Potter's Electric News

^fifiPORDWEST MAREJET. inf' Sti tn o,i Saturday, May 2, 1868. 'Vi' Por'J J, • button, 7d to 3d; Lamb, 3d to 9d; Veal 4d O, 3s K 6d t0 7(15 Butter, Is Cd to Is 2d Eggs, 10 for Is "i iSp> Os (i i to 43 Gil per couple Ducks, 3s 6d to is Od ditto; ^to(ls°d, Turkeys, 0s "d'to Os Od each; Chees-, ad >^forj7 Bacon Pigs, 0s Od to 0s d per score; Potatoes Is,

fc^TEFS, MARHIAGES, & DEATHS." °f Eirths, Marriages, and Deaths, should be sent to ^uscript,properly authenticated. We cannot under- ^«fr0 Search other papers for these announcements, whica to v Gently found obs incorrectly printed, or turr out A BIRTHS. 9 we 24th ult, at Kilgerran Rectory, in this county, A ."j °f tho Rev D. Evans, R D, of a son. V 'e 17th ult., at Sidmouth, South Devon, Mrs ttowe, of a daughter. I% „ MARRIAGES. r'^ea d n,t» at Tythcgaton Church, by the Yen. I'll Can01-1 Blosse, Christopher Rice Howard Niche! A .f ain 2nd Ba talion Rifle Brigade, son of the late iW0n; John Nioholl, M.P, to Florence Emma, X (H the Rev Charies R. Knight, of Tythegston l!ipn the i?01'? nshire. V,VCI,H 1 ult> at St. James's,• Piccadilly, by tho Ven. V'6 ot St- l^dviil's, uncle of the bride, assisted 6eA eldfi K-inpe, Rector, the Hon. St.. Andrew St. V8Va 80n of Lord St- -John, of Bletsoe, to lillen A" 1'oor '|^0,ltl§est daughter of the late Edward Senior, W^-e 2S'K ^°"iniissUj|K'r ft>r Ireland. athKSI I'enuel Ciiapel, Manorbeer, by the >8^'art.o ^!arna> Mr James Gwyther. of Slade, to VSt Griffilhs> Thome. 8 Church, Daiiinghurst, Sydney, on Feb- H.. by the Iiev Thomas Uayden. B.A-, Mr. i&at da'["y Gr'fiiths, of Tenby, to Annie Gage, eUnd 'er ^r' •^■'exan £ 'er Craig, of Loudon- I AS«rv ,n DEAlflS. S, Vlr n"' Hraidwood, Aralnen, Australia, of "lin ?Dufapi nr^ J- Pritchard. soda water and Of and son of the )a;e Mr Edward Hotel, Milford, deeply lamented l«e Oft.L lfe and family. at North Park Streef, Pembroke I\^a^endpr ien' Mr Charles Lock, razor grinder, &C., aged 62 years. r Th 18 re8'^ence. Pembioke-street, Pcmbrokt ).% aa^R1 E;i8lluke> butcher, Army aud JSTavv S6 29th I y'tar8* 6^8 a ffat ^0S3well, in this county, M M oecl »9 years,

PARLIAMBNT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. Their lordships met at five o'clock. MINISTERIAL STATEMENT. The Earl of Malmesbury said their lordships would naturally be anxious to know what course the Government had taken after the division of Thursday last. On Friday afternoon her Majesty was graciously pleased to give an audience to the Prime Minister, at which audience Mr Disraeli informed her Majesty of what had taken place, and after reminding of the circumstances under which the late Government was formed by the Earl of Derby, and also of the circumstances under which the present" Parliament was originally called together, he stated to her Majesty that he thought her advisers, by constitutional practice, were justified in asking her Majesty for a dissolution of Parliament; but he added that, if her Majesty thought, under the present exceptional circum- stances, it was more desirable for the country that she could cal) upon other servants for advice, her present Ministry were ready to tender their resignations. Mr Disraeli accordingly placed in the .hands ot Her Majesty the resignation of the Government, and her Majesty said she would take his advice and statement into consideration. Accordingly, on the next day her Majesty gave the Prime Minister another audience, at which audience she was graciously pleased to say that she would not accept the resignation, and that she was ready to dissolve Parliament whenever the state of public affairs would admit. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAY. MINISTERIAL STATEMENT. Mr Disraeli rose and said, that on Thursday he had said that the vote arrived at that night had altered the position of the Government towards the House. He would not ask leave to make a statement. It would be recollected that in 1866, when Lord Derby was summoned by the Queen to take office, his party was in a very considerable minority, and it was then quite open to him in the spirit of the constitution, to have asked for a dis- solution, especially considering the disorganised state oi the Liberal party; but considering that there had been a general election he did hot con- sider it advisable to urge that course, as long as he could meet with support in settling the ques- tion of Reform. In 1867 the government did suc- ceed in passing a very considerable measure of Reform, and if they had not been able to achieve that object, it would have beeu his duty to have dissolved Parliament, but the principles of that measure having been accepted, the Government was of opinion that they would be able satis- factorily to pass the other Reform, bills for Scotland and Ireland, and the subsidiary measures which depended on them. Having waived. the privilege of dissolution in 1866 and 1867, Lord Derby's government, which had most satisfactorily adminis- tered the affairs of the country, had not forfeited their constitutional right to carry on the business of the country. Their general administration had not in one single point been ever impugned, but in every branch bad been not only supported in the House, but even complimented by their opponents. With respect to Ireland, even the policy of the Government, which had not provoked the present crisis, had been spoken of as fair and impartial to wards that country, under the most dilIicult and painful circumstances; and membtrs opposite had spoken with respect and sympathy of the firmness and impartiality displayed by Lord Abercorn and Lord Mayo. Their financial administration, their home administration, and, above all, the adminis- tration of that important department, on the judi- cious management of which depended the question of peace or war, had been universally supported and approved. (Hear, hear.) Previous to the accession of his noble friend (Lord Stanley), the foreign relations of the country had not been in the most satisfactory position but the per- fect temper, the tact, and clear appreciation of the position of the country bad removed all diffi- culties, and piaced the relations of the country, even with the transatlantic republic, on such a footing that it was totally impossible that the slightest misunderstanding cou:d arise. At no period in his recollection had the influence of England been greater on the continent than it was at this mement, and that, too, not by a bustling and officious interference, but by pur- suing an even-handed and conciliatory policy. In the difficult question of \byssinia, without derogating from the merits of a most admirable commander and most admirable troops, he claimed credit for the Government for the policy which had undertaken the expedition, and the care and sue- cess with which it had been accomplished in all its details. Having put before the House the results of the administration of the Government, which was at the outset entitled to a dissolution, there was nothing in their administration* of the great departments of the Government, which ought to deter them from appealing to the country but a new question had suddenly arisen. With a few days' notice the House was called upon to consider no less a question than the disestablishment of the Irish Church. List autumn, on the suggestion of Earl Russell, a Royal Commission was ap- pointed to report on the state of the Irish Church, and it was known that they were prosecuting their labours with energy and success, and that it was likely to report before the end of the session—the Government, therefore, might reasonably expect to be allowed to finish the Reform Bills before this question was raised but the House was not of that opinion. He did not wish to impugn any motives, or to raise any point of controversy. To the policy of disestablishing the Irish Church, the Government was totally opposed, believing it to he a retrograde one, because it would defeat the policy of conciliation so successfully adopted for the last thirty years, because it would injure the rights of property, and, lastly, because they could see no reason why, sooner or later, that policy would not be applied to England. The conse- quences of that step would be most serious. The Church of England would become an imperium in imperio, and at the last could not fail to be ab- sorbed by the traditional policy of the Church of Rome In either case, the Royal supremacy would be annihilated. This being the case, the Govern- ment felt that their right to appeal to the country was greatly strengthened, more especially as final, legislationrould not take place during this Parlia- mcnt, because the question had neter once been brought before the constituencies at the last elec- tion, and because it was their profound conviction that the opinion of the country would not endorse the verdict of the House. He repudiated with in. dignation the allegation that the Government, was clinging to office, although in a minority. There was nothing in his antecedents or his colleagues which could justify so unworthy a charge. When in oflice before, the Government of Lord Derby had twice resigned when they felt that they could not carry out their views, although urged by the strongest appeals from the other side not to do so. This imputation now, after they had successfully administered the affairs of the country for two years, recoiled on the House itself, not on the Government. It was true that they had not a pledged majority of supporters, but their relation of courtesy and sympathy with the great body of the House had enabled them to carry all their measnres. It was for the House, therefore, quite as much as the Government, to resent this allegation. He would now state the course which the Government bad decided to adopt. After the vote of Thursday night, be bad lost no time in ob- taining an audience with Her Majesty, who with her usual promptitude granted it the following afternoon. He laid before Her Majesty the results of that vote, and the state of parties, recommend- ing that it would be the usual constitutional course to dissolve the present Parliament, but with the full concurrence of his colleagues/ he represented that it was desirable, under the exceptional circum- stances of the time, that the Crown should not be embarrassed by personal interest3 of party. They were prepared to resign, with every expression of gratitude for the constitutional support which she invariably bestowed upon her advisers. He then tendered his resignation formally, and next day Her Majesty declined to accept that resignation, and declared her willingness to dissolve Parliament as soon as the public business would allow. He then expressed to Her Majesty the desire of the Government, without impugning the moral com- petency of the present constituencies, that this appeal should be referred to the new constituencies, and that with the concurrence of Parliament, steps should be Lj^ken to facilitate that appeal during the ensuingAulutnn. (Hear.) He deprecated the haste with which Mr Gladstone had placed his notice on the paper for that night. When he left the House on Thursday night lie had believed that Mr Gladstone was satisfied with the course pro- posed. If he had known otherwise, he would freely have given him that night for the other two resolutions, pursuing that course of conciliation and courtesy with which he bad always acted, and which ought always to regulate the intercourse of a great popular assembly. He could not accept the two latter resolutions of the right hon. gentle- man any more than the first, but he did not desire to waste time in idle discussion and divisions. He was therefore willing to give the right bon. gentle- man the first Government night (cries of "To- night "); but he could not agree to the motion on the paper, believing that it would not be for the convenience of the House or for the interests of the public. (Cheers.) Mr Gladstone would not inquire whether the retrospective review taken by the right bon. gentle- man was usual or not, but, in his opinion, it was quite out of place. He would not dispute the:pane- gyric bestowed on some, but not all of the great public departments, especially of the great spending departments, and of the control which ought to be exercised over them by the treasury as at present con- stituted. He did not know whether this elaborate panegyric was thrown out as a challenge to satisfy tKe government and their party that it was their duty to stop in office. He ridiculed the arguments of the right hon gentleman that if the Church of England was disestablished, all sects would be swal- lowed up in the devouring maw of the Church of Rome this was either an exaggerated compliment to the Church of Rome, which he should never venture to have paid, or it was a debasing and servile argu- ment, the objects of which were obvious. He de- murred to the statement that in 1859, the Govern- ment of Lord Derby was urged not to resign by political opponents of the highest authority, at least he had never had any inkling of such a fact—he disputed also the principle that every government had a constitutional right to a dissolution, which a great authority had aptly termed a penal step. There was not a single precedent of a government having been twice defeated by majorities of GO and 63, which had ever ventured to appeal to the country. What then became of the argument that a dissolu- tion was a matter of every day practice ? He denied that the consideration of what government was in office at the time had anything, according to consti- y ?I tutional doch-ines, to do with the matter. There was no such thing as a constitutional right inherent in any government to a dissolution, as laid down by the right hon. gentleman, but they might appeal to the country on a question of great public policy, if there was a reasonable prospect of the decision of the House being reversed. There was not a single pre- cedent of this apart from the practice of Lord Derby's Government in 1852 and 1859, and it now seemed that they were going, in spite of their adverse expe- rience on those occasions, to repeat the process in 1868. He denied that there was was a single case in which a minister, beaten by a majority of 60 and 65, had ventured to recommend a dissolution. It was quite right that the new Parliament should decide on the ultimate question of the Irish Church, and so it would in any case but now this plea had nothing to do with the case, for the first thing the new Parliament would have to decide would not be the Irish Church, for that was impossible, but the existence of the ministry itself; he therefore wished to protest against any such course being constitu- tional. With respect to the present state of affairs. the Government stood in adverse relations to the House, and the right hon. gentleman urg^d, not an immediate dissolution according to the regular course, but he vaguely suggested in the autumn, but would more probabh be in the winthr. In the meantime the Government was to undertake the conduct of the gravest importance with respect to the future consti- tution of the country. He must protest against such a proceeding during a time in which the imperial relations of England and Ireland would be hung up as it were in suspense. '1 he proposal of the opposi- tion was clear, simple, and decisive. The House had declared its opinion with unmistakeable distinctness, and there was no retreat, for its duty was to follow up these abstract resolutions with a suspensory bill, clearing the way for dealing with the Irish Church for the next Parliament. Their duty was to go onwards (loud cheers), and to proceed with the course which they had marked out for themselves. He had, therefore, no complaint to make with the Government, and there was. nothing in what had been urged by the head of the government to induce them to change their course, and to hesitate in their determination of carrying it out. Under the circum- stances, he would not persevere with his notice for that night, but would accept the offer of the Govern- ment to give him the earliest possible day to proceed with his resolutions. It was his intention to ask the House to proceed with the resolutions, with the view of basing a bill upon thereto suspend further appointments in the Irish ChurchV teaviug the respon- sibility of the next step which they might decide to take with the Government. After a few words from Mr Conolly, Mr Lowe commented sarcastically on the reasons assigned for the determination which the Government had arrived at, but protested earnestly against two deci- sions (f the House on a most important question of policy which were treated with contempt by the Govern- ment, and regarded as a mere nullity, for the Govern- ment, as their result only proposed to take a course which it must have taken in the ordinary state of thinas, as if their decision had never been passed at all. Tnis was how the Government treated the House, whilst it asked the House during this interval to entrust it with the management of two great measures affecting the con- stitution of Ireland and Scotland, with the management of the foreign policy of the country, and the oontrol of the public finances and patronage. If ever there was a time, that the constitutional rule that the majority and not minority should rule, it was the present. It would he the destruction of all constitutional principles, that a Government distrusted by the House, and distrusting it in turn, should be allowed to remained in office until February next. Mr Newdegate protested against a question like that of the Irish Church being decided by a self-condemned parliament, elected by constituencies which had been solemnly declared by it not to represent the opinions or interests of the country. After some remarks from Mr Ayrton, Mr Bouverie, and Mr D. Griffiths, Mr Bright said he believed that the statement of the head of the Government would be received with astonish- ment in the country. The right hon. gentleman has asked them to reverse the constitutional principle of the country, to maintain in office an adminstration which had gained it arts not the most worthy, and had held it by doing the very opposite to what it had professed in opposition. (Cheers, and c. 011, oh.") He reviewed at length the conduct of the Government, denouncing their inconsistencies with respect to reform, and insisting that they had themselves raised the question of Ireland, which at Bristol, Lord Stanley had termed the question of the day. He denied that the ministry had a right to demand a dissolution in their own interest, and he was astounded at the course taken by many hon. gentlemen opposite. who could not be satisfied at the results for the last two years. In reply to questions from Mr Childers and Sir R. Collier, Mr Disraeli said that the Government had advised Her Majesty to grant an immediate dissolution, but had stated that they were ready to resign their offices to avoid occasioning her any embarrassment. Her Majesty de- clined to accept their resignation, and was pleased to accede to a dissolution without reference to the old or new constituencies, With respect to an immediate dis- solution, a high authority had informed him that by confining their attention to the Scotch and Irish Reform Bills and the Boundary Bill, and discarding all other legislation, it would be necessary to have a dissolution next November. With this view, it would be essential to pass a Boundary Bill in June, in order that a short hill might be brought in to alter the day at present ar- ranged for registering. Replying to the strictures which had been so freely passed upon the conduct of the Go- vernment, he retorted by challenging those gentlemen, if they really believed in their own charges, to bring the question to the stiaightforward issue of a vote of want of eonfidence in the ministry. In reply to Mr Gladstone, Mr Disraeli that he would assign Thursday for the resumption of the debate on the resolutions of the Irish Church. The House then went into Committee of Ways and Means. The Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed a resolution sanctioning an income and property tax for the ensuing year at the rate of sixpence in the pound. A long discussion followed, and the resolution was agreed to, as was also a resolution sanctioning the renewal of exchequer bonds to the amount of £ 1,000,000. The House adjourned at 11*30 p.m. — SHOCKING MUHDEn AT DOVER.-The inhabitants of Dovers were, on Friday, startled by an occurrence such as very rarely takes place in that quiet and usually well disposed community-the crime of murder. The victim is Mr Walsh, the superintendent of the Priory Station of the London, Chatham, and Dover Railway, and the assassin, a carriage cleaner in the Railway Company's employ, named Thomas Wells. From what can be gathered, there had been a misunderstanding between deceased and Wells, arising out of some irregularity on the part of the latter. Mr Walsh had found it necessary to reprimand Wells, and had threatened that he would report him. Thh circumstance appears to have rankled in the mind of the latter; and on Friday morning, while Mr Walsh was seated in his office, in company with Mr Cox, the superintendent of the harbour station of the same line, Wells, came to the door and deliberately shot him through the bead with a gun. The bill entered the front and passed out at the back of the head, completely shattering the skull. The deceased was a man of su- perior education and intelligence, having been called to the bar in the early part of his career. The murderer is only nineteen years of age. He has resided with his father, who carries on the business of a fishmonger in I Round Tower Street, Dover. The gun belongs to his father. After committing the desperate crime Wells fled to the extremity of the station; and when found by Superintendent Coram, he was crouching in an empty carriage, with the gun still in-his possession. The pri- soner, who was perfeotlv calm and collected, accompanied the superintendent to the station house, remarking on the way, observing that the superintendent examined the weapon, that it was not loaded. MURDER OF A SOLDIER.—A murder has been com- mitted at Harfield Barracks, near Bristol, by a Ser- geant of the 2nd Battalion 3rd Buffs, who killed one of his comrades by inflicting two bayonet wounds upon hi,) head and side, and then shooting him through the body. The prisoner, Sergeant John Maxwell, was a sober, steady, well-conducted man, but would appear to have been possessed of an un- controllable temper, which at times led him into acts of violence. We purposely preface our account of the tragic occurrence with this description of the accused, because it will be observed that the prisoner acted in such a manner that the only reasonable and at the same time charitable construction to pat upon his actions is, that he was suddenly seized with a fit of temporary insanity. There is, however, no evidence to sustain this view, for beyond the fact shortly before he committed the act he had a quarrel with his wife. and in a sudden paroxyism of rage broke some of the furniture in their room, the testi- mony is that he was throughout the day sober, steady, and orderly, Between eight and nine o'clock in the evening the occupants of the barracks were suddenly alarmed by hearing five distinct reports of the dis- charge of a rifle, following each other in rapid suc- ) cession. Officers and non-commissioned officers ran from their quarters, and went in the direction of the sergeant's mess, whence the report had proceeded. Colonel Pearson, Colour-Sergeant liowarth, and Ser- geant Jenner, were first on the spot, and they found Private Robert Synon lying upon the steps at the entrance to the mess-room. Colonel Pearson and Howarth lifted him up, and observed that he was dead. Colonel Pearson held the body up, and des- patched a man for the surgeon, while Sergeants Howarth and Jenner went into the messroom in search of the person who had fired the shots, and to call assistance. Behind the door they found Sergeant John Maxwell, rifle in hand, and having his sword bayonet fixed. They seized him, and Jenner took the rifle from him, while Howarth retained his hold of the prisoner, who struggled with them, trying to escape from custody, and they both fell to the ground. Assistance wss speedily at hand, and he was then removed to the lock-up. Upon the surgeon's arrival he examined the body of Synon he was quite dead, and there was a bayonet wound upon the forehead and in the side, and a bullet wound in the back. No one saw the prisoner fire, but it is believed that the deceased, like his comrades, was alarmed at hear- the discharge of a rifle, and that he went to seize the prisoner to prevent him firing, when he attacked him with the bayonet and afterwards shot him. Deceased was an exceedingly well-educated man, and had not an enemy in the regiment, and so far from there being any motive for the outrage, there was not, as far as could be ascertained, the slightest feeling of animosity existing between the accused and any of his comrades.

io» M. -f,yttT'an Clmpel, Neyland. on Monday even- »•«»• 5ffth.nl,. on behalf of'the trust fund of Neyland teggf Chapel. The chapel was well filled with ti tle a'tentive and respectable audience. The Rev gen- 'hriir1 ^e'ivered the lecture in his usual eloquent an< style, which several times during the evening Wan flown the applause of the andienee. The chaii l)a ?.CcoPied hy Mr Wm Dawkins, of'the firm.of MesBrj- *a# 118 an<* Davies, Pembroke Dock. A vote of tbank> Cus Proposed to the lecturer bv J. Morgan, Esq, 11.M 'anc* very ably seconded by the Rev John Hard- j8< and supported in a neat speech by the Rev D llj '• Baptist Minister, Neyland. A vote of thanks to .^hatrmanJbrougtH^h^^