Papurau Newydd Cymru
Chwiliwch 15 miliwn o erthyglau papurau newydd Cymru
6 erthygl ar y dudalen hon
THE COLONIA UNDER-SECRETARY…
THE COLONIA UNDER- SECRETARY AT BRIDGEND. SPEECHES BY THE EARL OF DlJNRA VEN AND LORD WIMBORNE. ?REE EDUCATION AND DISESTA- BLl::3HMfuT THE QUESTION. The Right Hon. the Eari of Dunraven, E.p., Under-Secretory of for the Colonies, having accepted the invitation Ot the Bridgend Conserve- tivt! Association JJ deliver a politICal address, a crowded mtetmg was held at the fown-hall on Saturuay -tfternoon, under the presi- dency of Lord Wimborne, of Canford Manor. There were also on the platform Mr. T. W. Booker, .resident of the Bridgend Conserva.tive Asttociation; Mr. H. Gwyn, Neath; Mr. J. T. D. LIeweiyc. amd Mr. H. J. Randah; ,md among the a.udtence were the Countess ot Dunraven and her daughar, Enid; \11', and .Mrs.Lteweliyn, Coun (.olman Cotom-1 Turbervill, president of the Lf¡alDo\w.nh¡re Liberal A""ociatlvn; Colonel Wtn-low, Dr PDchard, Mr. Hirt St. A Jencer, Mr. Duniel Owen, Ash haU, Hear Mr. Jamea Brogden. Mr. R K. Ptichard, Miss Biandy (Llanharan), Mr. F. C. Holes and Mrs. Botes, Mr. Patterson, agent to Lord Wimborne; Mr.W. H. Meredytb, tIle Conserv; ive candidate for 5wansea Mr.J. Moore, uaLh; Mr. 0. H. Jones, Fonmon Mr. Francis Crawshay, Colonel Franklen, Mr. R. W. Mr. G. W Nicholl, The Barn, CowbridgM the Rev. F. W. Edmondes and Mrs. Edmondes, the Rev. C. R- Knight, Cot. and Mrs. Morse, :Mls8 Ctark, Tsiyga.rn; Mr. John Evans, Crofta; Mr. John Graced/Mr. T.T. Lewis, Bridgend, &c. Although a. ortion of the hajj was reserved, tickets fur tills space were gi ven to Li bemls as welJ as Conservatives, and the greater part of the buiid- iagwasfreetoail. It w.tsexpfcted after tl<is courteous treatment of the Ltoeraia that there would be nothing hke organised opposition, but we regret to state that such was not the case, the interruptions occasionally preventing the Earl of Dunraven continuing for some time. LORD WTMBORNE'S ADDRESS. Lord WDlBORNE, who on rising WM very warmly received, said: I was requested by the ;hairmau of the Conservative Association for his part of the county to take the chair )n this occasion, and I have the greatest pleasure tn acceding to the request because I know I could not more pleasantly !<nd prontably employ my i 'lm cert:un it, is the sumo w)th you— than bv listening to the words w¡,icll the Earl of Dunraven witi a-idress to you tins afternoon. (Chee s.) I am informed tnat it was the nrat intention of the promoters of this meeting that it sbouid be exclusively a Conservative meeting, but so mtLnv wen, anxIOUs to hear the noble earl speak—so many of those who are unable at present to enrol themselves among the members of tha Conservative cause—that it was determined to make this an open meeting. It is thus open to ail wilO a.re corne for the purpu:,e of hearing, I am exceed- ingly glad to :-ee so muny people who have availed themselves of the opportunity thus afforded them. I am not at all surprised at the fact, because the general election is now close at hand anù very momentous questions will be put before us. Atso in the nob'e earl we have a. gentleman long asso- ciated with tins county, a gentleman well known in these parts, a man of distinction, who has shown himself to be a liberal and enlightened landlord. ("Question.") He is also a member of the present Government—(cheers)—and I am quite certain that all those who have come to hear him will be gratinedatwhat they heir. Even if they may not agree with what he may say they may still find in his remarks subjects For grave consideration. It haa been mv privilege to hear the nobie earl many times. Thenrstwaa when he spoke from the other side of the House— (hear, hear)—to that on which he now sits. Very soon, however, he found he was unable to support those withwhom he sat. (Cheers.) His mind is too a.cure not to see through the transparent blun- ders and mistakes of the I<tte Government. (Loud cheers and "No.") I witi atso add he was of too honest a disposition—(cheers)—to remain there and support with his vote a party whose policy his sound judgment condemned. (Renewed CMers,) I have remin<ied YOll that lie is a member of the present Government, and I beg, 'n-your came, to tender him our congratulations tin the honour which has thus been conferred upon him. We are very proud of him in Glamorganshire, and of the honour that ha.s been conferred upon the county in his person. (Hear, hear.) The post he now holds is one for which he is eminently &tted. He has been a great traveller, and I have no doubt he haa visited the colonies himseif. and he will bring to bear upon the work in which he is now en- gaged the experience he has just gained. Our relations with the colonies are of the most favourable description. The only bright page in the history of the needless, costly, and useless war undertaken by the late Government in Egypt wad connected with the cnlonieA, because it brought out in a very marked degree the kindly feeljng evinced by the colonies toward! the mother country. It is of immense importance. because it gives strength to this Empire in the eyes of Europe and of the whole world, when it is known we are able to caJl on t.h", colonies for help. You know the help given was not merelv in words, but; two or three of the colonies actually sent help ia the shape of men and materiel to the Soudan. Surely this isastartling refutation of the cry we often hear on the part of the Radicals, that the col'"iipsarenousetou9. We often hear such expressions as Perish India," which gives us the feeling of the Radicals in connection with our colonies. ("Mtstake," and laughter.) I am sure you wi)l nnd that the noble earl and his chief Hre not bfind to the advantages which a close connection wifh the co)onies brings We shuU nnd that both himself and the hea of the Government—(Lord Saiisbury)-(Ioud cheers and signs of dissent)—wiil cement the bond of uni0n which we h'lve aJr'eadv seen exists between the colonies and the mother country. (Loud cheers.) LORD DUNRAVEN'S ADDRESS. Lord whose rising was the signal for loud cheering, said: I hRve be",n invited to a. good many meetings lately, tn"re in some respects than I should ha.ve Ii keu to 11'1 ve bef'n at bf'callile I a m rather tired of them. But I am sure you wi)l beheve me when I say that, although I have ftttfnded targer meetings, I have not attended any, and co'Ud Dot attend any.that gave tnc gre'lter otfasure than (Cheer-) A great many here art'my friends and neighbours.and among them I have spent the happiest years of my life. (Hear, hear.) Though it gives me great pleasure to address you, at the same time I fee! a certain amount of diffidence and difficulty, becRu"e everybody knows mf here. When I spenk at other phtcea I tee) a natural desire to do the bpst I can, not on!y on my own account, bllt because I would not )i!tn anyone to say What you expect Tom a man who bus the nisfortune to have been born in Ireland and brongllt up I Wales." (Laughter.) Here. however. I confess I would like to do my be?t. eo thut my own countrymen, my owr. friends ttnd neighbours may not be ashamed of me. (Cheers.) KADtCAL ABASDOSl\IENf OF PRINCIPLE. Gentlemen. Lord Wimborne reminded you thutatone tune 1 sat on the Liberal side of the House. (Hisses.) I was a Liberal fora o'reat mlmy Yt"ars. and I hold Ihe same IJrineiples now thatihetd'he" (Cheer*) Ifoundtl)at the party to whil'h I h4-¡oned ahflnd, ,nt'd their pri nciples, Rnd Iprpferredtht! principles tothe parry. (Cheers.) It is not an easy thng for a IlHiil to dr¡, neither is it to be Ji ht;v Hud!'rl a.ken- '0 dissociate himself from th.. political pany with which he has heen identined. But when hf hotieves )r to be his duty to do so. when he thinks that the party no longer maintains the principfeshe Lefievea in, it is in- uml,t;nt Up01J him to do so, (Cheers.) Ynu may depend upon it, there ure hundreds and thou- aands of men themselves Liberals throughout the United who really are Liberals only in name. ("Oh,and cheers.) They do not stop to inquire whether )'eaHyL)beralism remains uny longer in the Liberal 'party. The name itMlf is & good one—(cheers)—but to my mind Ltberaham has long ago ceased to exist. (-. o," a!"d cheers,) Iwitt give you my reasons whyltlunkso. t have'nanvohjections to make to the Radica) party—not only to their programme and to principtes, but to the way in which they put them forward- In the nrat pince, 1 do not think they aiwavs deal fturly and "quarety with the people in putting t.heir principles for- ward. (" Tiley dc," and laughter.) That is a. matter "f opinion, and tnine is that they do not. (InterruptIon) i wiU go beyond that. and give you one or two instance- MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S FALLACIES. I remember reading t speech in which Mr. loudcheer9.)WelI, Dow, as I shall have to mention that narn.e a good many time" you hud ber.tjr do your cheering once aod for all. (Loud laughter.) 1 was going to say he was tatking in Scotland about the condition of the land taw", and he potn'ed out, in words to tbi" ,ffçt, thltt u\ree-f"urt.tls 01' two-thirdf of the land n Scotland was held by an ex'-eedingiy small num- Mrof landowners—300 or 350. or something of that kiou. He M)en went oa to argue in this faso'on:—"If you c'u'rvout this prop'.sition the wh"le é'£ ScoUa.nd might be he)d by about 500 men these meet in a room together and decide turn the whole of Scotland into a deer forest, anu what a horrible thing th M would be'" I do not call tnat a fair way of putting the ques- tion, because it ts absolute nonsense. (Cheers.) It is insulting the tntethgence of an audience for a politician and statesman to tatk in that way. He must have known very well that the idea of any number of men turning Scotland into & deer forest ia just about as absurd n.a it would be to say a man could come down to Bridgead and turn it into a skittle alley. (Laughter.) ThfH is why I say they do not put things before the public ]n a fair and equareway. CHAMBERLAIN OX CHURCH r""TOLÀNCE. At the tione to which I have referred the same gentleman—1 will not mention his name, be- cause you do not like it—(laughter)—was speaking on Church matters, and he gave as an instance of the intolerance of Churchpeople a case -where some landowner who belonged to that Churc" had t-efuaed n sife for a church for some other denomination, and he appealed to the people to whom he was speaking, asking them if they had ever heard of a groat Nonconformist landowner refusing to give a site for a church. I daresay they had not, but I should like to know how many of the great landowners are Nonconformists. It may be that a landowner belonging to the Church ?f England refused the stte for some Noncon- formist Church. If he did. to my mind, he acted yery That is a. question for every man's COIl3ci,;nC6: and I have no doubt he acted accord- ing to his conscience. I believe be WM entirely wrong, but that haa nothing to do with the question. What I want to point out is the unfairness of the thing in trying to show that Churchpeop!e are bigotted. It was unfair to say Here is a man who refuses a site for a Nonconformist Church. Did you ever hear of Nonconformist landlords doing anything of the kind ?" when you might reckon the Nonconformist landlords upon your finger ends. That is not putting the case fairly. 1 giva these instances to support what I say, that I object to the way the Radical speakers talk to the people. (Applause.) According to my opinion, it is the duty of a man, not oniy to teU the truth, but to put the matter fairly and properly before the country and before the electors of the country, and let them vote according to their consciences and according as common sense dictates. (Loud applause.) THE SPEAKER'S CHANGE OF VIEWS. Now, gentlemen. I want to go back a little, to t.ho time of my own change of views. (Laughter andapplause.) Perhaps that is not very wise in me—("No, no")—hut, at the same time, I feel that I am here talking to some extent as if tarn responsible more or )ess to you for my actions in this matter. 1 toil you frankly at once that the main reason that compelled me to act accord- ing to my conscience and join permanently the Tory party is because I can say I believe that the fil'st 11nd pl'Ímary duty c'Î every Englishmm is to maintain religion and the great, principle of liberty in this country. (Loud applause.) We have have fought it for us — sometimes with the aid of great nobies against despotic sovereigns and sometimes with the aid ot sovereigns against the tyranuy of the great nobles—it has been fought by municipalities and by the people, and gradually we have won liberty and freedom, civil and religious; but the battle has not yet ended. THE DESPOTISM OF THE CAUCUS. I am not sure that the greatest struggle of all has not got to corne, because there is no form of despoti:;m in the world so virulent and so .iolent as that which threatens us now, and that is the despotism of the Caucus—a despotism exercised by rings of men manipulating the mob and manipulating the voters of the country. (Ap- plause and a Voice Bosh.") I believe that the most sacred principle in the world, and the one most, worth lighting for, is individual freedom— (apphmse)-the right of a man to enjoy the fruit of his own labour, the right ot'aman to do anything in tho world he pleases, provided he does not interefere with the general welfare of his fellow-men. (Loud applause.) That, to my mind, is the great principle imperilled by modern Radicalism, (''No/'andapplause.) That is the principle which it is the duty of the Tory party to maintain. (Applause.) Lord Wimborne lias aliuded to the hrst time I ever spoke in the House of Lords. It is an occasion w¡,jcll I am not likely to forcl, be,ause it is a formidable thing to speak in that House, and I can assure you that the hrst tim<: it is most for- midable. (A Voice We want to get rid of them." Laughter and applause.) I see one gentleman does not want to give me the trouble of making any more speeches there. (Laughter.) I made that speech very reluctantly on the Liberal side of the HOUSè, alJing upon the Liberals to support her Majesty's Government. (Loud applause.) Lord Beaconsneld and Lord Salisbury were then engaged in the task of endeavouring to steer tueir country through one of the most dimcult crises that it has evet been placed in. We were on the very verge of falling into a war with Russia; the country was in a very critical posi- tion, and, to my mind, the Liberal party, to which I belonged, behaved in a manner eminently un- patriotic. (Applause.) They offered factious opposi- tion—(" No, no ")—to her Majesty's Government; they did everything they could to thwart Lord Heaconsneld and Lord Salisbury when they were in most dimcult circumstances; they preferred their party to their country, in my eyes, and then I took the opportunity to make my jirst speech in the House of Lords, and, to the best of my simple ability, appealed to the Liberal party not to prefer their party to their country, but their country to their party, and to assist as far as they could Lord Beaconsneld in preserving us irom a terrible war. (Applause.) THK MIDLOTHIAN CAMPAIGN. Then came the .Midlothian campaign. (Applausa and hisses, and a Voice: The Midlothian trick.") I wonder whether those who cheer Iiave ever taken the trouble to read the speeches which were delivered during that campaign, and whether they have ever com:idered the consequences of those speeches. At any rate, that campaign had the desired rf'sult, which was that tile Conservative Ministry was turned out, that a Liberal Govern- ment came in, and that a Liberal Government lias ruld the country for the last six years, with con- sequences which you ail know. (Applause, and a VOIce: "A hundred million exoenditure.") Now, when you remember the promises held out to us in the Midlothian campaign and the result which followed—when you remember the words in- sert bed on the banner, Peace, retrenchment, and reform," I would like to ask you how much of that programme has been carried out. (Applause, and cries of None at all.") "RETRENCHMENT." Forty-nve or forty-six millions of money—take it at the lower hgure if you like—has been wrung out of the pockets of the ratepayers in excess ot what was spent during Lord term ofomce. (Applause.) J:3estdes, the Ia.te Govern- ment went out of or&cewith a deficit of fourteen or fifteen minions, and raised the taxation of this Cim ntry to tbe tWOl'mous and unprecedented sum of 100 millions. So mud) for retrenchment. This is not a question of opinion, but of ngures. You have a man who goes to you and says, "I am for retrenchment," and he spends a great deal more than ever any Government spent before, and 45 mi)!ions more than his predecessor in o<Rce. (Loud applause.) I say distinctly that this is not a question of opinion, but of hard facts and ngures, and they cannot be disputed. THE QUESTION OF PEACE. Let us now consider the question of peace? Has the country been at peace for the last five or six years r ("No.) IdonotbeHeve that in the histf'ry of Eng!and there has ever been so much unnecessary bloodshed. Never have so many human lives been lost that might perfectly we)i have been saved. (Applause, and a. Voice, "Whose fault was it?") I will tell you ina moment whose fault it was if you will listen to me. (Loud applause.) 1 wii! say a word or two first about the question of South Africa. Some time ago an extraordinary document, written by Mr. Gtadst.one. was put forward before thi's country. (Cheers and hisses.) It was a most talented document; and it' you offered a prize to the man who would write the longest letter with the least in it the prize would certainly bo awarded to Mr. Glad- stone for his Manifesto. (Laughter and appiauae.) If you ask me if that is the kind of Manifesto which a man who has been Prime Minister of Hngiar'd. and who wanta to be Prime Minister again—a man who considers himself, and has a right to be considered, a great statesman—if you ask me if t.hut is the kind of Manifesto that a man or his exalted position ehou'd put before the electors of the country I will aay it is not, it is a perfect disgrace. (Loud appiause and hisses.) I say it is disgraceful because I defy any human being in this room, or out of it, to toil me what it means. (Applause.) If a man can say by reading that Manifesto what Mr. Gladstone's opinion ia upon any great question that anects this country. a!I that I can say ia that he is an exceedingly-clever man. I maintain that it is the dùty of a man in Mr. Gladstone's posi- tion to come forward like a man, and to aay in regard to the great, questions affecting the country what lie considers it is the duty of the electors to da. (Loud applause.) SOUTH AFRICA. Now. Mr. Gladstone says that when he came into "nice he found we (the Conservatives) had annexed the Republic of the Transvnal con- trary to the wiHot the people, and ho ordered the troops to be withdrawn, and would not allow such It thing be done, (Applause andaVoice: "Quite right, too.") Veryweil, 1 wutaskvou to throw your minds back, if you can—(a Voice: They haven't, got any")—tow) tt Mr. Gladstone said in the Queen's Speech when he came into omce. Then 118 said that he found a rising going on in the Transvaal, and that he was determined put that rising down by force of arms. He would nut listen to ..he pe"p)e or treat with them in any way until he had put it down. (Applause.) Now he.says something totaliy different. You know very well what ho did with regard to the Transvaal—we sustained two defeats, the' nnal one at Mabjuba HitI, and then the Govern- ment found that they were doing an act of in- justice and withdrewour troops. AFGHAKTSTAN AND RUSSIAN ADVANCES. I want you to listen to me while I say a few words with regard to Afghanistan and India, be- cause tills is an important, question and one upon which there haa been a great deal of misapprehen- sion atso. It has been constantly said by Liberal' speakers that. Lord Beaconsfield's Government ptunged this country into an unnecessary war in Afghanistan, and that they estranged the Afghan people, and that the late Government, after much dirhculty, succeeded in re-establishing friendly relations with the Afghans. Iwiiltellyou the facts about that. The facts art these :—The Liberals have always maintained that there was no danger to be apprehended from Russian advances towards India. Russia has always advanced when the Liberais were io power in gi:antic leaps and bounds towards Afghanistan and British India Fhe Ltberal Government always said, There is no danger; they woa'tgoanyfurther.' What they wen; accustomed to do waa to put their nnger on the map and say. Wo will not allow you to go further than this," and! when Russia, advanced t,o that place the! Liberal Government said," oh, we did not mean that place, we meant this." putting their nnger! down en another part of the map. (Laughter and appiause) The consequence was that Russia kept constantly advanong, and would never be- heve the Liberal party were in earnest when they made any remonstrance. When the Russians took Khiva the Ameer of Afghanistan, Shore Ali, became seriously alarmed, and went to Lord Northbrook (the Duke of Argytt being then Indian Secretary).tnd required a distinct assurance that wa would back him up against Russia. He wanted heip in money and arms, and wanted to know for certain whether we would back him up, because, he Russia is coming too near to us." (Applause). We were not frightened at all. Lord Northbrook and the Duke of Argyll were much too brave to be frightened. They said," There is no danger; you are foolishly alarmed." and we refused to give the Ameer of Afghanistan the assurance he demanded. (/' Quite right.) Ho did the only thing left open, and made terms himself with the Power he very naturally thought was the strongM. Se saw Russia always coming on he saw England always going back. (" No.") He said to himself," I must make frienda with the stronger Power, I will make frienda with Russia." He accepted a Russian Envoy at Cabul and refused to receive an English Ambassador. Now, one thing upon which both parties -have always been agreed is this, that English inSueooe was to be supreme in Afghanistan. There never has been any party difference upon that point, but when Lord Lytton demanded that an English Ambassador ahou!d bo aliowed at Cabu! as well as a Russian one the Ameer not only refused, but stopped our Ambassador on the frontier, and insu)ted him. That is a thing that couid not bd allowed. Now, I want you to bear in mind that when Genera! Roberts got to Cabul he found thpre a correspondence between the Ameer and the Russian genera)?, in which the latter urged upon the Ameer to keep on deceiving the English Government, and urged him to stir up a rising amongst the Mussulmans of India—some 70.000.000 of our feMow subjects—and to attack us in India. There is no mistake about this; it was found written down in CabuL If it had not been put an end to you would have had a Mussulman rising in India, and an invasion of that country by Afghanistan, backed up by Russia, and long before this we shouid have )ost our Indian dominions or had a bitcei. and terrible struggle to retain them. To prevent that we went to war. That is to say, we gave the Ameer his choice We said, Either accept our Ambassador, since you have accepted a Russian one, or we nght." We fought, and that war saved us our Indian Empire (Cheers.) A GREAT BLUNDER. It is not the fault of the present Government that their predecessors chose to throw away one of the chief resutts of that war. It was not our fault that they abandoned Candahar, a. military position which every greiit military authority, every Eng- lish general knowing anything about it, and every Indian authority said was the finest position we could possibly acquire. It was a position which was almost absolutely necessary fur us to properly protect and maintain our Indian frontier. But the Liberal Government abandoned it because Mr. Gladstone said he meant to upset and undo every- thing Lord Beaconsneld had done. He threw away the magnificent position of Candahar; he abandoned the railway being made to Quetta, he tore up the rails and sacrificed the railway plant, and then had to begin making it over again him- self. (Cheers.) A DARK PAGE IN ENGLISH HISTORY. I do not want to sa,y much about Egypt—(a Voice Ireiand '—because that brings us to one of the most painful pages that has ever been written in English history. Hut I want to point out the main sequences of events in Egypt. Every man who has studied this question and read the Blue- book—which I daresay many of you have not or you would not look so happy—(Daughter)—must know that the whole trouble arose from the Identic Note which was sent by Lord Granvitle—I think in January or February—and the Uttimatum that preceded the bombardment of Alexandria' I do not expect many of you to know a great deal about these things. (" Why not ? ") I will tell you why. I do not see why any Liberal should be expected to know much about it when Mr. Gladstone, speaking in the House of Commons, turned the thing upside down, and said tl.n massacres came before the bombardment, instead of the bombardment before the massacres. (Laughter and cheers.) If your leader knew nothing about the subject of which he was speaking I do not see why you should. However, as a matter of fact, it was that Ultimatum which led to the bombardment, and the bombardment pro- duced the massacres. Then came the military rising and expedition, which, as you know, ended in the defeat of the Egyptian Army and then Egypt became, practically, entirely in our hands. I am not going to remind you of Tokar and Sinkat. and so on, because the least said about those things the better. I want, however, to remind you of one thing, which, to my mind, was the greatest crime to humanity that any nation ever committed, and that was when we compelled the Egyptian Govern- ment to abandon her garrisons in the England has great interests in Egypt—interests of paramount importance connected with the Suez Canal—but no country should have any interests so great as to allow it to commit an act of such cruelty as that. I do not say we ought to have rescued the garrisons in the Soudan—1 won't go into the question of whether we could or cou)d not—but if we could not do it, we had no right to compe! the Egyptian Government to abandon them. (Hear. hear.) Wo insisted on this being done, and the Egyptian Ministry resigned sooner than carry it out. and we set up another. We would not allow Egypt to rescue them by the only means by which they could have been rescued, and that was with the assistance of the paramount Power, Turkey. (''Hear, hear," and "No.") That was not allowed, and this country is responsible for every life thttt was lost in the Soudan in consequence. (Cheers.) N't nation has ever committed a more grievous tin, and we shall have to pay for it. Engtand has paid for it already with a good many English lives and by the loss of one man—the greatest Chris- tian hero of modern time, perhaps of all time— (cheers)—and I doubt whether we have yet paid the fuH penalty. NEMESIS. You may call me superstitious or anything you like, but I do not believe that such an amount of bloodshed—unnecessary bloodshed, that could have been prevented by common prudence, nrm- ness, and courage—could bo shed without catiing aioud for justice. (Cheers.) These are matters of the past, and I hope the peopie of this country will consider very carefully whether they are pro- pared to allow the same men to p)unge their country into similar, or, it possible, greater, dim- cutties. ("No.") Of the masses, I think there is very littia doubt. \"0h. and cheers) I am perfectly certain if they will take the trouble to examine into the promises now given by the Radicals, and look at them in the light of expe- rience, they will not be)ieve them. They must see that not a tingle promise that waa made to them by the Liberal Government, has been fu)hi)ed. (Cheers.) If they have any common sense they wiil sure]y look with some suspicion at the promises now being made. I do not be:ieve the people of t.his county will allow human blood to bo shed in such a way unnecessarily; they have too much sense and right, feeting to wish to see this county taxed in the way it has been taxed, and money wasted and thrown away—(hear, hear)— their mnra) tone is too high. I betieve they will look beyond their own feelings and wishes and come to the conclusion to—(" Turn out Glad- stone")-uphold the party that will try to remedy this state of things, even if they have to sacrifice some of the objects they hold very dear. (Cheers.) I myself have ideaa—some people call them fads or fancies—that I daresay the Tory party witt not carry out. But when the country is in a great crisis, when affairs arc so very com- plicated, when it becomes a choice between a smalt evil and a great one, I prefer to sacrince some of my own fancies rather than run the risk <g piunging my country into terrible dimcuity (Cheets.) I want you to look beyond yourselves for it is the duty of every man, wherever he may live or whatever his occupation may be, to con- sider the whole circumstances of his country and of the verv different trades and industries in his country; to consider the different clashes in the country; to look to our great Indian Empire and our colonies. THE VALUE OF INDIA AND THE COLONIES. To us in Glamorganshire India is not of para- mount consequence but v-e a!! know, or we should know, that, practica))y speaking, if it were not for India the great, industrial populations of Lancashire and Cheshire woutd starve to death to-morrow. ("Theydusonow.") It is by Indian trade they five, and it is our duty to remember that the maintenance and devetopment of India is necessary for the existence of some of the greatest industries in the country. (Cheers.) Consider a!so that it is the colonies that we have to look to in the future for markets for our goods. Kvery day it becomes more certain that our colonies are, not on)y our best customers, hut that they will probably be our onty customers in the future. Day by day our trade in foreign countries and the United States decreases in proportion to the population, but, on the contrary, our trade with the cotonies gets larger and larger. (Hear, hear.) There 'u'e "ome Liberals who take a ?ound and whoifsome vtew of the colonies; but it is not the view of the Liberal party in general. Perish India." was the Liberal cry. (" No," and hisses.,) It is no use qaying it was not so. because it is an abso- iute fact. Wttether it was wise or foolish is a matter of opinion, but that Mr. Freeman said it cannot be denied. In the same way the leading sentiments of the Liberal party on that point is that the coicnif! are more or ies! a detriment tf this country. (" No.") I am delighted to hear those who, I suppose, are Libcrats here say "No," because I hope. when the t)me cones, on that question at any rate. they wilt vote with the Tory party. (Cheers.) Of one thing you may be certain, and thai ia if the colonies are to be kept, if this Empire is to remain united, and if the bonds between us are to be drawn closer, that ta*<k wi)l he the work of the Tory party. (Loud cheers.) You remember the fact that Australia sent men to he)p us in Egypt; but do you remember what Mr. Gladstone said some years ago about the possibHity Perhaps you don't, so I witf tell you. When Lord Beaconsnetd prorogued Parliament he commented upon the toyaity of the colonies and of the assistance they might render th)s country. Mr. Gladstone answered that by an article in the Nzneteenth Century, and he said the very idea that the British coiomes would give ua any assistance in time of war was absolutely ridicuious. (" No.") I have not the passage with me, but if any Liberal wouid like to have it and wit! write to me wiH send it to him. (Cheers.) We have all seen the result, and I ask you to judge which of the two men had the most statesmanlike view—("Beacons- held and Gladstone ")—which had the clearest vision into the future ? WHAT THK RADICAL PARTY HAS PROMISED. Now, I want you to consider for a. moment what it is the Radical party haa promised the country. I am not going to talk about Mr. Glad stone's. Manifesto, becau>:e that means absolutely nothing. (Laughter and applause.) Nor am I croing to talk about the speeches of men like Lord Hartington or Sir Charies Diike—most unfortu- nate people, who nnd themselves in a most ridicu- lous and uncomfortable position. I want to say a word or two about the programme that has been put forward, and upon which an attempt is made to unite the Liberal party. That, practically speaking, resolves itseif into three points, about which I want to say a word or two. I will take nrst THE QUESTION OF LAND. and will deal afterwards with education and disestablishment. (Cheers for Chamberlain and hisses.) There is the promise of three acres and a cow—(a Voice: "Where are the pigs?")— but I do not think that will rally the Liberal party. In the nrat place, the agricultural population of this country is much too sensible to believe in promises ef that kind. They know very well that they can make a better living by bein; in constant work than they could upon three acres of land. I am not going to argue that point, because I will be content to leave it to the sense of the agricultural population throughout the United Kingdom, but I will say a word or two upon the proposition to set up small freeholders in the country, and to the endeavour to set up a class of small occupiers—peasant proprietors. It ia quite a mistake to auppose, as some Tory IIJII&kers have swoposed, that Mr. Chamberlain m. tended to give any land away to anybody. He is much too sensible a man to do anything of th9! I kind. What he proposes to do is simply to tax one part of the community in order to nnd land for another part. (Grips of "No" and applause.) What he says he wishes to do ia this: He says country people Bock to the towns, where their competition beats down the wages, there- fore these people must be kept upon the land, and to keep them upon the land we must hire out to them small farms of nve or ten acres, and in order to purchase these we must have money from the rates. (" No, no," and ap- plause.) Crenttemen, Mr. Chamberlain has never denied that, that ia his proposal. There is no way under Heaven in which it can be done otherwise. The money must- bo got, and the only way it can be got is to raise it upon the rates. The ratepayers I in the towns are asked to contribute money in order to set. up men in the country and keep them in possession of sma)I farms of ten to nfteen acres. (" No. no," and applause.) I doubt very much whether that cou!d possibly pay. I need scarcely say that I, like every other landowner, would be only too delighted to have the number of land- owners in the country very largely increased. The more landowners we have the better, but I do not approve of increasing the number by artincial means. (A Voice "Suppose you were to reduce the rents one-fourth P") If wo can possibly have a class of smail yeomen no one will welcome it more than I wit), because it wilt be better for the other landed proprietors, and everyone of them wilt vote the Tory ticket. (Loud applause.) But my contention is that if it cannot be brought about without artincia! means it ought not to be done at all, because it will on!y bring misery and ruin upon the people themselves. (Applause, and a Voice: Didn't you help to do it in Ireland!) I wilt te)I you why. Agriculture is not a very prosperous business, and at present it is in a very bad way. (A Voice: The rents are too hjh.") Of depressed industries it is. perhaps, the worst in the country. And, practically speaking, what you sa.y is this: Agriculture is in a bad way, therefore we insist upon it that it shall be carried on in the most expensive way possible and at the greatest disadV'anta.!{e. LARGE AKD SMALL FARMS. I appeal to any man who knows anything about agriculture whether it ia not more expensive and tesa advantageous to farm small farms of ten or nfteen acres than to farm farms of a fair size. (Applause.) Every human being who knows any. thing at all about agriculture is perfectly aware of the fact that a man can farm 10C acres of jtand at a better pront and cheaper than ten men can farm ten acres each. (Applause.) I maintain that when an Industry like agriculture is in a bad way it is the height of folly to endeavour to insist that it should be carried on under disadvantageous circumstances. I object to Mr. Chamberlain's scheme because it is Protection in the very worst form. (Applause and cries of dissent.) I wi!l toil you why it is Protection. Because these men cannot buy the land and set themselves up by themselves. The whole class of yeomen lias nearly disappeared owing to natural causes. They have disappeared because agriculture does not pay and because they get more for their money else- where. (Applause.) It paid them better to sell, and they got a better investment for their money. They could not maintain themselves owing to natural causes, and they cannot spring up again under natural circumstances. You must contribute —and Mr. Chamberlain himself admits that it must come upon the rates—to put men in small farms, and when they are there they will be unabia to maintain themselves. And you will have to con- tribute more or less to their support out of the rates. That ba a wise thing or it may be a foolish thing, but I maintain that for the State to advance money to help any particular industry— agriculture or anything else—is Protection in its very worst form, and, therefore, I object to that way of treating the land dimculty. WNNECESSAR? RESTRICTIONS ON LAND. My view of the matter ia entirely diSerent. I believe in the view of the Tory party, that land should be aa free aa it can possibly be made. Remove all unnecessary restrictions from the sale of land; make the transfer of land aa free and easy as it can possibly be made. I believe in taking away everything that could lead to the accumula- tion of land in the hands of a few people. The sooner it is distributed in the hands of the many the better will it be; but it should not be done forcibly or artincially. All you can do is to remove everything that tends in the other direction. Some people hope a great deal from the alteration ot the law of primogeniture. I am entirely in favour of that alteration, but I do not believe it will have any very great effect. The taw of primogeniture is simply this, that a custom that obtained over the greater part of the kingdom has been recognised by law. That custom is not absolutely universal. In some parts of England the law is.tot.ally different, and when a man dies intestate the property goes, not to the eldest, but to the youngest. In another part of the country the property ia divided among the children. Jt is the almost universal custom, how. ever, that the property goes to the eldest. That became law because it was the wish of the people, and to tell me that by doing away with it you are going to alter the principle or idea that ia ingrained in this people is absurd, and in all probability it will have very little effect. And the same may bo said with regard to the law of entail. Do away with it by all means. It may have been at one time a great harm. but at present I do not think the doing away of tins law will effect any great good. As a matter of fact, there is plenty of land in the country at the present time which can be pur. chas&d at a very low price. The dimculty is to get any human being idiotic enough to buy. There are thousands and thousands of acres to bo sold, and sold at a very low rate. THE QUESTION OF ALLOTMENTS. I am in favour of allotments, because I think if the agricultural labourers can have small allot- ments it will be better for them, for the farmer, and for tho landowner. I am all in favour of doing away with every restriction, and giving a man every facility and encouragemfnt to buy land and ho!d small quantities, and t3 en. courage small freeholders, because they are the backbone of all countries; but, surely, natural common sense wit) tell us that one of the best ways to do so is to make a man absolutely cer- tain that if ho puts money in land it will be safe. Everything you do to give a sense of insecurity to anyone who has anything to do with land wilt tend in the opposite direction. (Loud applause; and a Voice: You're no Tory.") It must be re- membered that it will cut both ways. The Radicals sometimes say land should be treated as any other commodity, and in that I quite agree. (Applause.) But at other times they say it is different from ary other property, and should be treated diffe- rently. It cannot be both. you know. (Applause.) It the nation lias to contribute towards land, it' it is to be rated differently from other property, and if a man has to pay a ransom for holding that sort of property, then it is different. But, if it is to be treated the same as personal property—and there is no din'erence between it and any other kind of property—wetl, then, there ia no difference. (Laughter and applause.) No amount of chop los.:ic can reconcile the two. THE IRISH QUESTION. I want to say a word or two about another sub- ject. A gentleman in the gallery is very anxious that I ehoutd say something about Ireland. I do not know what he wants to know. but I will aay a word or two. It is often said Why should you not do for England what you have done for Ireland, and why not give the agricultural labourers the same privileges here as there ?" I try to be a practical man, and if I wera wont to advocate those changes the nrst thing I would do woutd be to pick out a number of Engiish labourers fro;u different parts of the country and send them over to Iretand to see whether they would like to change places with the smalt cotiers there. (Ap- ptause.) I am quite certain what their answer wouid be. But it is impossible to compare the condition of things in Ireland with the condi- tion ot tilings in this country. Ireland ia an unfortunate country, and in some respects an un- happy country. (Applause, and a Voice: Why ?") I am going to tell you why if you will wait n minute. (Applause.) It is an unfortu- nate country mainly for four reasons, two of which cannot possibly be helped. It is mainly unfortu- nate necause it has no coal, and can have no great industry, and the people become dependent upon one industry only. It is unfortunate, in another resnect, that it lias a bad climate, and that a great portion nf it is very poor land, and, although it is nt for grazing, it is not nt for tillage—it cannot support the population. These are two natural reasons which nothing under heaven can get over. There are two other reasons, one of which ia that Ireland has been a ready prey to political agitators, and has suffered terribly from many years of Liberal miarute. (Loud applause.) Now, what can be done with political agitators there I cannot hut I must appeal to that friend in the galipry who has interrupted, and ask him to do his be&t to remove the latter grievance, and take care that Ireland is not subject in the future to nve more years of Liberal miarule. LIBERAL COERCION IN IRELAND. Of one thing I am pretty certain, that ia that the Irish people are heartily sick of the way in which the Liberal party have treated them. They do not forget that the Tory party have brought in, I think, one or at most two Coercion Acta, whilst the Liberals have brought in and passed, and subjected Ireland to, some 30 of them. These are things the Irish do not forget, and they will take good care, if they can help it, that they are not subjected to Liberal rule again for some time to come. FRES EDUCATION AND DtSESTABLISHMENT INSEPARABLE. Now, I want to say a few words about free education, as it is called, and Disestablishment. The two must so together. I b(-g your attention for a few minutes, and if any Liberal here really wants any information from me that I can give him I should bo obliged if lie would ask it me when I have done speaking. (Cheers.) Now, as to this subject of Free Schools and Disestablish- ment. I want you to boar in mind that the two &l'e inseparable. (Hear, bear.) Whatever be the denomination to which you belong, think very carefully and conscientiously whether you are prepared to see the education of this country made entirely secular. Though you may not see it now, that ia what it undoubtedly is. That is what is aimed at. It is all very well to say you may have a free Board School, and there is no reason why there should not bo a Denominational School alongside. It ia impossible you cannot afford it. The same man cannot pay heavy school rates and pay for another school in which bis children may receive religious instruction and if you insist upon gratuitous education—upon educa- tion paid for out of the rat"—you wilt have to give up Denominational Schools, and your children wilt have to bo educated without any religion whatever. (" Sunday Schools.") I put the very simple proposition to you. Whether you can p&y for both free and Denominational Schools, and I* am perfectly certain that the answer ia plain and simple: you cannot do the two. (" Right you are," and laughter.) I do not beHeve there is much I hardship in the school pence: it is nM that which hurts a labouring man, it ia his deprivation of the labour of his children. (Cheers.) We have decided rightly or wrongly, that it is well for the State that the father should be deprived of the labour of his child, and that is where the hardship lies. Now, a word concerning the Church; and in dealing with Church questions I want to impress upon you the absolute necessity of considering the circumstances of the whole country, looking, not at yourselves alone, but at the whole of Great Britain. (" Wales.") Well, I think you may look beyond Wales, for, after all, it is an Integra) part, and not an unimportant part, of the United Kingdom. ("Welsh question.") I want to tell you why I am not in favour of disestab- lishing and disendowing the Church; and I will tell you one thing which. I daresay, wil! cause me to fall away much in your estimation. I had very strong views myself in favour of Disestablishment —(hear, hear)—but, after having been a gret deal ia America, and having got a Iitt)e older and wiser, I have now equally strong views to the con- trary. (Cheers.) My reasons against it are two: I am against discstablishment, in the nrst place, because I believe it will be very detrimental to the cause of religion—(cheers, and No ")—and I think it would re-act very badly against the denominations of this country. I do not under- value one atom the grievances under which Non- conformists suffer or have suffered, but I appeal to them to consider whether evils much greater may not result from disestablishment than from remedying the evils under which they feel they live. I ask them to consider the matter from every point, of view. 1 have hearà a great deal of nonsense talked on this subject in many partp of the country. I do not suppose anybody comes down here because you understand the matter; but I have heard people maintain that the Estab- lished Church was paid for by the State and out of the rates. I am not going ta argue about that, because I am perfectly certain that every man well knows that the State does not contribute one penny, and nothing is raised out of the rates for the Church. (Cheers and Tithes.") Now, if you interfere by law with one set of endowments is there not a danger in the future that another set may also be interfered with? Do not forget or undervalue the mass of purely secularists in the country. There are great numbers of people whos<* end and object is that there should be no religious instruction they wish to have no religion in the country, and if you tamper with endowments which have been given to the Established Church is there not a danger that the money which has been given to Non- conformist bodies will also be tampered with ? You may not think so, but there is very great danger indeed. But there is another reason I want to point out. If the Church were disestablished a man who is a. Churchman, and who is, like myself, not very well to do—(laughter)—would only spend his money in the support and maintenance of the Church to which he belonged. He would not be able to afford subscriptions or sites of land for churches of other religious bodies. That is an absolute fact; it is only just that it should be so. But. there is still another reason. It is all very well for you here in this county, which is to:erably prosperous, and the people are able to afford religious ministrations for themselves in whatever form they choose, but there are great districts in the country—purely agricultural dis- tricts—very sparsely inhabited, where it is abso- lutely certain that if you disendow the Church the people will have no religious ministrations what- ever. (''No.") Thatisu'ue.Thepeoplearefar too poor to afford it. I know a. great number of you say no. 1 would ask those who say tht, have you been into those parts ? If you have I am quite certain you will agree with me that there are districts where, if you confiscate wuat belongs to the Church, the people will have to cto without any religious instruction whatever. They will have to do this or accept the ministrations of a Church to which they do not belong. The Roman Catholic body is very strong throughout the country, they are very rich, and no doubt they will do all they can and the nrst result of disendowing the Church in many districts would be to force the population living there to become members of that particular de- nomination of Christianity. (Cheers and No.") That is one of my reasons for holding the views 1 do, but it is not my principal reason. NONCONFORMISTS FLAYING INTO THE HANDS OF ROMANISTS. I believe the whole question of Christianity in this country is involved in this: There has been started in Germany, and going through France and coming to England. a great wave of what I may call philosophic inn- delity. There has been a very strong reaction in France amongst the agricultural population against this Atheism and irreligion, which haa resulted in a large accession to the Conservative party. (Cheers.) I have no doubt a similar reaction will take place in this country. But I want Noncon- formists to think quietly over the question, and search their consciences to see whether what they want to do will not strike a very heavy blow against the whole cause of Christianity and reli- gion. It is idle saying there is not a strong party in the country opposed to religion. There is an enormously-strong and growing party, and if religious people do not take action in time they will nnd that party get the stronger and inndelity more dimeult to grapple with. This, then, is all round a most important question for any nation, and I beg of you to consider it, not lightly, but earnestly. (Laughter.) Gentlemen, this is not a subject to laugh about—it is not a laughing matter whether England is to continue a Christian country; whether her children are to be brought up with a knowledge of religion. No nation can be great and prosperous with,put she has religion —(loud cheers)—and I say it ia not a matter to laugh about. Before I sit down I will say just a few words more, because what I have said has been prin- cipally of a negative kind. As 1 object strongly to the whole Radical programme, I may be expected to say a word or two as to what the Tory programme is. I don't think it is of very much importance what a man promises it ia what he performs. I prefer a man who performs to a man who makes merely empty promises. If a man gets up and promises retrenchment and then costs the country forty millions more than his predecessors I think his promises are of very little value. (Applause.) If a man says he is not in favour of bloodshed, and causes the loss of 50,000 or 60,000 men in Africa, then I think we should not place much faith in any future promises which that man may make. (Applause.) I like a man of war who gives us peace rather than a man of peace who gives us war. (Ap- plause.) I will now ask you to turn your attention to what has been done during the last three months by the Tory party. The Radicals are never tired of saying that we carried out their policy. Well, we have had a Radical Government in power for nve yeara, and at the end of that time they were as far from carrying out what the present Government has accomplished as they were at the commencement. (Applause, and a Voice: Obstruction.") We have done more in three months than they have done in live or six yeara. THE AFGHAN FRONTIER. It ia all very w oil to say, You have carried out our delimitation of the Afghan frontier," but they couid not get a denned frontier. Russia would not make one. Russia knewthatwhile the Liberals were in power she could cajole and coerce, and never would have come to a delimita- tion of the frontier if the Radicals had unfortu. nately been in power for the next 50 years. (Loud applause.) But when you get a Tory Government in power then Russia said, "Now we have got quite a different class of person to deal with. We have a man who knows his own mind, and when he says he is going to do so-and-so, he'll do it. If he says lie won't let us do this or that, he won't; and the sooner wo settle this matter the better." (Applause.) The late Government had been trying for a great length of time to noat an Egyptian Loan, but the Tory Government ctune in and succeeded in doing it in less than three months, and then they say, You are carrying out our policy." (Laughter and applause.) Certainly, in one way. we have succeeded in doing what they could not, (Applause.) If I have property in some other county, and I get an agent, and say to him, I want you to develop this property." He promises to do ao, and after remaining there nve years spends more than ever has been spent on the pro- perty before, manages to set everybody by the oars, and, in fact, gets things into a most lament- able and terribte state. Then he is supplanted by another agent., who, in two or three months, succeeds in getting things into good order. The other man then turns round and says, "You are only carrying out my policy." (Applause.) I much prefer to point out to you what the present Government has done in Afghanistan Egypt, and other parts of the globe to making profMiaea for the future. I have already spoken upon land, and. you know what the Tory pro- gramme is: it is to make land as free as it can possibly be made, and give a man absolute security for any money ho invests in it. THE COMMISSION ON TBADE. I may point aa far as the Tory policy !a con- corned, to the fact that they have appointed a Royal Commission to inquire into the depression of trade. (Laughter and applause, and a Voice What about the Agricultural Commission ?") This matter was pressed upon the late Govern- ment, but they constantly refused to appoint a Commission. They absolately denied that there was any depression. (Laughter.) They are getting a little wiser now. I suppose no man out- side a lunatic asylum will deny thai trade through- out the greater part of the country is in an ex. ceedingly bad and dangerous condition. The Tory party appointed a Commission, and are doing in this respect a great and necessary and eminently patriotic work. (Applause.) I do not hesitate to say it, because there are many Liberals here, that it is an absolute disgrace to the Radical party that they have tried to throw every obstacle and dim- culty in the way of that Commission because it was appointed by a Tory Government and not by a Radical. (Applause, and a Voice, Hear, hear, from a Radical.") FAIR TRADE. I am myself a member of that Commission, but I do not want to enlarge upon my own views of trade matters; all I want to do is to correct a statement which is often said in reference to .myself, a statement which is absolutely untrue, viz., that I am a Pro- tectionist, and in favour of making food dear by putting a tax on corn, and a lot of nonsense of that kind. I only tell you there is not a single particle of truth in the whole thing. (Loud ap- plause.) It is absolutely false from beginning to end. I do believe—and I am not ashamed to say it—that we cannot in this country nght against hostile tariSs as we have hitherto done. I do be- lieve that the great industries of this country are suffering severely from causes which can be re- medied. I do not believe anything can be done by giving a nctitioua advantage to any industry whatever—(applause)—but I think every industry ought to have fair play, and if any industry is Subjected to unfair play from foreign goods then I say something should be done to put that industry on a fair footing. Let us have a fair neld and no favour. (Loud applause.) These are my principles, taking them broa,ut I am not going into this matter in any way. With an impartial mind, I want to nnd out what is the matter with my country. We are not so bad)y off in Glamorganshire as in other parts of the country. Thousands and thousands are out of work in London, in Birmingham, and all the great towns of the kingdom. There are thousands of men begging for work and women and children begging for bread, and I say it is the bounden duty of every statesman to do his best to nnd out the cause, and it win be an everlasting shame to the Radical party that they have thrown dimculties and obstacles in the way. (Applause.) THE TOBY PROGRAMME. I ask you for one moment, if you have any doubt aa to what the i'ory party is likely to do in the future, to took back upon what they have done in the past for the working class. (Applause and laughter.) Every man here knows, or ought to know, that it was the Tory party who pre- vented children working in mines and women doing the work of brute beasts; that it was the Tory party who regulated the houra of labour in mines and passed the Factory Laws in the faca of the strongest opposition on the part of Mr. Bright and the Radical party. (Applause.) I suppose you do know these things, but if you do not go home and read a little history—(loud applause)—and if you will take the trouble to do so you will nnd out that the Tory party, although they have been in power comparatively iitt)e, have passed infinitely more Acts for the benefit of tne working classes than tha Radicals have, who have been in omce many more years. (Loud applause.) I wilt point to what they have done in the past and to the Commission for inquiring into the housing of the poor. ap- pointed at the request of Lord Salisbury; I win point to tha Commission on Trade, and I wilt ask any candid man whether the legislation of the Tory party in the past, and what is ioreshadowed,is not more likely to do more solid good to the people of this country than dangling before them the Radical idea of three acres and a cow." (Loud applause and hisses.) The Tory party need not be ashamed of their work in the past, and can look with confidence to the future. I do not know what win be done here, but I have not the slightest doubt in the world that the bulk of the people of the country will see that the Tory party in a short time have extricated the country from the terrible dimculties in which they found it. The Liberal policy has raised the taxation and expenditure to jE100,000000, and when they went out of omce they iett a deticit of fourteen or fifteen millions, to say nothing of a sum of money spent on the Admiralty amounting to about a million which thuy cou)d not account for. (App)auae.) They wilt not forget the long and terrible misfor- tunes and crimes which have disgraced our occu- pation of Egypt they will not forgot these things, and they know very well that the cause of these misfortunes is the disunion in the Liberal party. (Loud applause, and a Voice: No.") Whatever that gentleman, who has excellent lungs, may say to the contrary, the bulk of the people of this country and the Radicals themselves know that the terrible disasters and the awful bloodshed of the last few years are due to Liberal disunion. (Apptause.) LIBERAL DISUNION. They know very well, too, there is not the re- motest chance of more union, or, indeed, of any union, in the future, and not a singie Liberal statesman has proposed a certain line but another Liberal statesman has proposed a din'erent line, and stated that what the nrst man proposed was totally wrong and would not do. (Loud applause and hisses.) Mr Chamberlain makes a speech in one direQtion- makes a little lire—and Lord Hartingcon, as Mr. Chamberlain himself expressed it, brings a wet blanket and puts it out. (Loud applause.) And so it is all through. Not a single improvement has been put forward by any Radical speaker in the country which has not been absolutely contra- dicted by another Radical speaker and not only that, but the man whom the Liberal party delight to honour, in a faint endeavour to unite all this diversity of opinion, has promulgated a Mani- festo in which he gives no opinion what- ever. (Loud applause and hisses.) I would ask you to renect very seriously before you connde the fortunes of this great country to men who have brought themselves so low lately before us. When the Liberal party came into omco they came in with good promises—peace, retrenchment, and reform—their prospects were bright, and the people trusted them, and the people were not responsible for what occurred; but the people wiil be responsible if they put the Radical party back in power; they will become responsible for the blood that will bo shed in the future, because they have seen oceans of blood sited un- necessarily. (Applause.) They will be responsible for excessive taxation, because they have seen excessive taxation resulting from Liberal mis- management in the past. I would ask you to think upon these matters, and think upon them very seriously; and I will ask you to think more seriously still upon a subject I spoke about before, and that is that every man, especially Noncon- formists, wilt think very carefully, and decide, according to Ins conscience, whether in advocating relief from what he looka upon as an injustice he is not striking a serious blow against religion and humanity. (Loud applause.) I would ask you to think very seriously about thdt, and let each man consider whether in his heart he wishes that his children shall grow up without religious instruction, and learn what future generations will bo if you disestablish the Church, namely, godless citizens of a godless State. The noble lord then resumed hia seat amidst loud applause. Mr J. T. D.. LLEWELYN (Conservative can- didate for South Glamorgan), who was received with rounda of cheering, proposed a vote of thanks to Lord Dunraven. Mr. HowEL GwiM brieny seconded the vote, which was carried with acclamation. Lord DuNRAVEN having responded, a vote of tbanka to the chairman having been also carried and responded to, the meeting terminated.
SIR MICHAEL HtCKS-BEACH AT…
SIR MICHAEL HtCKS-BEACH AT CHELTENHAM. The Chancellor of the Exchequer addressed a large meeting in the Winter Gardens, Cheltenham, on Monday night. Mr. J. T. Agg-Gardner pre- sided, and was supported by Mr. J. R. Yorke, M.P., and a large number of influential gentlemen. Mr. REGINALD YoBKR, M.P., proposed the nrst resolution, and expressed regret that that might be the last occasion on which he would address them as member for East Gloucestershire. There could be no more ntting time to movaa resolution in favour of the Conservative Government than that, when Sir Michael Hicks-Beach was about to take larger responsibilities at Bristol. Speaking of Mr. Gladstone's Manifesto, he said that, despite the comments it contained, he believed the present Government had done their duty in taking cmce. It was a courageous act on the part of the Conservative Government to take omce. They had paaaed already many good measures, and had appointed a Commission of inquiry into the cause of the present depres- sion in trade and of agriculture. He proposed:— That this meeting is of opinion that her Mjesty's present advisers are entitled to the Ct>nfideno of the oountry, and. in the intel"ests of the peace, the pros- perity, and the welfare of the Empire, desirM their continuance in office. There was some disturbance during Mr. Yorke's speech. Several resolutions having been carried, Sir MICHAEL HiCKS-BEACH.who was received with loud and long-continued cheers, expressed pleasure at being there and seeing a few political opponents present, and hoped they would do what ho was sure Conservatives would bo ready to do at a Liberal meeting, viz., to hear patiently the observations that might be addressed to them. He would endeavour to express hia political opinions with frankness, but would say nothing that would bo personal or offensive to anyone whose name they might revere. (Cheers.) Referring to the resolution, he said the Government had endeavoured, aa far as their time had permitted, to follow in the steps of Lord Beaconsneld. (Cheers.) Speaking of the Liberal Egyptian pohey, he said nothing could be weaker than Lord Hartington's defence of their Egyptian policy. He truly told his audience that wara were the penalty of Empires. So they were, but that admission was never made by Liberal orators when Lord Beaconsneld was in power. (Cheers.) The Con- servatives had never blamed the Liberal Govern- ment for going to war, but that they got nothing for it. The whole condition of affairs was innnitely worse when Mr. Gladstone left omce than when ho took it. He disgusted the nations with his incapacity to carry out the task ho had undertaken. If no better defence than Lord Hartington's subterfuges could be put before the country, what opinion could they have of the constituencies when they dared to aak them to again entrust them with the destinies of the country? (Cheers.) Speaking of the late Government, he had not the least doubt that they entertained the idea that they had left to them an almost impossible inheritance, but they knew the country had found them out, and thought by specious promises they would secure their upport. (Cheers.) The game ought to have been of considerable danger to the Conservatives, but the Liberals showed their cards too soon, and Conservative speakers had taken the oppor- tunity of stating to the electors the changes about to take place (Cheers.) He would take but one single instance of the promises made, and that was one connected with the land question. (Cheers.) He was really atraid to say anything about the three acres and the visionary cow—(laughter)—owing to the vehemence it called forth. But undoubtedly the labourer did entertain that idea at one time, but now found he would have to pay rent. (Cheers.) If he had capital he was shrewd enough to know he could invest it better than by becoming a small farmer —(cheers)—and when he came to see that he would, in choosing his political party, remember that the policy of the Conservative party was more likely to provide him with work than the Liberal. (Cneers.) To his (the speaker's) mind the tide waa turning, and the agricultural labourer was not going to vote as supposed some time ago. (Cheers.) Mr. Chamberlain had put it before the country that land should be compul- sorily purchased and sold to the ratepayers. Now, what would be the result ? No such purchase could be made unless it could be known to the Local Government Board that it would be benencial. The tenant would have to pay a large amount, and the result would be that the small farmer would be worse off than ho would be if he obtained a farm in the usual manner. (Cheers.) The promoters of the scheme knew that the great majority of the ratepayers did not pay taxes at all. (Cheers.) Wnat they meant was that a local authority should take what land it desired, nx the price, and let it to certain persons who were the friends of the local political wire-pullers; and the man from whom the land waa taken would have to pay increased rate? on the land left to him. (Cheers.) This was a scheme which would be a great injustice to the landowners. (Cheers.) Were there, he asked, no others who would look fjr benents ? Mr. Chamberlain would nnd. nva miles from bis own home, worse dwel- lings than in any agricultural village and more want. (Cheers.) Why did he not look at home ? (Cheers.) Why not solve the ¡reat problem of wealth and poverty at hia owa <i«*r before ha N&. cited the labourers against a class of men who had within the last hfty years done more to promote the wen-being of the poor than any class in Eng- land? Wh:tt would Mr. Chamberlain say if some- body told him that, if labourers were to bo turned into farmers at the expense of landowners, shopmen might also ask to be turned into shop- keepers, or screwmakers to bo set up in business at the expense of the wealthy capitalist? And there would be this stronger ground, both in the case of the working man and of the local authority, that a modest competency could even now be made out of both shopkeeping and screwmaking, whereas nobody could contend that agriculture paid He was surprised that these unsuccessful urban practitioners shoutd have the boldness to endeavour without knowledge to enforce their remedies for aH rural complaints. He was astonished that they had not yet found out that their own remedies were incompatible with each other. Radicals, Whigs, and Conservatives alike desired to see something done to simplify and cheapen the transfer of land. (Cheers.) but what the Liberals seemed to have forgotten was that land did not return a fair interest on investment, and that there was great uncertainty as to its future. Could they think people would purchase land if the uncertainty of its tenure became stronger every day? (Cheers.) Many of the notions were born of jealousy at existing iandowners. The present result of those proposals was that every day landlords were less inclined to make any improvements, and if the proposes became law the result would be that the land market would be closed. In the case of an individual honesty was the best, pohcy—(cheers)—and if a.ny scheme deprived an individual of hia rights without adequate compensation it woutd come to no good. (Cheers.) If the working classes were led by the fantastic light of this new Radicalism they would bitterly regret the day when they changed that spirit of free individual action which was the keynote of our Engtish national character, and had made us the hrst and the foremost among the nations of the world, for those wretched und enervating doctrines that taught them that they should took to the State for control, for in- terietence, for help, for comfort, and for every- thing in ail the relations of life.
THE GOWER DIVISION.
THE GOWER DIVISION. MR. H. N. MIERS AT PONTARDAWE. Mr. H. N. Miers, the Conservative candidate for the Western or Gower Division of the County of Gtamorgan, addressed his first meeting at the Odd- ielluws'-hali, Pontardawe, on Monday. There was a very targe attendance. Mr. Herbert Lloyd took the chair in the absence of Mr. Arthur Gilbertson, caused by the iUness of his wife. The chairman was supported on the platform by Mr. H. N. Miers, Mr. R. Lambert, the Rev. D. Jones, Mr. W. Lewis, Mr. Richards. &c. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, dectured that the party to which he formerly be- longed had run away from him, and the party he considered behind him had drawn up. He now found the Conservative party more in accordance with hia views than the advanced party. The speaker alluded to the number of professional men who were brought forward as candidates, and said it was impossibte that they cnutd have time to attend to the duties which they sought to un- dertake. A candidate for Parliament should have time, ability, and devotion to the interests of the country, and the fact undoubtedly waa that many of the men who were coming forward had not the time to devote to the work required of them, and had not always the interests of the con- stituencies at heart, but were oiBce seekers. It behoved the electors to consider the matter very carefuDy, and look for a man they could depend upon as being thoroughly con- scientious, sate. and honourable—who could devote reasonable time to Parliamentary life. Such a man he contended was Mr. Miers, whom ho com- mended to them ¡ls a worthy candidate for their suffrages. Mr. MiERS, who waa suffering from a cold, proceeded to say that the times had considerably altered since his father was amongst them. His father was a Whig of the old school, and, aa the chairman had told them, the advanced Radicals of the Chamberlain and Dilke school had run away from those principles which had been of such incalculable value to the country, and they had helped to drag the fh of England through the mire in every country throughout the world. He would give them one or two rea- sons why he thought the working men of the country at that very critical position of affairs owed allegiance to the Conservative and not to the Radical party. It was at the earnest solicita- tion of his friends, and with a deep sense of re- sponsibility, that he stood forward to champion the cause which had done so much in the past for England. They felt that their cause had not been represented as it ought to have been. Throughout Waies the Concervative party, which was the party of law and order, were endeavouring to reuse the people of the country to a sense of the danger they were in, to show them bow the rights and privi- leges, and even the commerce of the country were being swept away before this so-called party of progress and party of revolution. He had been immensely cheered by the letters which had been ghowered in upon him from toMC! fide working men. some of whom coutd hardly write, congra- tulating him, and congratulating themselvea that somebody had been found to come forward in their interest. Ho hardly believed hia opponent could produce such letters. The working classes had not in the past been a)lowed to express their opinions, and ho was perfectly astonished to find the extent of the Conservative feeling amongst the working men of that district, which, as they said, they had been afraid to dfdare. With re- g'fu'd, first, to education, he wished to call attention to the fact that almost a simiiar Act of Parliament to that now proposed was brought forward by Graham in 1843, giving free education, and that a religious one, to the children of the working classes. This was opposed by the Liberats. No less than nineteen Acts relating to mines and factories were carried by the Conservative party, Mr. Bright and the leading Liberals always in the minority against these Acts. which they h.i.d lived, ho trusted, to feel the advantage of. (Cheers.) The Acts relating to the housing of the poor and the Agri- cultural Holdings Act were instances of similar opposition by the Liberals. Ho defied the Liberals to show such an array of Acts passed by them for working men. The Education BHtof 1870 was the Conservative Education Bill of 1843. Referring to the Hares and Rabbits Act, Mr. Miers said there was a worthy baronet who went round as a sort of showman to his opponent who actually did not allow his tenants to take advantage of its provisions. They had a great deal of proof that hia conduct had affected his tenants in Gower to a serious extent. The question had ah'eady been put to him at Neath, and it would be put again in Gower when he went down there next week. It was well-known that poor Booth had been almost brought to the grave through the action of the person he referred to. Mr. Miers next contended that during Conserva- tive rule there was greater security for invest- ments and protection for all interests than during Liberal government, which attacked interests in- discriminatety. In their foreign policy the Con. servatives had done more to regain the confidence of foreign countries during the past five months than the Liberals had during nve years. Mr. Miers traced the story of the Egyptian dini- culty since 1870, showed the beneficent effect of Conservative rule, and the subsequent miserabte results of Liberal interference in that country. The substance of the dispatches from Gordon and from the Governor of Berber were given and com- pared with the deceitful statements of Mr. Glad- stone in the House of Commons. The choice of the Nile route instead of the Suakim.Berber route was in distinct opposition to the opinion of the best military authorities. He supposed that a)together a greater muddle than the Liberal inter- ference in Egypt had proved had never been exampled in the history of the country. After referring to the effect of Conservative diplomacy in Russia, Mr. Miers treated of Mr. Chamberlain's land scheme. They must remember when that great land-grabbing took place sma)l holders woutd suffer like the larger ones. Then, if Mr. Chambertain did not succeed in getting the land by force for nothing, it would be we)l to consider what it would cost the ratepayers to buy the land. The rental of the land at present amounted to €6 minions a year, which at 30 years' purchase amounted to two bithons of money. Then they had to divide the land out, and buy the cows for the labourers, who could not live upon it afterwards. It was a ridicutous cry, raised, not whiist the Liberals were in onice, but just before the elections, in order to catch the votes of the ignorant and uneducated ciasses. Then there was the scheme of free education. Were the working ctasses prapared to supply elementary and higher grade education for the benefit of the welt-to-do ? It would not be a ioca!, but an Imperial rate, and every man woutd have to pay. Ho contended that the larger ahare of benefit would be gained by the richer section of the popufation. The school-rate in some places was already 3'1. in the ;E, and if alt the Voluntary SchooJs tn the country were closed their school- rate must be double or treble what it was at the present mnment. And they must remember that 1,200,000 more chitdren were educated in the Voluntary Schools than in the Board Schools. In ordinary cases a man's liability for his children's education ceased when they )eft sshoo), but this rate would be saddied on his back for ever. After commenting on the unfairness of local rating, and expressing himself in favour of a change, Mr. Miers said that at the time of the Conservative Government going into power two thing were called for, especially in Wales. One was Higher Education, and the other an improvement of trade. The Conservative Government immediately granted Jg4,000 a year to Aberystwith College, which had been refused on every occasion by the LtbenI party; and they appointed a Commission to take into consideration the causes of bad trade. Respecting the depression, he considered it was due largely tQ foreign competition, which was also I:trge)y owing to our present fiscal policy. The question was whether they, catting themselves Free Traders, were really reaping the advantages which Free Trade ought to bring them. He was convinced that the true Free Trade principles were the right principles, but they must consist of the fair and equitable interchange of commodities between nation and nation. Ho did not call it Free Trade that England should throw open her ports to every country in the world and every country should close theirs to Eng)and. They had tried Free Trade for forty years, and no other country had followed their exampie. Ho was in favour of all our commercial treaties being terminable at twelve months' notice. He was also in favour of removing the taxation from sugar, curranta, raisins, and other articles of food, and placing it upon the manufactured articles which competed with pro- ducts of our own artisans. At present the imports exceeded the exports by 120 millions, 50 millions' worth of which might be manufactured in this country, and might afford employment to 290.000 working men, and feed a population of 1,300,000. In conclusion, he asked them to do theif btest to take a fair and impartial view of the great estions them at thitttaet<<m. Ra begged them not to be led away by the idea. that free education, and that sort of thing, was to beneht the working classes. What would reaHy benent the working classes was the prosperity of this country, which could only be assured by a Govern- ment which would show a boldtface to the enemy which would be looked up to by other nations of the world; and which knew how to maintain the glory and stability of that great Empire. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Hed!ey moved a vote of conndence in Mr. Miers, which was seconded by the Rev. D. Jones (vicar of Hanguicko), and supported by Mr. W. Richards, in Welsh. After Mr. Richards'3 speech, A Congregational minister named Davies rose. and in an excited manner challenged a statement made by Mr. Richards that the passage of the Franchise Bill was duo to the support given by the Conservatives. Some confusion ensued, during which Mr. W. T. Williams ascended the platform. Order having been restored, Mr. MiERS said though the Franchise Bill was passed by the Liberal Government, the Redistribu- tion BiH, by which the people got their fair repre- sentation. was carried through the pressure of the Conservative party. (Applause.) The motion was then put and carried amid cheers for Mr. Miers. The meeting terminated in an orderly manner with a vote of thanks to the chairman, proposed by Mr. W. RICHARDS. MR. H. N. MIERS AT THE MUMBLES. A meeting in support of the candidature of Mr. H. N. Miers for West Glamorgan was held at the Aaaembly-noms, Mumbles, on Tuesday night. Mr. Nichol! Morgan presided, and there were present Mr W. R. Coltins, Mr. R. Beck, Major Hail, and others. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the meeting, read a letter from Mr. Charles Bath, who was to have pre- sided, stating that ho was unable to attend. He commended the candidature of Mr. Miers, who had onty to be listened to to be well received. Mr. MiERS, in his address, alluded, as on the previous evening, to the question of the incidence of local taxation, which it was part of the Conser- vative policy to alter. Lord Hartington had said, no less than 27 years ago, that an extension of toca! self-government was a very desirabie thing. If that were so why had not the Liberal party taken up the question, u.nd why had they left it to the Con- servatives ? He cautioned them against the popular cries which were being introduced by the Radicals. Nothing was more nckle or more easily turned than a popular cry. There could be no such thing as free education. Everything would have to bo paid for out of Imperial taxation, so that remote districts would have to pay for the education of the masses in towns, and the poor would have to pay for the education ot the rich. If it were a scheme for educating the poor man's children, or for giving education up to a certain standard, ho should have been in favour of it. Re- ferring to the land scheme, Mr. Miers quoted from a book written by Sir Hussey Vivian after a tour in America. Sir'Hussoy Vivian said :— If anyone wishes to study the !aw of the compulsory division of property upon each death they will be able to do so here to perfection, and by contrasting the condition of the English, Scotch, and Irish settters with that of the French they wiii soon, I think, be con- vinced that such a taw is not eatoutated to advance the interests of any community. There can be no doubt that U the younger children of the colonies had received sums of money or eattie and sheep to enable them to occupy fresh hotdings and to win fresh iand from the forest both they and the community wouid have reaped benefit, just as our younger SODS constitute the vigorous fife of our race, and. whether in the taw courts or the battlefield, in busy commerce or distnt coloJlisation, win their way to fortune and advance their country's greatness. The !ife of a younger Frenchman, heir to a tew acres, is widely different, devoted, as it too often is. to the dissipation of town Ufa. Frontage to the main road being aii important, the hotdings seem to be 20 or 30 yards wide and a mite or more deep- most expensive and inconvenient forcultivation. Mr. Miers referred at length to ther Jand ques- tion and the depression in trade, condemning the present fiscal policy of this country. In conclusion, be asked them to let minor detaifs alone, strike for the great principles of the Consti- tution, and endeavour to maintain the power of this country abroad and uphold ita religion at homo. Several questions were put by one of the audience as to whether Mr. Miera would vote for Mr. Broadhurst'a Bil! for the compulsory purchase of leases, or for the reversion of common tanda to the local authorities, to which Mr. MiERS replied that the questions concerned very closely certain vested righta and privileges which should, of course, be respected. Mr. HANCORNN then declared ho waa in a posi- tion to prove that Sir Hussey Vivian had not turned his tenant out for taking advantage of the Ground Game Act. Mr. MiERS aaid he should be g!ad to nnd that what he had stated at Pontardawo was not a fact. In answer to further questions, Mr. Miers said he be!ieved more in social innuences than in Acte of Parliament to remove the curse of drunken- ness. If returned to Parliament the interests of the Mumblea wou!d be as hia own interests, and ho would give hia careful consideration and assistance to any schemes tor the benefit of the nshermen and residents generally. On the motion of Mr. R. BECK, seconded by Capt. DAVia EvANS, a motion expressing confidence in Mr. Miers was passed.
THE REPRESENTATION OF SWANSEA.
THE REPRESENTATION OF SWANSEA. MR. MEREDYTH AT ST. THOMAS. At the Ivy Bush Inn, St. Thomas, on Tuesday, n well.attended meeting waa held in support of the candidature of Mr. Merodyth. Mr. A. P. Steeds presided, and he was supported by Messrs. Latimer, Captain Francis, G. Robinson, J. Morgan, Davies, Spring, E. P. Richards, and H. P. Davies. The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings, tirst expressed hia deep regret and tuat of all present at the lamented death of Mr. Edward Bath. (Hear, hear.) He then pointed out to thoae present gratitude the working men owed to the Con- servative party, and maintained that they were the real, true, and consistent friends of the working men of the country, aa was evidenced in the passing of the Factory Act, the Mines Regulation Act, the Friendly Societies Act, and the Artisans' Dwellings Act. (Hear, hear.) Mr. MEREDYTH, who was received with ap* plauso, said the Conservatives of the town were earnest men, banded in an earnest cause, and they would spare no sacrifice and trouble till they succeeded in winning the town of Swansea from the domination of Radicalism, which they had suffered to prevail so long. He did not think the people would forget the misdeeds of Liberal Governments in the past, or that the Conserva- tives had been the true friends of the democracy, as many very eminent Liberals had quite recentiy been bound to admit. After defending the House of Lords, and showing how quite recently it had compelled the late Government to give them a complete Ret&rm Bill, and maintaining that it represented the feeling of the country aa thoroughly as the House of Commons, t<e said that during the reign of the Liberals trade had been unprecedentedly bad. Now, the Conservative Government bad already given tone to the trade of the country, and h&d improved the standing of the nation in the eyes of the whole civilised world. (Hear, hear.) Hb then urged the necessity for Imperial Federation, and declared, in conclusion, that he had received much encouragement during Ms campaign, and had certainly obtained the support of the working men, which was more than hia opponent had. (Cheers.) In answer to questions, Mr. MEREDTTH said he should oppose the admission into Parliament of any person not duly rati&od by the law of the country, and he emphatically declined to support Mr. Hopwood's Anirmation Bil). (Applause.) He also stid he strongty objected to State-paid omcials engaging in business. (Cheers.) Dr. LATiMER moved:— That thia meeting hat unbounded confidence in the policy of Lord Salisbury and wilt use aU legitimate means to return a member for Swansea who wiU support his policy. —(Applause.) Captain FRANCIS seconded, and Mr. W. P. DAViES supported, the motion. Mr. BANFiELD moved, and Mr. W. EvANS seconded, an amendment pledging the meeting to support Mr. Gladstone. The CHAIRMAN declared that only twelve voted for the amendment, and the original motion waa carried amid applause. The meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the chairman, proposed by Mr. J. M. DAYiES, and seconded by Mr. G. RoBiNsoN. I- GREAT MEETING IN THE DRILL- HALL. A meeting waa held at the Prince of Wales' DriM-halI, Smgleton.street, Swansea, on Wednes- day evening in support of the candidature of Mr. Meredyth for the Town Division of the borough. There was a crowded attendance. Dr. Paddon took the chair, and waa supported on the platform by the Earl of Dunravon (Under. Secretary for the Colonies), Messrs. W. H. Meredyth, Howel Gwyn, Joseph E. Moore (Ne¡\U!)" Sir F. Milman, A. Mason, C. Snowden, G. B_Stnck, R. Gtascodine, C. H. Glascodine, Clarke Richardson, Thomas Cory, Sugrue, Greenham, Latimer, Steeds. Genera! Benson, the Rev. Canon Richards, Messrs. Morgan. H. P. Davies, Ernest Penroae Richards, &c. The CHAIRMAN having opened the meeting in a brief speech, the Earl of DuNRAVEN delivered an eloquent address in which he dealt with the various schemes put forth by Liberal candidates, and contrasted the feeble administration of a Radical Government with the nrmness and wisdom of the Conservative Cabinet. The nobie lord resumed hia seat amid loud and prolonged applause. Mr. MEREDYTH then rose to propose a vote of thanks to Lord Dunraven for his excellent speech, and was received with an enthusiastic outburst of cheering. He said the time was when he could not have ventured to hold such a meeting as that at Swansea, and he was proud, as one of the Conservatives of Swansea, to see that at length they were able to make their opinions heard, and even appreciated, by their opponents.(Cheers.) Referring to the ]and question, he asked them what could they think of statesmen who, like Mr. Jesse Ceilings and Mr. Chamberlain, had the audacity to bring before them a scheme which was simply the buffoonery of politics. The Liberals came before them with broken promises and with a succession of failures and asked the electors to open their moutii and shut their eyes and see what God would send them." The depression in trade waa caused by two things, the distrust and discredit in which the Liberal party held, and the system of Free Trade, which was nothing more than a gigantic fraud upon the nghta and privi. leges of the people. The Conservatives had a policy whereby they desired to produce real Free Trade. free education, frM unity between people and people, free righta. free privileges, and f 'e justice for every community. (Loud cheera.) Mr. G. B. STBict, who seconded the motion, sa'd he was one who had suffered from the terrible dn. preaMon of trade that had existed for so tc'"K time, and if they were to have better times t would be by using their beet and united efforts .0 keep the present Government in power. (Loud applause.) He congratulated those present on tb< cordiality which itad existed during the evening and said he was sure they wou)d a!) agree wid* h)m that if they could have more frequent oppo1" tunities of hearing' gentlemen like the Eari of Dunraven an essentiat service would be rendered to Swansea. (Applause.) The motion was then put and carried amidst enthusiastic cheering. Mr. C. H. GLASCODJNE moved the following res"* iution:— That this meeting has unbounded conSdence in Lord Salisbury's potiey, and pledges itself to use &11 teit'timaf mf&ns tc return a member for Swansea Town Divisio" in the person of Mr. Meredyth, who wit! support tJliS policy. He said they did not support Mr. Meredyth because they loved him, or oppose Mr. Dillwy' because they disliked turn. It was because they loved peace and honoured the grandeur 10f tbi< great country that they sought to return M<- Meredith to Far iament. (Applause.) Mr. EvERARD JoNES brieny seconded the propo* sition, which was put to the meeting and carried by an overwhelming majority. Enthusiastic cheers were given for Lord bury, and the meeting then broke up.
CONSERVATIVE ME! .TING AT…
CONSERVATIVE ME! .TING AT PENTYRCH. MR. GODFREY L. CLARE'a CANDIDATURE. A most successful meeting in supoort of tb< candidature of Mr. Godfrey L. Ctark has been hel<! in the village schoohoom at Pentyrch. presided over by Mr. Henry Lewis. Green Meadow. Among those present were the Revs. Theophifus Ree* rector; T. D. Jonea, TaS's Wet!; Morgan Thomas Pentyreh; Mrs. dark, Talygarn House; Mr9 Lewis and party. Green Meadow Miss Rees. th< Rectory; Miss Rees, Crofta Hall; Mr. Job!! Evans, Crofta Hali; and nearly ail toe leading parishioners. Mr. CLARK, in the course of a lengthy and cogeot address, pointed out the absurdity of Mr. ChatC* berlain's three acres and a cow measure and expressed his entire disapproval of the Free Education question as proposed bv the leader of the Birmingham Caucus. He also pointed out, in most iucid manner, the complete failure of the home and foreign policy of the fate Government, and expressed himself in the strongest possible as being opposed to the Disestabfiahment and Di9* endowment of the Church, which has done, and i* doing, so much good work amang ail classes of tb' community in this country. He furthermof< stated that the property of the Church do<X not belong to the State, but was givet her by private individuals long befor' Parliament came into existence; and that the attempt now made to deprive her of it waS entirely wrong and unjust, and would, if tM Liberationists succeed in their eSorts, prov< a disaster to the country. At the close of Ins able remarks, which wer< frequently received with applause, the Chairman invited questions, when The Rev. THOMAS JENKINS, Baptist ministet asked the following:—(!) Would Mr. Oark sup port a measure for opening museums on Sundays! to which a decided and emphatic No was given (2) Would he support a measure for introducing the teaching of the Welsh language in our ele' mentary schools? Mr. Oark answered io the amrmative, but not to the exclusion of the English language, which was the commercial language of the age. The third que9' tion was so irrelevant and unintelligible that th< audience became impatient and uproarious. TM questioner, however, having expressed his entird satisfaction with the answers given, the meeting proceeded harmoniously. The meeting was now addressed in Welsh in most teDing and effective manner by Mr. JoH!< EvANS, Crofta Ha)I. who was heartily applauded. Mr. JOHN moved a resolution pledging we meeting to support the candidature of Mr. Clat* at the forthcoming election, which was duly seconded. In the course of his remarks he stated that the Church was the Church of the poor, ana that the humblest peasant-boy in the country couM aspire to the highest position in it, and the clergy were the real and true friends of the poor. The CHAIRMAN asked if anyone had an amend' ment to move, and, not receiving a reply, although several Radicals were present, declared the resolu- tion carried unanimously. In proposing a vote of thanks to the chairman fo< the able and fair manner in which he had conducted the proceedings, Mr. THOMAS WATKiNS' scathing criticism of Mr. Chamberlain's programme and the vacillating policy of the late Government elicited tremendous applause. This brought to a close one of the m0'* enthusiastic meetings that have been held aC Pentyrca during the present political campaign.
MR. B. FRANCIS WILLIAMS AT…
MR. B. FRANCIS WILLIAMS AT TREDEGAR. Mr. B. Francis Williams, the Conservative cand'' date for the Western Division of MonmouthshirØc addressed a large meeting of the electors of tb< division at the Temperance-hall, Tredegar, o" Tuesday evening. Mr. John Spooner occupied tb6 chair, a,nd was supported on the platform bf Captain Shepard, Mr. J. PIewa (Merthyr), Dr, Coates, the Rev. Father Degan, Mr. John Morgan Mr. Edward Morgan, builder, and several others' The proceedings were, on the whole, very quie* and orderly, although a few bilious Radical unable to stomach some of the bitter pilla which the worthy candidate administered, every now ao<! then burst over with discontent, and had to b< called to order by the chairman. In opening the proceedings Mr. SpooNER pointed out that a large number of the electors had tbe responsibility of the franchise cast upon them as the coming election for the nrst time. and he aske" them to consider well before they decided to act- Besides the two great political parties in th<t country, they had other men outside-men who U1ø.e rash promises—ao rash and so wild, indeed, thati' they attempted to perform them they would brint this country back to the point from which WE started. Dr. CoATES then brieny addressed the audience and said he believed many orders had been kept away from the works a.t Tredegar through tM operation of unfair trade. Captain SHEPARD, as an old feHow-townama" of the audience, asked the electors to weigh weU the questions which were now before the county before they recorded their votes. Mr. B. FRANCIS WtLLtAMS, the candidate, wøJ then introduced to the meeting, and had a most cordial reception. He nrst of ail thanked theO' for the kindness with which they had received him more particularly as he was sure there must hav* been some present who did not agree with th< political party to which he had the honour t( belong. He came before them that evening t< state to them in a straight for ward and honeat waf the views that he held, whether they agreed witt their own or not. So far he had been receive" with nothing but kindnesa wherever he had gone< from Liberals, from Radicals, and from Conserve* tives alike. In coming before those whom he hoped might some day bo his constituents he felt that they had a right to hear a statement of We principles which he professed. He had no doubt that he should say a few things which many o' them did not like, but he thought it his duty' to tell them his views honestly, straight* torwardly, and fairiy. (Hear, henr.) Betp? proceeding further he wished to refer to one of the subjects touched upon by his friend Dr. viz., Free Trade, because if he (Dr. Coates) favoured a tax upon corn he (the candidate) was entirel oDpo:)ed to him. He was a Free.Trader, and ba0 been so all his life. (Hear, hear.) The which they would have to consider at the nesi eteetion ere questions of the greatest importance What they had to consider W!)s—would they 1?\11 back into power at this election the party wbict obtained power in 1880. (" Yes.") He heard 90C'' gentleman say Ye" Of course they would ha. I to decide at the poll, but be wa;< quite sure they wouid ot decide hastity, without consideration &nd without a sense of the responsibility whiC had been cast upon tlJfm in the exercise 0 the franchise. In 1880 the party whicn became the Government of the county went into power with large promises promisea which were very captivating. Their crY was" Peace, retrenchment, and reform." But bO had they fu!n))ed those promises!' How abot peace? Going back over the whole of tenure of power they would nnd that it waS marked with the signs of bloodshed. They begØ with the operations against the Boers, and Egypt they had shed the btood of 100,000 hutD*" beings, amongst whom were some of the greatest and the best of our countrymen. sa asked them, before they recorded their votes, to remember the name of the gaiinnt Gordon, was sent out by this country, but who was uttt. mateiy betrayed and left to Ins death. He d'<' not beHeve there was a Liberal or a Radical wh" looked uoon that page in our history wither shame and disgrace. (Hear, hear.) T" Conservativee had been charged with structing the Government. (" So they did. ? Did the Conservatives obstruct the GoverJJ.? ment in sending out help to GordoB No. Time and again they urged the Governor" ment to send )t out, and what was the answer t received? That Gordon was in no danger. Government neglected and betrayed him, and th had been ieft to mourn his doom. \Vhat did t Government do in India? In 1880 the ConserV, tive party were taunted with fear of Russia. a1! they were told that Russia was nnt marching t0*"j gates of India. But the fact was tha,r Russia b. made enormous strides towards India since t øC Liberals had been in power, and the GovernIJle f were at laat obtiged to go down to the House t Commons and ask for a vote of eleven millions money to keep Russia back. Then what abO, peace ? Was that their idea of peace—P* that was marked with biood ? (Cheers). as to retrenchment, a hundred minions ? the amount of cho last Budget, which ? about twenty millions more than tives ever asked. Now, it would be said?that.? Liberal party gave the people the France'"? (" Yes," and cheers.) It was perfectly true Lebera) Government introduced and passed te Fmnchise Bill. but let it be remembered that It d tø done upon the lines of the Bill that was 1867 by Mr. Disraeli. ("No, no.") He heard 8fcs: gentleman say No," but it was a fact. (A VObilS' The Tories stole the clothes of the Whigs.øS they were bathing." Laughter.) Mr. WIl BI said even if what the gentleman said were tbØ they should remember that the Toriea clothed .nd people in the towns with what they had takeø!stri it was to the Tories that they owed the jjo, bution Act and the complete Franchise. < no.") led It At tho a rev. gentleman, who OCCPtO .ø; front se&t, rose and attempted to enter '?'. o? explanation concerning the Franchise .?b? 1867. but the Chairman, amidst cons'd? ? disorder, had to call upon the rev. diator?? resume hie se?t, as his conduct was l???e coming, and assured him that he shoutd *? t? innings afterwards if that would be agree* him, whereupon the fentlema.n aubaided. ? ?ha The candidate aa.id he felt quiM aure M*"