. The Due d'Aumale, too, is said to be in Versailles. Yet much more significant and suggestive is another piece of news. The Republican Deputies of the Left, we are told, have chosen for their meeting-place the racket-hall at Versailles, have elected a president and a vice-president, and have sworn a solemn oath that they will vigorously uphold the Republic, and support the Government—so long as it is Republican. Does not this incident call up strange memories ? Was it not in some veiy similar place that the Tiers Etat met on a June day in 1789, when they had been shut out of their own Hall of Assembly. and swore a solemn oath, the tragic consequences of which are historical ? M. Thiers, disliked by the Monarchists for being too gentle with Revolution— eyed askance by the Republicans, who suspect him of coquetting with Monarchy — cannot find much comfort in the reminiscence which that oath of the Left suggests. The incident reveals, in a startling manner, how widely separated are those extremes which, with a terrible revolt on his hands, the aged Premier has to con- ciliate and, after all, should he fail in a crisis, almost beyond precedent even in his extended experience, we must weigh all the stupendous difficulties of his task be- fore we pronounce our judgment. Meantime. "Action" is the watchword of France; and action comes neither from the east nor from the west—neither from the Right nor from the Left. AN IMPERIAL RESTORATION. It seems probable, says the Post, that the anarchy now reigning in France—which menaces all property and in- volves bankruptcy, with repudiation of the National Debt, as well as of the Prussian indemnity—must bring about interference on the part of the armies now occupy- ing one-third of France. That interference must take the shape of insisting upon knowing from the French people what sort of Government they wish to have to secure their freedom and acquit them from their obligations. There can hardly be any doubt that a plebiscite will ultimately be submitted to the nation to decide between four Governments— Republic, Bourbon, Orleans, and Napoleon. Now, the Republic is condemned beyond all hope. The French are hardly prepared to accept Henri Cinq and the train of reactionary consequences that inevitably follow. The House of Orleans had a great chance, but M. Thiers threw it away on the day when the dechiance of the Empire was proclaimed at Bordeaux. We thus arrive at the theory of an Imperial restoration. The vast majority of Frenchmen wish to be where they were before the war, in possession of a tranquil bien itre. The Prussians, in view of the utter disorganisa- tion of social ties and ot the destruction of property which threatens France, must hope to see a Government founded which shall give them guarantees. They long- it is no secret—for peace, and they seek to be paid their indemnity. If once certain of a real Government, they might well agree to accord a liberal discount for a ready. money transaction, and for the sake of ensuring a peaceful neighbour. The German Empire might find it advan- tageous to restore Metz to France, a compensation easy of attainment being found in Luxemburg. By these means fresh securities might be found for French independence and the German indemnity, while the restoration of the Empire would give confidence to trade and commerc., and renew the faith world in the French people. THE WhJJvLV PRESS. THE REVOLT IN PARIS. The Saturday Review says that one of the most extraot dinary revolutions that history has to record has placed Paris at the mercy of a handful of unknown, unsupported purposeless ruffians. The Parisians woke on Sunday morning and found that they --==:0. were under the government or a Central UoirumWJB headed by a man named Assi, who had recently headed a strike at Creuzot, and had distinguished himself tjt assisting at the murder of two generals the day befonui They do not seem to have very much mindofl the Revolution at first. It has, indeed, a sort of attrac- tion for some of them who yet did not want anythiafc very wild in the revolutionary way. The rose-water row lution is at an end, and a revolution of blood and vinleitea has begun. The National Guard and those who direct; them now find themselves the declared enemies of peacefof Paris, and must hold it down in order to avoid bekw called to account for what they have done. The Centras Committee have issued a new programme, and ordee rather than invite France to bow its head before the only; true Republic. They at present hold Paris in their grasp., They occupy or abandon the adjacent forts on the soutlfci of the Seine as they please, the regular troops placed them invariably either deserting their posts or fraternizing with the insurgents. They utterly despise the National As- sembly and its threats, and own to no fear except to the Prussians. In the meanwhile what had M. Thiers bees doing, and what had his colleagues and the National As- sembly been doing? The answer is, Nothing. TheW simply let things take their course, and looked on. Thill is as astonishing as any part of the history of the Revoht. •!JI Chief of the Executive, as M. Thiers is termed mildly surveyed the Revolution of Paris, and ttw extinction of his authority in the capital, W u ■ IJ been a popular sport with which he could not be expected to mix himself apt' the revolution ran its course, and on Sunday morning the authority of AL Thiers in Paris had as much passed away as that of the Emperor. M. Thiers at once changed his tone. and was content to speak in a very meek and humble way. He had nothing to propose to the Aa. sembly except that a Committee of Fifteen should be specially appointed to held the Government in doing;, nothing. The conduct of affairs is evidently fast slipping away out of the control of M. Thiers. M. Jules Favre on Wednesday made the astounding: announcement that ha was in confidential communication with the German mili- tary authorities as to the state of Paris. It is impossible to overrate the importance of this announcement. The Germans still occupy the northern forts, and could lay Belleville in ashes if they pleased and there is little reason to suppose that there are half-a-dozen of the whole body of the insurgents who would face a Prussian regi- ment. There can be no doubt that if the leaders of the National Assembly chose to invite the aid of the foreigner, and Prince Bismarck chose to grant it, the in- surrection would be snuffed out in a day. But a Govern- ment which had entreated Germans to kill Frenchmen could never last 2S the Government of France. M. Thiers and his friends, in killing the revolution, would have killed their own authority; and the end of anarchy in Paris might be the beginning of anarchy in France. For the moment there does not seem a ray of light in the dark horizon but the present state of things cannot last, and a very few days must bring about some event decisive of the destinies of France for years to come. The Spectator says this movement in Paris is a revolt, and not a revolution, and like most revolts, appears likely to produce almost unmixed evil. Its history cannot be written yet, the correpondents, journalists, and speech- makers upon whose statements we must depend, being almost frienzied with a creditable indignation and a dis- creditable fear; but it is possible to gather with pains and patience some idea of the motives at work in the insurrec- tion. Assi, the agent of the International Workmen'* Association, and a man of great energy and some ability, was, with his friends of the Central Committee, probably in earnest, really meant the Republic of 1793, and in his utter ignorance imagined that France would either follow Paris or allow it to declare itself a free city like Hamburg, with a separate and sovereign municipality of its own. This is the latest idea revealed in all the proclamations of the Committee, in its official utterances through the Journal Officiel, which it has seized, and in its demand for the independent Commune. The Committee, composed mainly of haggard-looking, half fed workmen, denies perhaps truly, any wish for blood; but it had loosed the wild beast, and did not even dare to scold it when it bit. A French crowd, parti* cularly when swollen by mutinous soldiers, who fight with their necks in a rope is always bloodthirsty. Meanwhile, what is the legitimate Government doing at Versailles ? It is acting sensibly, but weakly. M. Thiers has cut off the communication with the provinces, has encamped the troops who retreated from Paris round Versailles, and is summoning troops from a distance, more especially Charette, the Papal Zouave to whom Gambetta gave a general's commission, and who is probably the bravest man in France, with his Bretons, who do not speak French; and professes full confidence In his own ability to restore order, a confidence just or silly, accoiding to the degree in which he can reinspire the troops with a sense of military honour. For the rest, he temporises and waits, loses his control over the Assembly, and asks that the Communal Council be conceded to Paris—a just con- cession, perhaps, when order has been restored, but mad- ness now. He suffers M. Jules Favre to read letters from Prince Bismarck threatening to destroy Paris unless order is restored, and to follow the reading by a hint thaf such menaces are only intended to terrify; and allows the Assembly to justify the worst feasa of the Parisians by omitting" Vive la Republique" from its decrees. He may be wise but he is weak, and but for a piece of un- deserved fortune he ncight yet be compelled to the crowning humiliation of calling in foreign aid to hold down the capital of his country. If Lyons beats his agents, all is lost; but Lyons is held by one of Gambetta's nominees, who, not being at heart a Monarchist and in seeming a Republican has the courage of his opinions, and in a short stern order of the day offers to anarchists the alter- natives of order or summary execution. M. Valentin's decision may, or may not save France, but it is becoming only too clear that she needs a man to make the Republic march, and that the man must not be an Orleanist civilian of seventy-four. If Gambetta were but well and in Versailles THE COMMERCIAL DUTIES OP GOVERNMENT. The Economist says it may be asked if a Board of Trade or a Minister of Commerce cannot swell our Trade or augment our commerce, why should we have either at all: And to this the answer is that the Government has two functions with respect to trade—one of supervision, and one of co-operation, and that both of these augment as civilisation grows and commerce increases. Practical monopolies are so created and so multiplied by civilisation that the effectual supervision of them is hardly second in importance to any other department of the Government. But there are other kinds of needful supervision too. The Legislature has, rightly or wrongly, imposed various con- ditions on various kinds of contract. Some of these rules may, perhaps, be erroneous, but while they exist they must be seen to. And the Board of Trade is the proper office for that purpose. Secondly, what is far less understood than its importance requires, the auxiliary trade department is a very large and growing species of Government business. There are several kinds of trade which the Government finds it better to carry on exclusively, which it will not even per- mit others to carry on. Such is the Post Office, which is of ancient standing such are the Government telegraphs, which were created the other day. And nheir justification is that 'the State has the advantage of ubiquity—that therefore, being already everywhere for its own purposes, it can serve the whole country in other ways cheaper and better than anyone else could serve it. Private companies would work cheaper and perhaps oftener between gieat centres of trade. London and Liverpool could take care of themselves. But without a national system it would take a long time to send a letter from Wick to St. Ives, or from Chislehurst to Donegal. The Government can provide the whole country with quick and regular despatches more certainly and more cheaply than pri- vate traders can do. Some theorists have naturally said that the Government having this inevitable advantage should be content with it; that as the Government is sure to win in competition, it should permit competition that private persons should be allowed to send letters and tele- grams if they like. But this is a fallacy. Government can only serve the country cheaper if it has the whole country to serve. If private competitors were permitted to Feive rich districts, where letter-carrying pays, the Government would be left only with the poor parts, where letter carrying does not pay. It would for certain have all the debit side of the reckoning, and would have little or none of the credit side. If the entire superintendence of trade, the entire aid given by the Government to trade, and all the trades carried on by Government, were col- lected in the hands of a single great Cabinet Minister, to be called the Minister of Commerce, the arrangements would be more efficient than the present aggregate of shifts. The work would in general be better done, and commercial men would feel that their affairs were in the hands of a first-class office, which now they do not feel, and which the recent deputation complained that they did not feel.

THE MACAULArs IN GAIRLOCH!—It is stated that at Melvaig School, parish of Gairloch, Ross- shire, every child but two is a Macaulay. Melvaig is the ancient house of the Macaulays, ancestors of Lord Macaulay. THJC JOINT HIGH COMMISSION.-—The work of the Joint High Commission has begun, and continues pleasantly. The subjects presented are deliberately con. sidered, and gentlemen on both sides anticipate a favour- able result. Some of the members expect to conclude their labours within thirty days. There is no joint organisation, each side casting but one vote, representing in all respects the two Governments in deliberation. The British members visited Brady's photograph gallery on the 7th of March, and spent two hours in giving him sittings for theii pictures individually and in groups, and in examining his historical collection of photographs.— New York Times. BRKACH OF PROMISE.—At the Norfolk Assizes, held at Norwich on Friday, a breach of promise case was tried before Chief Baron Kelly. The plaintiff was a spin- ster of 44, residing at Alby, and she suad the defendant, Joseph Burrell, a well-to-do farmer of 74 years of age, living at Ingworth, in Norfolk. The pleas put in by the defendant were of a curious and contradictory nature, and were to the effect that the defendant pleaded that he had not agreed to marry, that a reasonable time had not elapsed, that plaintiff was not willing to marry up to the time of the alleged breach, and that there was a revocation before the breach of the agreement. Mr. Bulwer, Q.C., and Mr. C. Cooper were for the plaintiff; and Mr. O'Mally, Q.C., and Mr. Bloleld for the defendant. Evidence was given to prove that the de- fendant had pulled the plaintiff on his knee, and irade ner the object of other endearments. It was also shewn that the defeudant was lame, but that he had not walked with two sticks until lately. Verdict for plaintiff damages .£100. EXTRAORDINARY CURE OF A COUGH BY POWELL'S BALSAM OF ANISEED. — Her Majesty s Gunboat, Netley. —Wick, North-east Coast of Scotland. September 7, 1868. Dear Sir- Having had a most distressing and severe cough, which caused me many sleepless nights and restless days, I was recommended by his Lordship the Earl of Caithness to try your most invaluable Balsam of Aniseed, and I can assure you with the first dose I found immediate relief, even without having to suspend my various duties and the first small bottle completeley cured me therefore I have the greatest confidence in fully recommending it to the million. Most respectfully yours. To Mr. POWELL." W. LINZELL, H.M. G.B. Netley. The above old-established medicine is invaluable in re- moving Coughs, Colds, Hoarseness, Difficulty of Breath- ing, Night Cough, &c and those troubled with Asthma will find it an excellent remedy. Prepared and sold by Thomas Powell. 16, Blackfriars-road, London, and sold by Chemists and Medicine Vendors throughout the world, in bottles, at Is. l|d. and 2s. 3d. Ask for "Powell's Bal- sam of Aniseed." 15868