The London Welshman

Notes of the Week. Nearing the End.—Things move so rapidly in these days that the sensation of one day is by the next a commonplace. But though political circles have apparently quieted down after the stir of the end of last week, it is almost a cer- tainty that we are on the eye of important change in politics. What that change may be is still a matter of conjecture. It may be a dis- solution in the early days of the new year, or it may be the resignation of the Government before Christmas. In the latter case the leader of the Liberal party will be called upon to form a Government, and in the event of his refusing, Mr. Chamberlain may have the opportunity for which he is so eager. Mr. Balfour has apparently come to the conclusion that he does not com- mand the support of a sufficient number of the Unionist party to justify him in holding the reigns of office much longer. And Mr. Chamberlain is the man who has reduced the great Unionist party to this pitiful state. As he acted towards Mr. Gladstone nineteen years ago, so he is now acting towards Mr. Balfour. But signs are not wanting that the autocrat of Highbury has on this occasion over-reached himself. There is evidently a reaction in the Conservative ranks, but it comes too late to re- establish Mr. Balfour in authority. With the exception of those journals who are run by acknowledged hustlers" the Conservative organs are doing all they can to rally the forces under Mr. Balfour's banner, and they do not even attempt to hide their loathing of the man of Birmingham. One influential Tory organ calls pretty loudly for the resignation of those members of the Government who are also members of the Tariff Reform Association, and gives a very plain hint that if they had any sense of honour left they would take themselves away at once. It is also stated by some who profess to be in the know that Mr. Balfour has decided upon a dissolution in January rather than resignation just now in order not to give Mr. Chamberlain the chance of becoming Prime Minister. Evidently the fat is in the fire, and in a few weeks the country will be called upon to give its opinion of the doings of the past five years. A Bait Not Taken.-It was most extraordinary how the Unionist newspapers, almost without exception, declared their conviction on Thurs- day and Friday last that the Liberals are going to win the next General Election, and agreed in pointing out the great advantage it would be to the party if it took office at once, so as to have time between now and February to get ready for the coming session of Parliament. If that were done it could go to the country as soon as the new Government was formed, and its members would not be under the irksome necessity of appealing for renewed confidence upon taking office. Much precious time would be saved, and Parliament would be able to put something to its credit at the end of the next Session. All this sounded most considerate and patriotic, but, strange as it may appear to some, the bait was refused. With one accord the Liberal organs raised their voices against the idea of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman taking up the reigns prior to the election, on the ground that he would, if he took office now, be obliged to defend his own programme1 as well as attacking the misdeeds of his predecessors. We do not think there is as much in this as many imagine. Judging from precedent, it will make precious little difference whether the Unionists are nominally in office or not when the appeal to the country is made. Lord Salisbury took office before the dissolution in 1895, but that did not weaken his attack upon the Liberal policy of the three previous years. Nor is it imaginable that his victory could have been more complete if he were out of it. Nothing can happen now to change the fortunes of parties at the next election. If the country has made up its mind to give the Liberals a turn, it will do so whoever is the Prime Minister at the moment the actual appeal to it is made. Strategy may be everything in politics nine times out of ten, but when the tenth time comes strategy is useless. Another Russian Mutiny.-We ventured to predict a fortnight ago that the lull in Russia.. following upon the granting of a constitution, and the accession of Count Witte to power would be of short duration. That prediction has been verified sooner than we expected. The latest upheaval has taken place in Sevas- topol, and it is regarded by Count Witte him- self as the most serious of all the troubles that the Empire has had to face. The sailors and the soldiers located at that city have got up in mutiny, under the influence of Socialist propa- ganda. According to the latest telegrams from St. Petersburgh there is but little doubt that the majority of the troops as well as the sailors are in a state of open revolt, and the mutineers are in complete possession of the town. The troops refused to fire upon the sailors, but one of the admirals who tried to put down the revolt was seriously wounded. There is a rumour that the whole of the Black Sea fleet has been seized by the mutineers, but this is not officially confirmed. So far there have been no excesses such as characterised the revolts at Cronstadt and Vladivostock. This may be due to the fact that the authorities are powerless, and that the revolters are having it all their own way. The Latest from Whitehall.—Lord London- derry has addressed the subjoined letter to Colonel Pryce-Jones, M.P., in reply to a deputa- tion which interviewed himself and Mr. Morant last week with regard to the educational crisis in Montgomeryshire. The letter is important as showing what view the Board of Education takes of the latest developments of the struggle for the schools in Wales :— Board of Education, "Whitehall, London, S.W. "24th November, 1905. "Dear Colonel Pryce-Jones,—In reply to your questions to me, may I say that the situa- tion appears to be this that the Montgomery County Council have withdrawn all powers from their Education Committee, that they refuse to pay the charge of maintenance of the Voluntary schools, and, as regards the Council schools, that they give no instructions to the Committee, nor will they authorize any expenditure. At the same time the managers of these schools, without resigning office, are refusing, almost universally, to carry out any of the duties of management. Under these circumstances, while the Board of Education have no difficulty in providing for the maintenance of the Voluntary schools under the Defaulting Authorities Act, as the managers of these schools are still continuing to perform their duties, the Council schools are in a different position for the Default Act only enables the Board of Education to act through managers, and the managers of those schools, it appears, will take no part in the management. This situation was not contemplated by the Act, and, I think, rightly; for it would hardly have been possible (or, at any rate, not justified by the previous reputation of the Welsh local authorities)