Weekly Mail

LORD DERBY. Lord Derby was one of the principal guesta at a dinner given on Saturday evening by the members of the Liverpool Reform Club to Lord Sefton and Sir Thomas Brocklebank. Lord DERBY, repaying to the toast of The Liberal party," said: We are sometimes asked, What is the Liberal party ? And to that question, if it is meant as a sneer, it may be a sumcient answer to say the Liberal party is the party which has governed England with little intermission since the nrst Reform Bill of 1832, and which is likely to govern England for a good many years to come—(applause)—but we are taunted every day, in the press and in speeches, with not being abte to agree amongst ourselves. I bear it sometimes asserted that the additional programme which one section of the party has framed will make joint action with them impossible. I own I don't see why. That programme, as I understand it, consists of three parts—free education, power to local authorities to buy land in certain cases if necessary by compulsion, and something which is vaguely called a system of graduated taxation. Now, with your )eave, I will take these separately. As to free education, it seems to me, as I have said elsewhere, a very fair subject for discussion. There are two arguments against it; one, the obvious nnancial argument, that it is not wise to incur an additional expense of two millions when you have a falling revenue, and possibly increased charges on other accounts. The other is the awkward question which arises about Voluntary Schools. If you make them also free, it is said that you perpetuate their existence. If they are excluded from the advantage given to School Board schools you, in fact, proscribe them. Now, those are both criticisms which deserve consideration, and which it would be necessary to go into when the subject is practically bandied. I am not here contending either for or against free schools. We shall have plenty of time for that later. All I argue for is that there is nothing in that question involving differences of so grave a character as to justify the disruption of a party or the mutual ostracism of one or other of those who may take different views upon it. (Hear, hear.) Next comes the question of the purchase of land by local authorities. I am not asking you to discuss that in detail, but there is one curious fact in connection with it that has been but slightly noticed. When the plan was nrst proposed a great many persona cried out against the mere notion of local authorities being empowered to buy land in order to let it or sell it again. But when the matter came to be looked into it appeared that this dangerous power which was to lead to so much jobbery actually existed now and has existed for about nfty years under an Act of Parliament which certainly was unknown to me, and I believe to most persons, but which has remained a dead letter because nobody cared to take advantage of it. That does not look as if there was anything very dreadful in the idea, even if in some casea com- pulsory powers of purchase should bo required to be given. If I were to express my personal belief on the subject I should say that the ratepayers would probably be very slow to go into land speculations, more especially if their right of purchase were guarded against possible abuse by giving an appeal to some independent authority both on the question of necessity and on the question of price. (Laughter.) But, again, I repeat, it is not necessary or useful to criticise these schemes as if they were before us embodied in draft BiMs. So, again, as to graduated taxation. I will speak frankly, and admit that I regret that that phrase has been used, because I feel that ft is liable to miscon-! struction, and may bo thought to imply a great deal more than it necessarily does. You may no doubt so graduate taxation as to make it impos- sible fnr any man to have at his own disposal more than .65,000, or JE2,000, or even .61.000 a year. I need not tell you that I should not stand up to defend or excuse any revolutionary legislation of that kind. (Applause.) It would create a deep sense of injustice it would be evaded in a hundred diffe- rent ways it would tend to drive capital out of the country, and it would unduly discourage the desire for accumulation, which, although it may not be the most exalted of human motives, is a stimulus to industrial progress with which the natural indolence of mankind cannot, as I believe, afford to dispense. But I do not understand thoae speakers who talk of graduated taxation to mean more than this—that a somewhat larger percen. tago of income ought to bo paid to the State upon supernuities than is paid upon necessaries. That doctrine does not frighten me. It is nothing new, Wa act upon it already. Take the Income-tax. We exempt altogether incomes up to a certain point, and we exempt them partiaUy up to a higher point. Take the House-tax. What have you got there ? Total exemption of all that class of houses in which working-men usually live. Take the Death Duties. They absolutely spare pro- perty below a certain limited amount. Take the Carriage-tax. The class of conveyances used by poor persona or used otherwise than for purposas of pleasure are especially made free of charge. Take the Railway Passenger-tax, It falia oo nrst and second class passengers, and leaves the third- class untouched. If in all these cases the principle acted upon is not that which 13 involved in graduated taxation I do not understand the mean' iug of words. No doubt it is a principle which requires to bo applied with caution and modera- tion, but if we cannot trust Parliament to act with reasonable prudence and respecL tor existing rights, how can we justify a system of government which gives to Parliament a practical omnipo- tence? My practical conclusion is—Don't let us anticipate diiferences don't let us magnify dif- ferences. We have plenty to do oa which we are aU heartily agreed, and for the rest we must give and take only the tolerance must be on both sides: because if either section begins the game of exclu- sion the other is auro to follow suit.

SIR MICHAEL HICKS-BEACH. Sir MicHAEL Hicxs-BEACH commenced his can- didature in West Bristol on Saturday evening by addressing a. crowded meeting at the Victoria Rooms, Ciifton. He said he claimed that the Conservative party were in favour of Constitu- tional progress aa against the doctrines of Socialists and Revolutionists, and they appealed to all moderate men, whatever they might have called themselves in the past, to adhere to them on those grounds as the party they ought to sup- port at the coming election. The chief subject on which bo proposed to addroM them that evening was the depression of trade—a question of vital importance to the welfare of the country. Reading the speeches and writings of the Liberal leaders one would think there was no such thing as depression of trade. No doubt cheap food and cheap raw materials, coupled with English skill and energy, had made Eng)and a workshop to supply the nations of the world. That, he supposed, was the intention while Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright supported Free Trade. But after a time the nations of the world preferred, instead of buying English goods, to keep them out of their countries by artificial taring or by an equally artincial system of bounties to encourage their own manufactures. The Free Traders totd them they could nght hostile tariffs by free im- ports. They had been trying to do it for some time; but persona were beginning to question whether that was a nght in which they were likely to win. Be referred to tha present condition of trade and agriculture, and said he was afraid the time was rapidly coming—if it was not already upon them—when the depression and iosa which had hitherto benn mainly felt by the employer class would aiYect the workmen, and that employment would be scarce. What possible remedies could there be for this depression ? In the nrst place, they should be careful not to aggravate it, and that was what a certain class of po)itieiana were trying to do at this moment. Mr. Chamberlain had endeavoured to hold the landlords up to popular odium, as per- sons who had npg!ected the interests of the work- ing classes. He had done his best to diminish security of property, and thereby lessen the conn- dence on which alone the prosperity of the country could be based, and thud ho had proved himself more the enemy than the friend of the working man. (Cheers.) Ho (the speaker) w.is not pre- pared to support the imposition of a tax on corn, neither did he think, if they put a duty on raw materials, they would in any way lessen the difE- culty of the manufacturer who hftd to com- pote with the foreigner. He would be sorry to see the cost of production diminished in what waa its most material element, namely, the cost of labour. He did not think they could diminish the cost of production in England either by lengthening the hours of labour for the present wages or by diminishing the wages themselves; that being the case, what remedy could they apply They could look for fresh markets, or they could endeavour to re-open the markets now closed to them. That in- volved a groat work of foreign and colonial policy. If the Engtish Government wished to open fresh markets in those quarters of the globe where they wore most likely to bo found they must follow a course very different to that pursued by the late Government. (Cheers.) They must maintain the honour and credit of the English name and faitti in the word of England in a way which Mr. (Gladstone failed to do. They muat support the legitimate rights of English subjects throughout the world. Mr. Cham. berlain's proposal to raise money by a system of graduated taxation waa objectionable, because Iii. was not wiae by exceptional taxation to discourage the accumulation of wealth, and, therefore, the industry of the country. And tt had also been proved to be impracticable. Bearing in mind the large amount of corn imported from abroad, it waa necessary to guard against such an eventuality as the prevention of their wheat supply reaching the country, and fot that purpose their navy should be atrong enough to meet any force with which it might bo called on to contend. Ho advocated a careful inquiry as to whether the sums at present voted for the navv wore properly expended, and suggested whether they couid not make the army and navy more emcient without voting more money. In conclu- aion, he asked whether, looking to the fact that Liberals would hardly admit the existence of de- preaaion in trade, they were the party to be trusted to supply the remedy. (Cheers.) Addressing a Conservative demonstration at Stroud on Tuesday night. Sir Michael Hicks- Beach said that, though there was nothing revolu- tionary in Mr: Gladstone'9 progra.mme, he challenged the Liberals to say what it waa they desired in the reform of Parliamentary procedure. As to loca! government and taxation, what was waatad was a fair representative system, and not such as proposed by Mr. Chamberlaia<

LORD SALISBURY IN SOUTH LONDON. FAIR TRADE TRUE FREE TRADE. MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S RECKLESS EXTRAVAGANCE. THE ATTACK ON THE CHURCH. REASONS WHY THE ATTACK SHOULD BE MET. A monster meeting, convened under the auspices of the South London Conservative Association, was held on Wednesday night in the Victoria- hall, Waterloo-road. Tha Right Hon. G. Cubist, M.P., presided. Every part of the large building rapidly filled as soon as the doors wore opened, and upwards of 5,000 or 6.000 persons found accommodation. The interval of waiting was passed by the singing of well-kno'-vn patriotic and party songs and cheers tor the Marquess of Salisbury, Lord Randolph Churchill, and other prominent statesmen. Amongst those present on the platform were the Duke of Norfolk, Earl Stanhope, Mr. Grantham, M.P., Mr. Morgan Howard, M.P., and Mr. Boord, M.P. The appearance of the noble marquess on the platform, wearing his right arm in a sling, was the signal for loud and continuous cheering, the waving of pocket handkerchiefs, and the singing of See, the conquering hero comes." The following resolution was unanimously carried:— Th,tt this meeting cordia.Uy welcomes the Marquess of Salisbury to South London, and, assurin him of its entire confidence in her Majesty's Government, pledges itself to make every legiti mate effort to secure the re- turn of the Conservatives at the general election. I The Marquess of SALISBURY, who, on rising', was greeted with a tremendous outburst of applause, said:—Ladies and Gentlemen,—I thank you very heartily for the unanimity with which you have passed the resolution which my two friends have submitted to you; and I hope that it may be an augury of the zeal and vigour with which you will carry your opinion to the poll in three weeks' time. (Cheers.) THE DECISION AT THE TOLLS. We are meeting, it is quite true, at a period singularly critical, and on the decision which the constituencies take will depend the interests of certain classes of men for many years to come. Our adversaries would persuade you that our cause is well-nigh hopeless, and they try to intimidate us with all kinds of imaginary ngurea showing for themselves a comfort- able majority when the election is over. I need not warn you not to be deluded by nre- works of that kind. (Laughter.) They have no means of knowing what the verdict of these new constituencies will be—(hear, hear)—and their affected conndence is merely a manoeuvre of electoral war. Some events throw a light—it may bo a doubtful light—upon the struggle which is to come. We may gather something from the municipal elections—(cheers)—which have taken place ail over the country, and we may gather something from the School Board elections—(re- newed cheering)—which have juat taken, place in this city. Whatever indications cau bo drawn from events are favourable to the Con- servative cause. (Sear, hea.)-.) Do not, there- fore, believa them when they display before yon these calculations of consent majority. They ara fond of telling ua that they must win— (laughter)'—that a strong Government ia necessary —hear, hear)—and that, therefore, it ia your duty to make them win by a great deal, (Laughter.) I entirely agree with them that tt strong Govern- ment is necessary—(cheers)—and a strong Govern- ment is to ba obtained by voting for the Con. servative candidates. (Cheers.) TEST QUESTtONa. Now, gentlemen, amid all the discussion, what are the subjects which deeply interest the vast masses of the people of this country who will have to carry their sufferings to the poll ? Many remedies for their sufferings have been discussed, but, after all, what interests the masses of mankind most is that there should be plenty of work—(hear, hear) —and good wages given for good work—(hear, hear)—and, therefore, it ia your nrst interest that trade, commerce, and industry should flourish. But they are not flourishing at this moment. (Hear, hear.) I have seen Liberal speakers throw- ing doubt on the extent of the depression of trade —(" Shame ")—but if the information which has reached me la correct, those who best know the state of things that happen every morning on the banks of this river, they know how real and bow terrible that depression ia. (Hoar, hear.) TRADE DEPRESSION, Therefore, it is of the first necessity that we should, so far aa wo can, combat that depression, <ind out the causes from which it arises, and, so far as Government can act, that we should apply the powers of Parliament and Government to remedy ¡ those evila, (Cheers.) That ia the deep con. vi'ctioo with which we took ofHce, and one of our nrst measures was to recommend to the Queen that a Royal Commission should issue—(cheers)— to investigate the causes of the depression, and to iind out what legislative mitigations of it could bo discovered, It seemed to us that thtt was so elementary that it woutd so go to the heart of al) who could feel for the aurferinga of their fellow-subjects in thia exceptional time that we should meet neither with opposition nor with criticism, hut that all parties and all classes would heartily jom in such an undertaking for the good of the whole people. (Hear, hear.) Wo were bitterly disappointed. We found that our political opponents did their best, did all it was in their power, to make that inquiry an im- possibility—(" Shame ")—and to prevent us from ascertaining where the causes of the depression lay or how it could bo mitigated. Now that they have to defend themselves before their constituents for this extraordinary outbreak of party feeling they tell them that there were many people on the Commission who disagreed with them, and, therefore, they would not sit oa it. (Laughter.) But if you are never to sit on a Commission unless everyone agrees with you it is obvious that inquiries in this country will bo I remarkably one-sided. (Hear, hear.) And I may say, from my experience, that I think unanimity of opinion ia not necessary. I was asked two years ago, after I had moved for a Commission on the Housing of the Poor—(cheers)—I was asked to sit on it. When I heard who were going to bo on it I found the Conservatives would be in a miserable minority. In fact, I think, besides myself, out of nfteen there were only two others who were Conservatives. Hia Roya! Highness the Prince of Wales—(cheers) —of course belonged to no party, and I do not know what Cardinal Manning belonged to—(a Voice: Conservative ")—but all the rest were Liberals except us three. But it seemed to me it was better, in spite of this disadvantage, that we should go into the inquiry and do what wo could for the good of tha community. (Hear, hear.) And, in spite of the overwhelming majority of Radicals by which we were surrounded, wo worked on for two years; and, though I do not claim any extraordi- nary results from the Commission, yet I believe that it has done real good, and has made some recom- mendations which we have been able in part to put into the form of an Act of Parliament, and which enables us in part to mitigate the evils which we deprecate. THE BOYCOTTED ROYAL COMMISSION. If this inquiry into the housing of the poor has had such a result, why should not an inquiry into the depression of trade bear equally good results, simply because there are on the Commission men to whom our opponents cannot agree? Well, they will tell you that thia Commission was an attack on the holy and sacred principles of Free Trade. (Laughter.) I sea Lord Granville last night hinted very much the same thing, and, by implication, accused me of various things. Amongst others—I did not quite understand hia language, but I understood him to say that I waa coquetting with the enemies of Free Trade, and giving signs of an intention to impose taxes on the people's bread. (" Shame.") Now, I have tried very hard by very plain speaking to put a stop to that calumny. Mr. Gladstone said the other day—(hisses)—that he waa happy to say that the habit of vitifying adver- saries waa contiaed to the Conservative party. Well, I wish that ho would look at home upon thia subject, for I have heard from every part of the country that his agents and followers—not those who are reported, but those who are not reported— are telling the agricultural labourers especially, in every direction, that we are in favour of a dear loaf and intend to re-impose the Corn Laws. (" Shame.") I need cot tell you that, to use Lord Iddesleigh's classical language, it is a downright thumping lie—(loud cheers)—but I do complain that, in spite of repeated denials, such poisoned weapons should ba used in this controversy. HOLY DOCTRINE OF FREE TRADE. But, now, I want to say something upon this question of the holy doctrine of Free Trade. (Hear, hear.) There is no doubt that the people of this country have principally taken interest in the question so far as it concerned the putting a duty upon corn, and to that we have expressed our strong opposition. But I am going further. To real Free Trade—(hear, hear)—Free Trade as it issued from the hands of ita original teachers—I am a hearty adherent—(hear, hear)— and I wish to avoid intimating, by any failure of expression of which I may be guilty, any co- quetting, as Lord Granville says, with the enemies of that wholesome doctrine, but because I cherish the doctrine of Free Trade I demur very much to the kind of language that ia ufed concerning it, and still more to the extraordinary additions which are made to the original text, and which we are required to believe with equal faith. I saw that Sir Charles Ditke, for instance, said a. few days ago at Kensington, Free Trade which, after our race character, ia the base of our power.' Now, did it occur to Sir Charles Dilke that Free Trada began in this country in 1846—(a laugh)— and that England was not a w hotly despicable nation before that time. (Cheers.) I have heard of the power of England previously to that date. (Hear, hear.) I did imagine that during the days of 1'4 el60n and of WeDington—(cheers)—and of Marlborough and Cromwell—(cheers)—not to go further back, England was a country in which there was a remarkable capacity for power which was not based on the possosssion of Free Trade. (Cheers.) But that is the kind of fetish worship with which you have to deaL They are not satisned with a wholesome, honeat, plain belief ia economical doctrinea, which can very easily be proved, but they set them up as aome sacred religion, and directly anybody says any- thing whicu by the most exaggerated sophistry can be tortured into an attack on their sacred dogma they all cry out with one accord, Great ia t)iana, the Goddess of the Epheaians." (Cheera.) NOT FREE TRADE. Well, now, mv objection to this state of mind is that it is very favourable to the admission of other doctrines which are not Free Trade doctrines¡ which they require ua to believe.at tha same time, with the same feeling's and under the same sanction. For instance, you know when a gentleman has any goods in his portmanteau that he wishes to land without attracting the attention of the Custom House omcera ho is very fond of getting into respectable company, -md trying to pass bis luggage aa a, portion of the rest. (A laugh.) That ia what is very much done with some doctrines that are current in the present day, which wo are required to believe in as if they were really doctrines of Free Trade. For instance, one of them is tba.t it ia wrong to use your tariff and the arrangement of your duties for the purpose of inducing other nations to open to you the markets which they now close to you. (Cheers.) You know that Free Trada is, unfortunately, young in this country, but it is connned to this county—(hear) —and all the great nations cf the world besides ourselves aie strongly opposed to it. They make us feel that by creating a wail of tariffs between us and the markets in their country, which is having a most prejudicial effect on the industry of our people. (Cheers.) (A Voice: Quite right.") Well, I do not think it quite right of them. It is naturally our wish to use every instrument tha.t we can to induce them to abandon a practice which we, as Free Traders, believe to be, not only terribly injurious to our- selves, but also inconsistent with their own welfare, properly understood. (Hear, hear.) But we are told that we are committing a mortal sin if we try, by raising duties upon their produce, to bring them to a better state of mind. So that we go into this wa.r unarmed, they strike where they like, and we are forbidden by these principles, which have been foisted into the doctrine of Free Trade, from meeting them with their own weapons and replying to them with their own strategy. (Cheers.) I understand Free Trade to be the negation of Protection—that is to say, abstaining from raising an artincial price by excluding the goods of other nations from the markets here. (Hear, hear.) But that has nothing to do with raising the duties in your own tariff for the purpose of inBuencing the action and legisla- tion of other countries. Let me give you an example. Now, it must be a hypothetical example. will suppose that Spain is treating our manufactures very badly. You must aUow me to call this hypothetical, because, if I called it actual, I might draw down a diplomatic corre- spondence on my head, and I do not say it is actual because the case is very complicated. But as a hypothetical illustration it would enable me to show you what I mean. Spain, we may say, treats our manufactures very badly and excludes them, whilst she admits the manufactures of other countries. If we are able say, If you con- tinue in this course we aha.11 be obliged to raise the duties on your wines "—(cheers)— it is very possible that, after a little time, a new light mig-ht break on their reileetiona. But we cannot do that because we are forbidden to dt it, because retaliation ia a mortal sin under the doc- trine of Free Trade. (Cheers.) I utterly deny that the doctrine of Free Trade has anything what- ever to do with if. Why, raising the tariff upon sherry is not an act of Protection, because, except a very limited number of persons, nobody produces sherry in this country—(laughter)—and those who do so had better not. (Renewed laughter.) .Again, it is not burdening the articles of primary consumption, the food of the people, because we do not, as a people, all of us drink sherry. It is simply an act of retaliation, an act of nsca.1 war. No doubt war is a bad thing, and we would a.bo)ish it if we could. But war is the only way of defending ourselves from wrong. Why is it wrong in dealing with your hscal duties as weil aa in any other international relation ? (Hear. hear.) Of course, it must be done with prudence; of course, it should only bo done when there is a. probability that tha end you seek will be attained. But what I desire to press upon you is, that under cover of this kind of fetish worship, under a set of doctrines which are called Free Trade and which are not Free Trade, you a.re excluded from those legitimate acts of self- defence, and so long as you are excluded you may sigh in vain for justice in hscal matters at the hands of the other nations of the globe. (Cheers.) DUTY ON COLONIAL PRODUCE. There is another similar matter. I do not want to go into it, but I will speak upon it shortly to show how people push other matters dealing with Free Trade into the question of Free Trade. There is the question of altering our duties in favour of our Colonies, that is to say drawing our Colonies nearer to ourselves—(cheers)—by abolishing, so far as may be, the custom-houses which separate the two. I don't put it before you as a matter which is free from dimculty. I don't deny that in many points you will nnd other obstacles hard to over- come but what I demur to is that you are to be forbidden from entertaining the idea of differential duties in favour of the Colonies as though 1& were an economical heresy. Why, to knock down ex- ternal custom-houses, which separate one province from another, lias always been looked upon as an early duty and triumph of Free Trade. What difference does it make if those custom.houaes happen to stand upon the sea-shore ? (Hear, hoar) It would be a happy thing—I don't say it is possible—but it would be a happy thing if wo could recognise the unity of the Empire by destroying the separa- tion of custom-houses betwen them as much as it ia destroyed between England and Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Before I pass from that question I want to point out to you another matter with respect to this question of raising the wages of the working man< I want to point out to you what seems to me the funda- mental difference between the Conservative and Radical proposals at the present time. The Conservative proposal, the Conservative desire, is ao to manage affairs as to remove all restrictions, and so to give the necessary stimulus to industry that you shall advance forward to conquer new realms of industry yet uninvaded; that you shall obtain the entry into markets which are now closed to you; that new markets shall be found for you that, in short, the well-being of the working man shall be obtained by providing him with fresh mate' ifils for his industry and giying him the opportunity of ending in the wealth which that industry will create an ample satis- faction of all his wants. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN TOBY AND RADICAL PROPOSALS. The Conservative points the working man forward to obtain wealth which ia yet uncreated. The Radical—at least. Radical as he has been shown by recent discussion ii the country—turns hia eyes backward, does not help him, and does not tell him to create new sources of wealth, but ,saya that the wealth which has been already oMained has been badly divided, that some have got some- thing, many have got nothing at al!, and that the real remedy is to turn back and nght amongst yourselves for the wealth that has been already obtained. (" Shame.") Now, I do not desire, I am not here speaking for the rich man, ho will defend him- self, and you will nnd him to bo a very hard nut to crack—I am not defending him, I am speaking of the beneht of the community, and especiaUy for the provision of work and wages for the working man, and I say that the fatal defect of this Radical nnance is that it makes it impossible for him to nnd work and wages in the future. NECESSITY OF CAPITAL. There is no work to be done, there is no wealth to be created, unless you have 6rst of all capital to help you. It may not be large capital, it may be little capital, but the man must be fed white ho is working, and tools must be found for him with which to work, and unless that capital can bo found your industry must starve, and all your hope of obtaining those comforts for which the working man has a right to look must bo permanently frustrated. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is the effect of these doctrines of ransom and restitution ? And what is the effect of turning back to divide again the fragments that remain of wealth that boon already earned ? Why, the effect is that every capitalist, be ho large or small, will be more or less inclined to button up his pockets, and while he haa money he can do what ho pleases with it; he may take it into some foreign land where Mr. Cham' berlain's doctrines are still unknown, and Mr. Chamberlain's doctrines—(groans)—don't groan at them; they are the unique possession of this country, and would not be tolerated in any other country on the surface of the globe. (Cheers.) But so long aa the capitalist has hia money in hia own hands, or so long aa lie keeps it abroad, he ia safe; but if ho invests it in this country, in manufactures, in raDways, in the digging of docks, in the improvement of land, in the build- ing of houses, from that moment he ia exposed to the action of a.ny Legislature that may arise that may bo under Mr. Chamberlain's guidance. (" Oh, oh," and Never.") And he knows the risk he runs. Of course, hia impulse is either not to expose it to that risk at all, or only to expose it under such conditions as shall ensure him an enor- mous pront to compensate him for the danger ho undergoes. MR. CHAMBERLAIN'S PROPOSALS—BABBAROUS AND UNCIVILISED. These doctrines of ransom and restitution awe not new; they are no discovery of Mr. Chamber- Ifun'a. They are the common property of every barbarous and uncivilised Government. (Loud cheera.) And in those countries the invariable effect is that they drive capital out of the land, that they starve industry, that the population melts away, and the prosperity and the glory of those countries depart from them. (Hear. hear.) We are far from that extremity yet—(loud cheers) —but I think I see in the depression that is around us that some of that poison is working in our veins. (Hear, hear.) Depend upon it, tha army of industry must look forward. It must go forward, with splendid nelds before it in which to conquer, with a splendid future, in which its combatants may rejoice. Do not let it turn back from that most magnincent prospect in order to quarrel over the miserable fragments of the wealth gathered in times gone by. POSITION OF THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH. Now, Mr. Boord has mentioned to you a subject which occupies, I think, the feelings of the people of this country at tins moment even more acutely than those great economical questions on which you have so kindly attended to me. It is the question of the Church (Cheers.) And why has it come forward? Well, if you are to believe a cloud of witnesses, I am the sinner. (Laughter.) If you believe Lord Granville, Lord Hartington, Lord Spencer, and several others, the Church question ia simply brought forward now because I have had the recklessness to push it forward. (Cries of No.) As a noble colleague of mine said last night, there never was a more brilliant exemplification of the fable of the wolf and the Iamb. (Hear, hear.) Just look at what really happened. Lord Spencer,! see, last night informed us that though Mr. Chamberlain bad m- daed mentioned it.wbich was a tact—(a laugh)—yet they had his assurance that the question was not one which waa likely to be taken up in the next Parliament (" Oh.") But that ia what Lord Spencer says Mr. Chamberlain declared. Now, what does history say ? Here is what Mr. Chamberlain said in writing to Mr. Taylor Innes :— I am now sanguine that we shall be able to crown the edi6ee of reUgioaa equality. My hope &nd betief, con- firmed M they have been by the experience of my recent visit, are that StIch an expression of opinion will be obtained M will justify the tenders of the Liberal party in giving the question of disest",bliahment a prominent p)Me ia any future programme. (Cheera.) Thetis what Lord Spencer calls Mr.Cham- berlain's undertakinar that it shall not be pressed forward. (Laughter.) You know what it was that induced us to call the attention of the country to the danger that was before us. Lord Granvillo says I have disturbed a sleeping lion. (Laughter.) Wel), I should not give that name exactly to the wild beast we have disturbed. (Laughter.) But, at all events, if ho were asleep, his sleep was of a most extraordinary character. Not only had you this announcement from Mr. Chamberlain, the most active and energetic of the Liberal leaders; not only had you hia denunciation of the Church, couched in language of the utmost acrimony, and delivered both at Glasgow and at Bradford, but you had this very remarkable phenomenon, that you had 500 Liberal candidates pledged already for disestablisbmbnt. Do you ca!I that a sleeping lion? (Laughter.) When the matter was brought before the leaders of the Liberal party notice what took place. DECLARATION OF LIBERAL LEADERS. Lord Derby thought the Church must go, and recommended offering Wales as an instalment,. (Laughter.) Mr. Goschen declined to pledge himself for or against it; but, when pushed into a corner, he said he would do precisely what Mr. Gladstone did. (Laughter.) Mr. Gladstone said ho could not discern the dim and distant courses of the future, but that he did not think it would do people so much harm as they thought. (Laughter.) Now, perhaps you will think, as Mr. Gladstone seems to think himself, that was a comforting expression of opinion to the friends of the Church. I want you to interpret Mr. Gladstone's language as it ought to be interpreted, namely, by Mr. Gladstone's own former language. You must not interpret Japanese by Chinese. (Cheers.) You must not interpret Mr. Gladstone's sentences by the language of ordinary Englishmen. Mr. Glad- stone must be interpreted by Mr. Gladstone, and by no other interpreter. (Cheers and laughter.) Now I want you. remembering the dim and dis- tant courses of futurity," to hear what Mr. Glad- stone said about the Irish Church two years and a half before he moved the resolution which destroyed it. (Hear, hear.) It was on June the 7th, 1865— remember that it was ear!y in 1868 that he moved the resolutions by which the Irish Church was destroyed. Ee said:— The question is remote-(Iaughter)-and, apparently, Ollt of aU bearing on the practical politics of the day. (Laughter.) Then at the end of the latter he expressed a hope that the gentleman he was writing to would— See and approve my reasons for not wishing to carry my own mind further iuto a. question lying at a. distance which I cannot measure. (Laughter and cheers.) These are the "dim and distant courses of futurity." (Laughter.) We know exactly what they mean, they mean two years or three years. (Loud cheers.) Now, we might have been misled by this language once before, but surely we shall never betaken in again. (Cheers.) However, Lord Hartington thinks us very unreasonable, and that it is nothing but my recklessness, urged by the vilest party motives, that could have induced me to call the attention of the people of England to this question. A PARABLE FOR LORD HARTINGTON. Wel], I should like to put the matter to Lord Hartington in the form of a parable. Suppose, instead of living in these wild days, we were living rh days when biils of pains and penalties were often passed in Acts of Parliament involving tha decapitation of gentlemen who were men- tioned in the enactments. You know, it was an ordinary way of disposing of an adversary some two or three hundred years ago. I wouid ask Lord Hartington whether, supposing the question was not one of a Bill for the diaestablishmont of the Church, but a Bill for the decapitation of the Marquess of Hartington; supposing that was the question in discussion supposing that he found that 300 Liberal candidates had pledged them- selves in its favour; supposing ho found that the most advanced and active and determined Liberal leaders of the day had declared unequivocally in its favour, and resolved to obtain a declaration in favour of it from the next Parliament; and supposing that he found that of the other leaders of the Liberal party one said it was certain to come, and pro- posed taking one of his legs as an instalment— (cheers and laughter)—and another said that it was still in "the dim and distinct courses of futurity," and a third said he would not pledge himself either way, but would vote as the others did—I want to know would he feel that abso- lute quietude of mind which he recom- mends to us; would ho abstain entirely from wishing to escape whole; would ho think it a sin of unexampled recklessness and detes- table party spirit if he tried to appeal to the people of England to reject that Bill for his own decapitation. (Cheers.) Well, then, I submit to him that if the symptoms of the coming tempest are discerned by those to whom the Chttnlh &f England ia dear as his own life ia to no right to impute it to vilest party motives ;Or unexampled reeklessnosa if they appeal to the only judge who rules in thia country to prevent such a disastrous decree from being carried out. (Cheera.) I quite understand Mr. Gladstone's motives. MR. GLADSTONE'S POSITION. He la largely supported by the political Dissenters, to whom this measure ia detestable. and, therefore, ho relegates this matter to the dim period of the distant future. Well, if that is a noble and honourable position for a man of his history I will leave to his contemporaries to judge. (Hear, hear.) I will only aay that I am quite certain it ia a courae which would not have been adopted by the Mr. Gladstone of 40 yeara ago. (Hear, hear.) Lord Hartington, in his speech to which I have referred, evidently showed signs of much perplexity and dimculty of mind. THE MINISTRY OF IRRESOLUTION. There is something quite pathetic in hia appeal to his adversaries to know what he ought to do. (Laughter.) Ho discusses all the possible alterna- tives that could present themselves to him, and he dismisses them with despair; he begins by saying that ho is afraid that ho and his friends could not form a party by them- selves. If by hia friends he means Lord Derby and Mr. Goschen, I should say that it would be one of the most remarkable parties that English history lias yet presented. There was at the be- ginning of the century a Ministry known as All the Talents," but this would be a Ministry of All the Irresolutions." (Cheers and laughter.) Can inner counsels? The "Egyptian skeleton and Rip Van Winkle "—(laughter- trying to make up their minda, and Lord Derby steadily pouring cold water upon both. (Renewed laughter.) He then goes on to say, with very natural hesitation. Are you really in earnest in desiring us to come over to you?" Well, that is a very dimcult question to answer without incivility. (Loud laughter.) I will only say that I have;been taught not to covet or desire other men's goods, and that I only, without in the least wishing to rob the Liberal party of the trea- sures they possess, hope that when they have a great decision to take they may be com- pelled to depend on Lord Derby, and that when they have an unpopular opinion to support by vote as well as by speech they may bo compelled to depend on Mr. Goschen. (Cheers and laughter.) But Lord Hartington goes on to point out that 1'e and his friends have fulnHed a very remarkable function in party history. As I understand, ho tells us that the only result of his leaving the Radical party was not to diminish their power—that was very modest on his part— but would be to make them more Radical than they were before. I understand that the functions which the Whigs perform in the Radical camp is to cling about the legs of the Radical combatants and prevent them from advancing to the charge. I don't know that I should like myself to have that part assigned to me in political life, but. of course, tastes diifer in that matter. (Laughter.) But how his Radical friends like to be assured that this is the duty which it is the function of himself and colleagues to perform I confess it passes my imagination to conceive. But I fear that he deceives himself in thinking that the Whiga are performing any such useful omce as that which he claims to them in. the present state of politics, and no doubt aome time after tha Reform Bill, so long as they retained their dominating power, they performed a very useful function in the State. THE WHIGS. They governed, and they did not allow the extreme men on their own side to usurp the reins of power. But that function has long ago passed away from them. They are reduced to the alternative of proving by admirable argument that they ought not to yield, and then showing by their votes that they see no alternative but yielding. They give to the confederated—I will not call it a united party—they give to the confederated party, a. certain air of respectability, and they have been compared, not inaptly, to those nne names which you sometimes see on the prospectus of a doubtful company, and which represent, not the real working men or governing spirits of the affair, but only those who com- mend it to the ignorant public outside. I am afraid that the predatory Radical is a domi- nant animal in the Liberal menagerie. (Laughter.) But it owes it entirely to tha Whigs if hb is able to provide some fragments of sheep's clothing to hide the familiar lineaments of his species. (Cheers.) LORD SALISBURY'S DEFENCE OF THE CHURCH. Now. Lord Granville has bitterly attacked me because my language in the defence of the Church has been passionate. I will not retort the accusa- tion. (Hear, hear.) He was never guilty of passionate language iu the defence of anything m his life. (Cheers and laughter.) But if our language is passionate in defence of the Church it is because wo have the misfortune to believe ia the causes which we sustain, and are attached to the convictions which we are trying to uphold. (Cheers.) I confess, when I think of the tremendous issue which the present crisis of politics bring before us, I recoil with something Jike disgust from the partisan and Parlia- mentary calculations with which Lord Har. tington has approached them. (Cheers.) It is a matter to us of small importance whether he and his friends sit on tins side of the House or the other, or support this Ministry or that. What we wish to know is what part men of political leading are about to take in the great issues of the day. (Cheers.) I am glad to see in this morning's paper that many of the best known names the moderate Liberal side —(cheers)—have stepped courageously forward, and, without renouncing in the least degree their political opinions,bave proclaimed that this matter stands in the front rank, and that they will not sanction by their assistance or support any Parlia- mentary candidate who will not promise to support the Church—(cheera)—be he Liberal or bo he Conservative. (Cheers.) That, on this subject, is the spirit which I wish to see adopted. If the Church can be saved by mode- rate Liberal votes which will not support a Con- servative Government, let the Church be saved— (loud cheers)—and let the Conservative party go to the wall. (Hear, hear.) We are sure that the critical time has come, in apite of &I1 the conndent assertions that are made. We gather it from the distinct and acrimonious language of the most conndent of the Radical leaders, we gather it from the pledges secretly obtained from the vast majority of Liberal candidates, we gather it more than anything else from the stammering disclaimera and awkward subterfuges of those who try to persuade us to the contrary, and in the presence of such an issue we cannot stand on mere party interest. (Cheers.) Wo are defending a Church which haa existed for centuries before the supreme duty of adhering to the Liberal party was foisted into the moderation decalogue. (Cheers.) The Church, as we believe, wHl last long after the very names of the English politicians of the present day are forgotten—(loud cheers)—and we will support her cause without stint and without sparing. We will sacrince to it every other con- sideration that moves ua. (Loud cheering, during which the noble marquesa, who had spoken a little over an hour, resumed his seat.) The proceedings closed with the usual compli- ment to the chairman for presiding.

LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL AT WORCESTER. THE RADICAL CRY FOR DISESTAB- LISHMENT. WHAT THE TORIES SHOULD DO. Lord Randolph Churchill was entertained on Tuesday at a luncheon in the Guild-hall Worcester, by the Conservative Association, the chair being taken by Mr. C. Fidcock, the president of the association. The banquet room was nlled, many ladies being present. In responding to the toast of his own health, Lord RANDOLPH CHURcniLL referred at some length to the question of the maintenance of the Established Church. He reminded his audience of the recent tetter in which Mr. Gladstone had stated that disestablishment could not be regarded as a question immediately before the country, while he had asserted that the Toriea were making use of the Church in order to blind the eyes of the electors to the true nature of the controversy now before the country. It reminded him of the table uf the wolf and the Iamb, and he was surprised to find the statement reiterated by the Marquess of Hartington..In fact, not knowing how to characterise it, ho should have been obliged to resort to the forcible lan- guage of Lord Iddesleigh, and have called it a good, stout, thumping lie." (Cheers and laughter.) But ho had a constitutional objection to strong language. Nevertheless, he believed the accusation to be thoroughly fa!se. (Hear, hear.) Tha Tory party would never lightly raise the cry of the Church in danger." (Cheers.) They vatued it too deeply and believed in it too strongly ever to use it as an electioneering question. (Cheers.) Tha fact was that white Mr. Gladstone was away on the coast of Norway Mr. Chamberlain, who appeared to be the real loader of the Liberal party—(hear, hear) —had said on more than one occasion that the Church was to be disestablished and disendowed that funds might be procured for the support of a free, compulsory, and secondary education. Moreover, no less than 370 Liberal candidates were pledged to vote for disestabtishment, and even Mr. Treve)yan had lately declared that the question was in a position when, the agricultural popula- tion having been called into council, it might be decided. This being so, the question was before the country, but the conSict had been unsought by the Tory party. (Hear, hear.) What was to be the course of that party under the circumstances ? Ought they to take the advice of Lord Hartington, which was to keep quiet, procrastinate, and leave the matter to chance This policy of procrastination had been the ideal policy of Mr. Gladstone's Government, but the Tory party did not intend to adopt such a policy on the question of the Established Church. (Cheers.) They would not have it said that if the Church were disestablished they were too late. (Cheers.) The Church could not exist as a threatened institution; they could tolerate no ambiguity on this subject; it could not bo allowed to remain on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) Such a position would not oniy impair the usefulness of the Church, but woutd detract from the sacred dignity of its origin. As, however, the question was before the country it must be de- cided upon. But if the Liberals wished to relieve and lighten the issue he (Lord R. Churchill) would point out a way. When Mr. Gladstone was in Midlothian let some elector ask him would he, as leader of the Liberal party, whether in or out of omce, support or oppose a motion for the disestablishment of the Church of England. (Cheers.) If Mr. Gladstone said decidedly ho would oppose such a motion, then they could afford to let the matter remain quiet, but if he gave an evasive or equivocal answer, then the supporters of the Church would bo blind indeed if they did not use all their efforts to obtain from the people of England a clear and decided expression of opinion in favour of the ancient connection between Church and State. (Cheers.) It would be foolish to attempt to fore- tell the result of the coming election, but, per- sonaliy, ho felt no alarm on that point. (Cheers.) The English were a just people, not prone to pre- judice or violent caprice while they were gifted with great common sense, which he believed would demand the maintenance of Lord Salisbury's Government. (Cheers.) PUBLIC MEETING. In the evening a public meeting was held in the Skating Rink, which was crammed long be- fore Lord Randolph ChurchiU'a arrival, the number of persons present being estimated at about 5,000. The chair was taken by Colonel StaHard, who brieBy introduced Lord Randolph Churchill to the meeting. Lord RANDOLPH CnuRCHiLL, who was received with loud and protracted cheering, the audience singing For he'a a jolly good fe)Iow," began by remarking that one of the chief charms of political life was that it enabled those who engaged in it to visit many spots with which they would otherwise be unacquainted. He welcomed the opportunity of paying his present visit to Wor- cester, and waa glad to see so large a gathering of those who rallied round the Monarchy of this country. Having referred in eulogistic terms to the support rendered to the Tory party by Mr. George Allsopp, who was his host on that occasion, the noble lord went on to say that, although ho would rather finish his speech at that point, he saw below him the inexorable members of tho press, and felt that he was bound to make some few re- marks on the public questions of the day. In draw- ing attention to the foreign affaira of the country, he remarked that there was nothing which more influenced Lord Salisbury and his colleagues in their acceptance of omce than the intensely alarming con- dition of our relations with foreign Powers and the desire of the present Government to do something to ameliorate the condition into which the late Government had brought the country. It might have been convenient.but would not have been patriotic, to allow the late Government to go on stowing in their own juice; but the gravity and danger of the position outweighed all other considerations. Although the present Government had been but a short time in oiBce. they had been able to restore confidence and order in Egypt and in Asia. Doubtless their progress would have been greater but for Mr. Gladstone's address, in which he had pronounced in favour of an immediate evacuation of Egypt. That announcement had done immense mischief; the nerco and fanatical Arab tribes had already concentrated in Dongola, and were probably preparing for a Nid into Upper Eg-ypt. It waa possible that the mission of Sir H. Wolff would bo effectual in persuading the Arab chiefs that their interests did not lie in war, but, at any rate, he (Lord R. Churchill) wished to know whether the English people desired a repetition of the bloodshed and disaster that had occurred under Mr. Gladstone's Government. He did not think the English nation would consent to Mr. Gladstone's policy of scuttle, which, if it were to be followed, would cause all Europe to cry shame on the English Government. As it was, the work of placing England in harmony with the European Powers had been begun and was being persisted in. It was, of course, in the power of the country to dismiss the Government, but if they had to retire they would do so with a full consciousness that no Government had ever done more to restore good and friendly relations with foreign Powers. If. however, Mr. Gladstone were restored to omce this work would necessarily bo reversed, and it should be understood that most of the European Powers entertained an intense dislike of Mr. Gladstone. (Hear, hear.) Sir W. Harcourt had, some time ago, admitted this dis- trust and dislike on the part of the European Powers, and had said it was a signal proof of the exceilence of Mr. Gladstone's foreign policy—as had been the case with Lord Palmerston. But it should bo re- membered that, while Lord Palmerston was feared, Mr. Gladstone was merely disliked. And Lord Palmerston had, on the whole, a knack of getting his own way, which could not be said of the late Liberal Government, who, when they trod on the toes of other nations, apologised and surrendered, and proved themselves in the eyes of the Europoan Powers a clumsy, awkward, shifty, and cowardly set of fellows. (Hear, hear.) Recently, when the late Government was being embarrassed in its Egyptian policy by representations from Berlin, it waa said by a friend of his (Lord R. Churchill) in relation to the attack made on another, that it was not so much the attack that had damaged the English Government as the way in which they receded from it. (Hear, hear.) Austria accepted Mr. Gladstone's apology with a shrug of the shoulders, but at the same time it was impossible to exaggerate the effect that incident had had in the failure of Mr. Gladstone's foreign policy. Looking from Egypt to India, the magnitude of the task the Government hadto perform would be easily understood; but if Mr. Gladstone were replaced in power how could the country believe or hope that his Government would do better in its foreign policy in 1886 than it had done in 1884-5 ? How had the late Governmentemployedita time since it had been out of omce? (A voLce: "Felling trees.") It was true that Mr. Gladstone had been thinning the wooda and groves of Hawarden, but besides this, his colleagues had been constantly quarreHing with each other. Lord Rosebery had recently said of the condition of the Liberal party in Scotland that they found the Liberal members nying at each other'a throats, so that in the hurly-burly the Tories might come in victorious. He thanked Lord Rosebery for that description of the present state of the Liberal party, in which everybody was shown to bo pushing and jostling everybody else. If the country deliberately conMed to the late Government the management of its. affairs, it would bo sinning againat the light, and repudiating the evidence of facta and experience in a manner that might bo fatal to the beat interests of the Empire. Passing from the consideration of foreign aSaira to matters of home and international politics, the noble ]ord turned to the question of Parliamentary procedure, tha importance of which, he said, could not be exaggerated. The question was, what was required in the reform of procedure, and who should bo entrusted with it. What was needed was, not greater rapidity, but greater regularity and excellence of procedure, and this ought not to be the work of any Govern- ment, but of the whole House. He thought the House might well be relieved of much of its private business, and that much of this reform might be done by the extension of the system of Provisional Orders, and by giving the newly- created Grand Committees power to deal with Bills both in the committee and the report stage. He a!so advocated an alteration in the hours of meeting of the House of Commons. At present the House met at the close of the day,when the members werd already exhausted by the attention they had to giva to other matters. This did not matter years ago, when the work of the House was not so heavy as now; but the time h&d arrived when, by reason of the large amount of business to be done, the work of Parliament ought to be com- menced at some reasonab!e hour which would enable its duties to be curtailed after the dinner hour, when very often, for some reason or other, members often began to be quarrelsome. As it was, millions were often voted at late hours with very imperfect consideration, and a reform was certainly needed in this respect. But. beyond all this, it was necessary that the country should have a Government on which it could at ail times depend, and he was sure it would never tolerate any measures that would impair the freedom and emciency of the English House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Chamber. lain—(groans)—had recommended the placing of dictatorial powers in the hands of the Speaker. This was part of the Radical programme of com- pulsion and despotism. How, he asked, would Mr. Chamberlain, in 1869, have liked a Tory Speaker to have possessed dictatorial powers when he and Sir W. V. Harcourt and Sir C. Dilke made no less than 487 speeches against the then Tory Government. (Hear, hear.) He could not conceive any circumstance that would render such a course desirable or safe. The Speaker was the mouthpiece of the House and not its master, and in all these cases it was necessary to distin- guish between obstruction and opposition. As it was, the Speaker had ample powers against ob- struction, and the House would always assist him in their enforcement. The question was, Which partv was it desirable to entrust with these re- forms in Parliamentary procedure ? Ho thought he could make out a very good case for the Tory party. Referring to the procedure of 1878, the noble lord asserted that in that year it was noto- rious that Sir W. Harcourt and Sir C. Dilke were running backwards and forwards to Mr. Parnell and his friends during the obstruction then being practised, and the proposals made by Sir Stafford Northcoto at that time were met with opposition from the Liberal party. Since then the late Govern- ment had carried a very large scheme of reform in Parliamentary procedure, and yet Mr. Glad- stone, nnding this had failed, had the audacity to propose that he should again be allowed to deal with the matter. Would it not be more reasonable that the Tory party should now be allowed to try their hands at the question ? The charges brought against the Tories on this subject were false, and if the pre- sent Government were returned to omce they would endeavour to deal with all the questions submitted to them so as to obtain the co-operation of all parties, so that what was done might be effec- tual, tangible, and permanent. (Loud cheers.) In conclusion, the noble lord reminded Ms audience that from the time the present Government had been. in omce the country had been enabled to learn what they might reasonably and rightly ex- pect from tlie retention of a Tory Government in power. (Cheers.) He was quite sure and conn- dent that if the people of England would give Lord Salisbury's Government a fair trial, fair play, and common justice they would have no cause to regret their choice. (Loud and con- tinued cheers.) A vote of conMeace in her Majesty's Govern- ment was then agreed to, and the proceedings terminated.

MR. CHAMBERLAIN. Mr. Chamberlain on Tuesday evening addressed the electors oi West Birmingham in support of his candidature for that division. The meeting was held in the Town-hall, and there waa a crowded attendance. Mr. Councillor Paynton was the chairman. Mr. CHAMBERLAIN, on rising, waa received with loud cheers. He eaid be accepted with pride and satisfaction the candidature for that constituency, and he relied on their support and earnestness to place him at the top of the pel! with a majority which would encourage and streng- then him in their further service. (Cheers.) His previous personal connection with that division made it a special pleasure for him to represent them. He was told that he was to be opposed—(laughter and cheers)—and he wag glad of it. (Cheers.) That was'the only way in which they would be able to know their own strength. Ho need not speak to them about the importance of the coming election; but be hoped that Birmingham would once more lead the van of the party of liberty and progress. Ho supposed they must treat the candidature of Lord Randolph Churchill as serious, although ho did not think for a moment that they in Birming- ham would repeat the injustice which Manchester did to the veteran statesman, Mr. Bright. Lord Randolph ChurcbiU had recently been in Birming- ham, and delivered three speeches, which had been described as dull. That might be so, but they were something more: they were decorous. Lord R. Churchill had improved since he came into omce. Ho had two manners. There waa the later manner, the manner of the statesman and the Cabinet Minister; and the earlier manner, the manner of the free lance and the leader of the Forth Party. (Laughter.) But the difference in the manner was not more striking than the difference in the matter. In the old times ho was very original, definite, and suggestive. In his speeches there had been scarcely an allusion to domestic policy, although there was a time when Lord R. Churchill had a. domestic policy of his own. Why did he not now say anything about the enfranchisement of households or his proposal to put an import duty on food ? Why did bo treat with such scant respect the socialistic proposals which he once mooted to the reporter of the Pall iI/all Gazette? Why, above all, was he silent on tba question of Ireland? (Cheers.) No doubt ho could have told them very much that would be very interest- ing as to the arrangements in accordance with which the Government now held omco by the grace of Mr. Parnell and by the favour of Mr. Healy. Why had he not spoken of the present state of that distracted country ? Why had he not told them of the measures he and his party had in view in order to restore peace and order to that kingdom? His present programme was shorn down to suit the exigencies of his party, and it was because he was muzzled by omco that Lord Randolph Churchill invited him (Mr. Chamberlain) to leave all those ques- tions, in order to follow him into a barren recri- mination as to the Dual Control and the Joint Note. Lord R. Churchill was like the fox in the fable; his brush was cut off, and he was very angry because he (the speaker) would not consent to a similar amputation. (Loud laughter and cheers.) Lord R. Churchill com- plained that he always spoke about the future. Why, there could not bo a more essential distinction between the two great parties. It was just as natural for the Radical to look forward as it waa for the Tory to cast longing glances behind him. (Cheers.) It was because the Conservatives had no policy for the future in regard to domestic affairs that they were so anxious to distract the people's attention and to call it off to the consideration of what they called the Liberals' mistakes and failures in the past. Although the Liberals had committed mistakes it was still less satisfactory for their Tory opponents, and it would be safer for the electors to entrust the future to the men who admitted that they had made mistakes rather than to those who were, even in penance, planning sins anew, and who had not shown the slightest compunction either about the errors which they had jointly committed with the Liberals, or as to those greater errors which they would have committed if they had only had the power. (Cheers.) Speaking of the Radical proposals, Mr. Chamber- lain said Lord Hartington wished for inquiry, and if there were any considerable body of Liberals who desired further information he did not think that it lay with the Radicals to object, providing always that the inquiry was bonâ /M<, and not intended as a sham, merely to delay or to prevent reform upon which they had set their hearts. (Cheers.) Again, as to compulsory sale of land for allotments, Lord R. Churchill said that the Marquess of Hartington and Mr. Goschen were opposed to hia (Mr. Chamberlain's) views. Well, Lord Hartington was entitled to the fullest and most respectful conside- ration m anything that ho might say. (Cheers.) Lord Hartington was their leader in the time of their greatest depression; ho ha.d fought with them and for them in all their battles; he said he had never deserted them. (Cheers.) He had been in the front whenever the army had moved forward, but Mr. Goschen was in a dif- ferent position. Mr. Goschen had fought on the other side. Ho did Ins best to make victory impossible, and now, when they had won the nght without his assistance and in spite of his opposition.he came forward and proffered his aid upon conditions which would make it impossible for some of them to continue in active service. (Cheers.) That was an offer which surely required careful consideration. Lord Hartington warned them that, with regard to the litnd proposals, there were dimculties to be removed and objections to be met, and he said he desired to reserve his nnal judg- ment. In consideration of Lord Hartington's past services they were bound to do all in their power to meet his wishes, and, if possible, overcome his objections. (Cheers.) But Mr. Goschen was in a different position. If they did not proscribe Mr. Goschen, they must protest against his pretension to limit the extent of the Liberal creed.

GLAMORGANSHIRE. THE WESTERN OR GOWER DIVISION. MR. MIERS' CANDIDATURE. Mr. Miers held a meeting at Llansamlet on Thursday evening, Mr. F. R. Glyn-Price presiding. Amongst those present were Mr. Herbert Moore (Lonlas), Mr. J. C. Vye-Parminter, Dr. E. R- Morgan, Mr. J. Kempthorne, Mr. Reea Smith, Dr. Walters, Llansamlet. &c. On Saturday evening a meeting of the sup- porters and friends of Mr. Miers, the Conservative candidate for the Gower Division, waa held at the Wern Schools, Ystaiyfera. Dr. Thomas presided, and there was a good attendance.—The Chairman, In opening the proceedings, commented on the gross errors committed by the late Government, ascribed their resignation to cheer inability to carry on the work deputed to them, and appealed to the electors to refrain from contributing M the renewal of their lease of power. He introduced Mr. Miers aa being a gentleman interested in their welfare, worthy of their support, and capable in every way to represent them at Westminster. Mr. MtERs, who, on rising, was received with much cheering, said that, though his visit tbero was not so much to speak a,a to organise a work- ing committee, still it gave him great pleasure to address them briefly. In a concise, lucid, and logically-arranged speech, he dealt with the most important of the electioneering quaations. Ha criticised the foreign policy of the late Adminis- tration, and showed how important it was to the trade of England that a hrm foreign policy should be pursued. Ho did not support free education, maintaining that, indirectly, the cost would fall upon the working class. He commented brieny upon and advocated Fair Trade principles, and concluded by seeking the support of the electors present, pledging himself to do hia utmost for the good of the community at large. A couple of questions asked by a Republican were satisfactorily answered by Mr. Miers; and the passing of a resolution pledging the meeting to support hia candidature brought the proceedings to a close. The meeting was most orderly. A Conservative meeting was held at LIangyfe- lach on Monday night in the open air in support of the candidature of Mr. Miers. Mr. J. T. D. Llewelyn presided. Mr. LLEWELYN said he had so long lived among them that b8 bad some claim upon their patience to listen to him in speaking on questions of progress in this country, education, thrift, and temperance. (Cheers, and a Voice: The Established Church.") He and his father before him had provided for a school; that school had now been taken by the School Board, and the ratepayers had to pay for it. It was taken thus from his shoulders and placed upon the shoulders of the ratepayers. But he had given that money to the University College of Cardiff. (Loud cheers.) Mr. MiERS also addressed the meeting, and answered several questions. MR. YEO'S CANDIDATURE. Mr. Yeo held a meeting at Pontardulais on Saturday afternoon, at which Sir Hussey Vivian took the chair. A most uproarious meeting was held in the Mumbles Assembly-room on Monday evening, when Mr. Yeo, the Liberal candidate for the Western Division, appeared to address the electors. From nrst to last the gathering was most dis- orderly, the audience refusing to listen to Mr. Yeo with anything hke quietude. At the opening of hia address it was insinuated that, though he had lived in the Mumbles for so many years, he had not benentted the place to any extent. At the conclusion of the meeting a number of ques- tions were asked by several Conservatives present and elicited answers not quite satisfactory to those present. In the midst of the questioning an attempt was made to eject an energetic Conser- vative, and the attempt resulted in something closely approaching a free nght. The person was ultimately ejected, but his absence did not im- prove the temper of the meeting.—Mr. Abel Thomas moved, and Mr. C. T. WHson seconded, a vote of conndence in Mr. Yeo.—Mr. Nicholl Morgan moved an amendment, which, on being put to the meeting, was carried by a fair majority. The Radicals afterwards retired discomntted.

RHONDDA DIVISION. MABON'S CANDIDATURE. Mabon," the Rhondda labour candidate, ad- dressed a public meeting at Nebo Chapel, Heolfach, on Friday evening, and at the Tynewydd Schools en Saturday evening. MR. F. L. DAVIS AT TREHERBERT. DEFEAT OF THE RADICAL RESOLUTION. On Monday evening Mr. F. L. Davis, the Liberal candidate for the Rhondda Division, addressed a public meeting at the Public-hal], Treherbert, when the chair was occupied by Mr. Alfred Thomas, weigher, Rbondda Merthyr Colliery.—Mr. Havard, shoemaker, moved, and Mr. E. Cule, grocer, seconded, a vote of conndenco in Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues.—Mr. F. L. Davia supported the resolution, and dealt with the usual political topics.—A resolution pledging the meeting to sup- port Mr. Davis's candidature was moved amid con. siderable disturbance, but on being put to the meeting it was negatived, the majority voting against it.

EASTERN DIVISION. MR. G. L. CLARK AT PONTLOTTYN. On Saturday evening Mr. G. L. Ciark, Conser. vative candidate for the Eastern Division of Glamorganshire, addressed a crowded meeting at the Board School, Pontlottyn. Captain Williams, of Maesyrhyddid, occupied the chair, and upon the platform were the Rev. LI. Williams, vicar of Ponblottyn, and Messrs. Thos. Jenkins (Dowlais), Lewis Lewis, and T. A. G. Hamilton. The CHAIRMAN, in his introductory 1:í!marks, said that the forthcoming election was one of momen- tous importance, and ho charged all new electors to consider carefully the manner in which they would record their votes. Mr. Gr. L. CLABK, who waa received with loud applause, denied that the Liberal Government had fulnlled the promises which secured their return in 1880, and, having referred to the desira- bility of a practical measure for simplifying the sale and transfer of land and a comprehensive scheme of county government, ho vigorously con- demned the free education fiasco, and exposed the extreme absurdity of trying to make men sober by Act of Parliament. The disestablishment of the Church he declared himself to bo entirely opposed to, and disendowmont ho regarded as nothing more nor less than connscation. Ho passed somoj severe criticisms upon the conduct of the Liberal party in withholding themselves from the Royal Commission on Trade, and bo expressed a hope that the electors of East Glamor- gan would see that the Conservative Government had devoted far greater attention to the interests of the country than the Liberal Government, and vote accordingly. A resolution in favour of Mr. dark's candidature was moved in Welsh by a Conservative working man named Davies, and was seconded by the Rev. LI. Williams, the vicar, who combatted with cutting severity the innated arguments of the so-called Liberation Society.—An unbearded youth, who had evidently been practising in a local De- bating Society for the occasion, moved a counter resolution in a speech full of weary platitudes and puerile ideaa, but at); the vote the meeting de- clared itself in favour of Mr. dark. MEETING AT TREHARRIS. A meeting of the electors was hold at the Assembly-rooms of the Navigation Hotel, Tre- harris, on Monday night, to hear an address from Mr. Godfrey L. dark, the Conservative candidate for the Eastern Parliamentary Division of Glamor- ganshire, which was very well attended.—Mr. J. Price, the resident manager of the Harris'Navi' gation Colliery, took the chair, and in a tew woll- chosen remarks introduced Mr. CIark,who on rising was warmly applauded. Mr. dark spoke upon the several questions set forth in his previous addresses which have already appeared, and, on resuming his seat, Mr. W. Lewis, Harris' Navigation Colliery, proposed a resolution pledging the meeting to sup- port the candidature of Mr. dark, which was warmly supported.—A Mr. J. Daviea moved an amendment, aaking the meeting to support Mr. Alfred Thomas's candidature.—The amendment and resolution were both put to the meeting, which was decidedly in favour of Mr. dark. MR. ALFRED THOMAS AT HENGOED. A Liberal meeting of the electors was held at Hengoed Welsh Baptist Chapel on Wednesday night, to hear an address from Mr. Alfred Thomas, of Cardiff, the Liberal candidate for the Eastern Parliamentary Division of Glamorganshire. There were present about 250 men, women, and young boys and girls, there being a goodly number o! the latter among the audience. —The Rev. Maxwell Lloyd, of Ystrad Mynacb, took the chair.—Mr. Alfred Thomas delivered an address, which fell very nat on the audience.— Mr. Lewis Evana, of Cwm.yr-AIlt, asked if the farmers would have to pay tithes after the Church was disestablished.—Mr. Thomas replied Yes."— A vote of conndence io Mr. Thomas was passed.

SOUTRERN"DIVISION. MR. J. T. D. LLEWELYN AT WHITCHURCH. Mr. J. T. D. Llewelyn addressed the elec- tors of Whitchurch at the National School, Whitchurch, on Wednesday. Mr. Henry Lewis, Greenmeadow, presided, and there were present on the platform—Mrs. Lewis and party, Mrs. Llewelyn, Mrs. Booker and Miss Booker, Mrs. Ingledew, Mr. T. W. Booker, Mr. Grifnth Phillips, Me. Gay, Mr. Hearne, Mr. George, &e. Mr. LLEWELYN, on rising, waa received with cheers. He said that while he was in favour of maintaining the Constitution of the country, still there were certain things which necessitated them moving onward. The nrst item of the Constitution which he wished to maintain was the Throne, and the second was the House of Commons and the House of Lords. Referring to the large expenditure of the Liberal Government, he said that, whatever party was returned, every effort should be made to lower the expenditure. With reference to local government, he said he would welcome the advent of a new board to manage the county nnances. In conclusion, he said he should like a good system of Free Trade established. A resolution of conndence in Mr. Llewelyn was carried amidst cheers.

SWANSEA" TOWN. MR. MEREDYTH'S CANDIDATURE. A meeting in support of the candidature of Mr. Meredyth was held at Waunwon on Tuesday even. ing, Mr. Alderman Glasbrook presiding. There was a large attendance, and, contrary to the general expectations, the audience was a most orderly one. Mr. MEBEDYTH, who devoted his speech cbieny to the treatment of the Free Trade question, said they were suffering from great depression of trade in the country just now. As a people of 36,000,000 ruling over 300.000,000 it was their duty to look carefully after the interests of their trade. The Conservatives believed in absolute freedom from tariff all over the world. But that was impossible. The Fair Trade argument had been defined as seek- ing by some more practical means than mere argument, example, and persuasion to secure, and, if need be, to oblige the nations of the world to accord us, that free and equal exchange of com- modities which was the essence of real Free Trade. In adopting Fair Trade they were following the opinion of Adam Smith, the greatest of all political economists. So that not only was it supported by common sense, but by every precept of political economy. Mr. Meredyth addressed a meeting of the electors at Port Teonant on Wednesday evening, and was well received.

RADNORSHIRE. THE HON. ARTHUR WALSH'S CANDIDATURE. A very large and enthusiastic meeting was held !n the National School, Nactmel, on Tuesday evening, to hear a oolitical address from the Hoa. Arthur Walah, the Conservative candidate for Radnorshire. Mr. E. Middietoo Evans. J.P., Llwynbarried, occupied the chair.—The Chairman brieny introduced the proceedings, and called upon Mr. Walab, who waa received with loud applause.—Mr. Walsh referred at some length to the nnancial affairs of the Nantmel School Hoard, at which school he said it cost .E15 per annum to educate each chi!d,whi!e education at Hereford and Llandovery Colleges only coat JE10 per annum. Mr. Rogers, when speaking in that .parish, said the question was one of returning a supporter 0' Lord Salisbury or of Mr. Gladstone. Tha< was notquite the question atissue; it was" question of Lord Salisbury or Mr. Chamberla'0' There were two questions of importance to tM agricultural community—local taxation and !oCM government. It would be his earnest endeavour; if returned, to get loca! taxation re-adjusted and reformed. (Applause.) The Conservatives had shown themselves in earnest on that subject* having relieved local taxation in that county to tM extent of about £1,000, whilst the Liberals had i"' creased the Income-tax from 5d. to 8d. in the æ. (Applause.) The tatter also advocated free educa' tion, which meant that they would have to pa1 for the education of thousands of children in the towns. He urged them to support a Government which had laid down a. programme, and wou!" stick closely to it. (Loud applause.)—Mr. George S. Venables, O.C., moved a vote of conMence i" Mr. Walsh. This was seconded by Mr. D. Lloyd. Argoed, and carried unanimously, after which ?' Walsh responded very briefly.

MONMOUTHSHIRE. SOUTHERN DIVISION. COLONEL MORGAN AT LISWERRY. Colonel the Hon. F. C. Morgan, M.P., addressed crowded and enthusiastic meeting at Liswerrý Board Schools on Tuesday evening. Mr. G. I. Joneg presided, and was supported by a large number o' gentlemen from the district. The gallant Colonet referred to the impracticable nature of Mr. Cbam' berlain's programme. That gentleman, he saiA was the real leader of the Radical party, and not Mr. Gladstone. The enormous expenditure of the last Parliament, the great loss of life, and the shame to which England had been put, were al! owing to the mismanagement and the dissensions of the Cabinet, and those dissensions were caused by Mr. Chamberlain. A vote of confidence in Colonel Morgan carried by an overwhelming majority. COLONEL MORGAN, M.P., AT BASSALLEG. Colonel the Hon. F. C. Morgan, M.P., attended a crowded meeting at the National School, Bassalleg; on Wednesday evening, and met with a most cordial reception. Thechairwasoccupiedby Lord Tredega' The Noble Chairman said they had the ballot, and could vote whichever way they felt inclined. (Hear, hear.)—Colonel Morgan, who was loudly cheered on rising, said he not only found Conservatism very healthy in the Southern Div!' sion, but he was daily receiving spontaneous pro* mises of assistance from Liberals in the district' and he believed the reason was that they could not see who was to be their leader in the next Partis ment, supposing the Liberal party was returns to power.—Mr. R. Stratton proposed a vote of con? ndence in Colonel Morgan, which was seconded by Mr. C. D. PhiIIips, and supported by Mr. Work" man, Coedkernew, and Mr. WaIIis. The motio" was carried with only a few dissentients.

MONMOUTH DISTRICT. MR. CARBUTT, M.P., AT NEWPORT. Mr. E. H. Carbutt, M.P.. the sitting member to' the Monmouth Contributory Boroughs, addresseD the nr&t public meeting in the election campaig" at the Albert-hall, Newport, on Tuesday evening' The hall was densely crowded a considerable tiWe before the proceedings commenced. Mr. Job" Moses, the chairman of Mr. Carbutt'3 committed presided.—The Chairman brieny opened the pro* ceedings.—Mr. Carbutt, who waa warxnlý received, then rose to address the meeting. said his term aa their representative w drawing to an end, and ho was about to take bls plunge. He asked them, then, to give him helping hand, so that ho might be landed on tl? other side, and bo returned at the head of the p?" on the 27th of this month. MR.CORDES AT NEWPORT DOCE3. Mr. Thomas Cordes addressed an enthusiast' meeting of workmen near the premises of tbe Slipway Shipbuilding Company, Newport, cC Saturday afternoon. Mr. Cordes, who was mo9' warmly received, put clearly before the meettOt the issues between the two great political parties alluding in so doing to the broken promises of the Radical party, especially as regards expenditure and their waste of money when they had promisee economy. As to peace, again, nothing but warsO* an unnecessary and blood-thirsty nature had take" place ever since the advent to power of the Radio*' party. (A Voice, Bad job.") The divisions io tbe Liberal Cabinet led to the continuance of the re- bellion in Egypt and Gordon's death. (Hear, beaf" The Conservative party in vain urged the sending.O an expedition until it was too late and Gordon's was sacrificed. Mr. Carbutt was one of those ",bO opposed the early sending of an expedition ? relieve Gordon. The change of Government from its own friends voting against it, and in few weeks Lord Salisbury had done more goo" than the Radicals had in nve years. (Chee The depression in trade was now being inquit? into by a Royal Commission,' and it was evide"' thera was no benefit from an unequal Free Trad? (Cheers.) Whether the Royal Commission won'" recommend it or not he could not tell, but t"' Newport Chamber of Commerce, by 27 votes two, had recommendad the placing of duties 011 manufactured articles imported into this countu' (Cheers.) ? A hearty vote of thanka to Mr. Cordeg ? passed on the motion of Mr. G. 1. JONES, second by Mr. SonTHALL.

CARMARTHENSHIRE. EASTERN DIVISION. CANDIDATURE OF SIR MARTEINE LLOYP, A very successful Conservative meeting wa: held on Friday last at the Schoolroom, pontfr berem, which was crowded. Lord Emiyn and 51 Marteine Lloyd, who, on entering the room, we<" loudly cheered, were accompanied by Colony Davies-Evans (Highmead), Mr. R. Goring-ThoJJlall Mr. Seymour (Coalbrook), and a party of ladies. Mr. Seymour having taken the chair, Sir MARTEINE LLOYD, who was greeted W" loud cheers, commenced his speech in Welsh, an?" continuing, said: I am not used to public spe? ing. last night at LIanelly being my maiden speec" so I hope you will forgive me. Perhaps by the Bf of the next three weeks I shall have impro?-t (Laughter.) At such a time as this, with a genef? election pending upon the result of which ? destinies and welfare of our nation depcn-* it is the duty of every elector to & aside all selfish ideas, to carefully exam' the actions of the late Administration, and to for hia opinion and give his vote without favour a." prejudice. 1 am met on every point with the qU tion, What are you going to do for us ?" who ask this forget that the whole duty of !b6 Government is not.legislation their adminiatraf duties are as, if not more, important to a counts like ours, with branches in every quarter of late Liberal Government, and commence with ? all-important matter of d6 s. d., winch the g?. Liberal leader says is the matter that opens nae? ? eyes to policy. When the Conservative Go-verø meat went out of omce in 1880 their expenditU1 had amounted to 473!- milHons. The electors the country.considering this extravagant,withdfSj their eonndence from the Conservatives, 6 returned their opponents to power. Now, as ? Liberal party had arrogated to themselves ee quality as nnanciera, and had found no hard WOa sumcient to condemn their adversaries, naturally looked for great retrenchment in expenditure of the country. What do wa That between 1881-5 the expenditure rose 427 millions, an annual average of 85 milIionS< f an average of six millions more than that speø the Conservativea. But this is not all. Liberal Chancellor of the Exchequer this y?- 1885-88, brought in a Budget, in which he ? mated the ordinary expenditure of the year ? ( millions, besides a vote of credit, which is paft the year's expenditure, of eleven millions, orJø total expenditure for 1885-86 of 100 millions. ttle other words, the average dirference between -< Conservative years 1874-80 and that of the. e trenching Liberal years 1881-86 is close on J) millions annually. Perhaps I might leave ttIJ6 subject at this point, but I may be met by ø' reply, If we spent more money, it was bec& you left debts that we have paid, and also thBt have paid off a large atB6unt of National This requires explanation. The paying oS of d", depends mainly on two systems:—First, on '< action of the Terminable Annuities. Persons certain sums to the State, receiving in return ? annuity for a term of years. When the term C?; the capital sum paid is applied to reduce the d?"? and, of course, varies from year to year. < ? secondly, the debt is reduced by the action ?, scheme passed in 1875 by Sir Stafford NorthcO whereby 28 miilions odd is applied to reduce tJlØt debt. The difference between this sum and t, to actually required to pay the interest is apphtJ tlJe reduce the debt. You will understand tbali tll' action of these schemes ia entirely out of j; control of the Government of the day; .1 od automatic. If the Liberals claim to have p3Id,,s1 the greatest amount of debt during the?J two administrationts they bad to thank Sir St?'? Nortbcote (Lord Iddesleigh) for giving means of doing it. But, even suppose that the ing on' of a debt does depend on a man can pay a debt without drawing money, ?t in the case of the nation revenue is drawn'? vour pockets. With this fact in mind '-<? examine by this light. The Liberal Chance tÐ" the Exchequer, in his Budget speech of 1883, that the total debt paid off by the ConserioøSt between 1875 and 1880 wa.s eighteen odd o? ? and. again, in his Budget speed! of 1885, t?,;?' Liberals had paM off, between 1881-85, 32 n""? But, the revenue under the Conservative ru'- ttP on an average, been only 77 odd million, wb Liberals drew from you 85i million. P'-tf these sums, and, after making allowance J' .67,800,000 of war debt paid off, you will stilt .-et9 balance of millions against the Liberals till ment, to sa,y nothing of an estimated de6c' tØi year of nfteen millions. As for taxation, rence to paragraph 20 of the statistical a.? <f. will show you that, not only bothLibe''?? Conservatives imposed taxation aa a ???? the Liberals imposed actual taxation to ???t? value of one million more than the and that, as regards the free Liberals who talked so much about that °?. ? institution actually imposed taxes cna?tt?. consumption from 1880-84 to the amount o ? million annually, while the eorvatives reduced taxation on the a??.t C?) to the annual amount of m,278,820—a. <?.r ? eervative gain of m.885,219. Now, ?ge? heard a lot about peace. Where had *,? ? taxation been expended? Notwithstao???t"? past and present professions of peace.'t" ? ? been spent in war—war in South Afrl Egypt, war in the Soudan; and ansWitb "!ce: Liberal electors, with what object and ?Vo'? result were these Liberal wars waged r ??p !?' No result.") Thev have injured us. eo'! they benefited ? Our ¡opponents: ?? "They were your legacies to ?t ? truth is there in this ?sertionr ? examine—nrst, the South African ""?t'' tatter part of 1880 a rebellion brote