The Principality

'A FREE Tl\ANSTATION BY GERONVA CAMLAN," OF ARCHDEACON WILLIAMS'S ALCAIC ODE TO THOMAS PHILLIPS, ESQ., AND THE LLANDOVERY WELSH EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION.; WHERE Towy quits his rocky bed And swift descending, loves to spread In torrents o'er the rule: Where Bran, hoarse child of moun- tains gray, la gentler iddies winds her way Along her sylvan dale. froiros a rude fortress—built of old Upon its scanty rock,—and bold Defies Bran's circling flood; Its tarrots show full many a sellr, And, scathed by tempest, time and Are redolent of blood. [war, Oh! warlike genius of our sires, Who cheered their hearts with patriot lived, Thine was no feeble breath; Inspired by thee the chieftain rose W lth sword dle spoiler of his foes, With clansmen true to death. Hence sprung, in danger nursed, a race, W in nothing dreaded but disgrace, Nor shrank from legal doom; Not theirs in death the hopeless sigh, faith beheld their God on high, Tneir home beyond the tomb. Religious fanes on plain, on hill, With labour raised and rustic skill, Our Father's iaith proclaim This massy fabric, hoar with Time, That oaken grove, this tower sublime, Bear sainted Dingad's name. The mounds, that swell on yonder brow Of early deeds the traces show, Wiien Claudius crossed the main; No fear the swart Silurian knew When Rome's proud eagles hithar flew, Vaunting their world-wide reign. Her warlike chiefs with skill profound Sunk the deep ditch and raised the mound, And fenced the rampart well; But vain their labours—short their day- The Romans fledj-of Roman sway Nought but dim legends tell. We bless you, Fathers, strong of hand, Your children still their mountain- This day hold fast as then: [land N let them hold it, God, for ever, Nor e'er give tyrants might to sever, Cambria from Cambrian men. Not vainly Taliesin spoke, The Briton free from foreign yoke, The Briton aye shall be:" Hencc passed the Saxoiis-hence the Danes,— [Thanes, Hence they who crushed the Saxon The Norman chivalry. Roll on ye unpolluted rivers, Yoar mountain cradles God delivers From slavery and its stain: Where spread these vales, where towers each steep, Whence your perennial waters leap No alien race shall reign. Ask Crook-back Richard, England's king, Who sought beneath Religion's wing, His treason foul to hide If either threats or gifts had power, To quench our love for Britain's flower, And quit young Richmond's side. What though his staleiy shrine arise The cynosure ofnelghlJouring eyes," His gold was thrown away; His gifts Demetia's warriors spurned, And every heart with ardour burned, To terminate his way. Then rose Sir Rhys, Staatowy's lord, Buckled his armour, passed the word, Our Prince must be our own To Boswoith rushed, assailed the Boar, Prom Felon grasp the sceptic tore, And reared the Tudor throne. 9 9 9 9 Sleep on, illustrious shades-sleep on, N or doubt that from th' Eternal throne Grace visits still our land: Your children of to-day can feel Tart in their country's woe and weal, Like you, Heroic Baud. Whosa name of all the patriot throng, Shall claim to-day the Muse's song I Thine, generous Phillips, thine:- Not on far India's sultry plain, Was once forgot the golden chain, That linked thee to thy line. No pomp of selfish wealth thy prayer, No Wish with vulgar souls to share ï he honours of a day: Thy wish thy countrymen to raise, And in their weal of future praise The broad foundation lay. Let others store tlleir destined gold, 'Till death's chill touch unloose their hold, Thou in thy ire hast given :— Here from thy liberal hands arise The towers, whence students watch- ful eyes May catch the light from Heaven. Here learning opes her holiest prtgc, Here seed is sown for future age, Hence blest by heavenly daw: A golden harvest—Autumn's pride- Children of promise, spreading wide, Burst on my kindling view. No longer they, like Helot born Children of ignorance and scorn But rich with wisdom's store Versed in all arts Athena taught, In Roman majesty of thought, And Israel's holier lore. Nor let them fail with loyal hoart To thee due honour to impart Oh! dearest mother-tongue; Ne'er can these sacred lyrics die, Which minstrel, saint, and warrior high In harmony have sung. Blush, cringing slave, and fear to own The words, the accent and the tone With which Caradoc spoke; The spirit high, the brilliant thought, The burning word, which cro sho fought, From Boadicea broke. But as the harp, if o'er its string Some master hand enchantment fling, Makes every fibre glow So in that tongue alone, our care, Our thoughts, our paasioa and our pray'r, With full expression flow. Then seize the key, unlock the door, Which bars from Cambria's child the lore Which children ought to know: Unroll before his eyes tile page,— Science and wisdom's heritage,— And Satan's deadliest foe. Then shall old Dyfed yearn no more For all her mighty soils of yore— Men of eternal name, Like Asser, who the Severn crost, To raise the light in England lost, And hallow Alfred's fame. Then shall Giralders live again, Whose spirit true in dauntless strain Braved Norman Henry's rage; The Champion of St. David's shrine And of our fame in lasting line, Herald from age to age. Nor e'p.r while lives the magic spell, Which binds, who hear the minstrel Of war on Ilions strand; [tell Fail we in thought with thee to sw, r, Grey Father of romantic lore, And Homer of our land. For then fair Chivalry awoke, When light on startled Europe broke From Geoffry's wond'rous page; When Woman, raised to equal place, Gave Knighthood courage, skill, and To rival Arthur's age. [grace, But, buried deepin murky night, Has vanish'd long that early light, And low the Briton lies: Aly country! by thy mighty sires, And by thy, virtues' slumb'ring fires, Awake once more and rise! Oh! that a Sulien from our blood, Might rise to stem the foreign flood, Which inundates the land -1 Who, versed in Cambria's language, laws, Might Dewi's Church and Cambria's cause Uphold with croziered hand. E'en now comes Hope our hills among; For though a stranger to our tongue Sit on St. David's throne, He, versed in lore of ancient days, Has wisely learned to pray and praise With Cambria's words and tone. Oh! Pastor, great and eloquent, By no unfriendly Angel sent, Play out thy glorious part; Let not Her languish in the dust, Who asks but gentle rule and just, To lavish all her heart. Say to the Genius, "Dare to strive," And keep the straggling flame alivo Which seeks its kindred sky So, when our days are things of story, We and our sons may share the glory Of those who never die.

(itoitigs, —<$.— PARLIAMENTARY DEFINITIO .-Comprehensive measure. A measure that will take everybody in.—Pwwh, SOME one advertises in the New Orleans Picayune for a lady's miniature, which was lost between the 25th and 30th of No- vember, while on a spree." A WIFE full of truth, innocence, and love, is the prettiest flower a man can wear next his heart. THE SIKHS are so called, as the disciples of N anick Shah, the founder of their sect, in the 15th century; from sikhna-discere, to learn. "PHONOGRAPHY," pronounces the Philadelphia Republic, has fairly reached the ultima thule of the loosest jaw and limberest tongue." How TO MAKE LOVR.-If you cannot inspire a woman with love of you, fill her above the brim with love of herself, All that runs over will be yours. WAR.—The natural state of beasts devoid of sense. PEACE, —The God-designed condition of man when he shall have at- tained reason.- Cori-eslviiclett t. A BACHELOR'S LIFE.—Miss Bremer tells us that the life of a rich old bachelor is a splendid breakfast, a tolerably flat dinner, and a most miserable supper. IF a man does not make new acquaintances aa he advances through life, he will soon find himself left alone. A man should keep his friendships in constant repair.—JOHNSON. "OLIVER CROJIWELL and his troopers," says the Liverpool Albion, stabled their horses in our cathedrals. Our Whig and Tory governing families' do worse. They stall their asses in them." PANTS, OTHERWISE PANTALOONS.—" Oh, I pant for glory, I pant for renown," said a ragged man. of genius to his friend, Well, if you've a pair of pants, you'd better put them on," was the cool and relentless reply.—Boston Chronotype. KISSING.—A story has reached our ears, of a singular scheme for raising funds, which was hit upon and put in practice at a donation party held not more than a thousand miles off. It ap pears that some of the kissable ladies present actually allowed their sweet lips to be tasted at the rate of fifty cents a kiss- this being considered a suitable price for the privilege If we are not misinformed, one gentleman of the party took five dollars' worth.—Sandwich Observer, U.S. GIVING THE SACK."—A gentleman who has a warm side for a young lady, was making fun of a sack which she wore. You had better keep quiet, or I'll give you the sackreplied the lady archly. "I should be most happy," was the gallant's response, if you would give it to me as it is, with yourself inside of it IRISH IDEA OF CALIFORNIA.—We have been shown a letter from New York, in which the writer mentions that a poor Irish emigrant having heard that California was in the extreme west, accounted at once for the gold-as the sun went down close upon that part, it baked the earth into the precious metal. -Jerrold's News. QUACKS IN AMERICA.—Dr. Edwards, of Ohio, one of the re- gular doctors we take it, has got himself chairman of a commit- tee on adulterated drugs and quack medicines. He will bring out a report telling, from the Patent Office, what all the patent medicines are made of, which will be considerable to take. Good go it.-Boston Chronotype. A M\N with an enormously large mouth, called on a dentist to get a tooth drawn. After the dentist had prepared his in- struments, and was about to commence operations, the man of mouth began to strain and stretch his mouth till he got it to a most frightful extent. Stay, sir," said the dentist, don't trouble yourself to stretch your mouth any wider, for I intend to stand on the outside of it to draw your tooth.-American paper. VERY FAIR.—We heard a story yesterday of a man who re- turned home from Califorhia with gold to the amount of 64,000 dollars, which he deposited in one of the mints. He took off his old tattered unmentionables, and was about to throw them away, but his wife, good prudent woman, took them, and with a trifling effort she shook 23,030 dollars worth of gold dust o-at of th,zii.-Boyton

TO THE RIGHT HON. LORD JOHN RUSSELL, FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY. My LORD,—Since the 13th of last September, when, with the courtesy demanded by your high position, and with the liberty of a loyal Englishman, 1 took upon myself to address you on the rumoured intention of the Cabinet to propose the endowment of the Irish Roman Catholic priesthood, and offered my earnest advice to you to dissipate the fears which that rumour had created in the mind of every enlightened Protestant, unlooked- for events have transpired both in this land and on the Conti- nent of Europe. I need not detain you with even a summary of those events. They are fresh in the world's recollection. The agitation caused by them has not yet subsided. The storm still sweeps, and the ocean heaves. The sky has not yet cleared nor is there any immediate promise of a calm day. It were unwise any longer to conceal the fact that an impression has taken hold of the minds of multitudes—not the lovers of change only but among men of strong Conservative tendencies also—not Dissenters only, but Churchmen also—that the time is at hand for accomplishing a final divorce between the State and the Church. The conviction is not that superinduced evils must be remedied, or that inequalities must be removed by fitful legis- lation, but the Union must be looked at with a steady purpose to ascertain its real character, and its true working. This is THE QUESTION, my Lord. I intimated to your lordship that in the event of the proposi- tion to endow Irish Romanism being submitted to the House of Commons, the overthrow of the Ministry was certain. I now beg to say, that as diplomatic relations with the Pope are at an end, and as Church questions have assumed that magnitude which actually calls for the hand of a master to grapple with them, a splendid opportunity of signalising yourself as thejin- lightened friend of political and ecclesiastical liberty, is fully and fairly presented to you. Enlightened principles require but to be carried out to secure the co-operation of the wise and good throughout Her Majesty's dominions. My lord, let the question be, not the pacification of the Irish by State endow- ment, that will fail; not the preservation of the English Church inJreland by such a measure, that will fail; not the re-adjust- ment of ecclesiastical imposts in England, to equalise their dis- proportions and meet a temporary demand, that will also fail; but the Union-the origin, character, bearings, tendencies, in- fluence, and consequences of the Union. Such a question would be the signal for, the whole people of this country, always ex- cepting those who live by the corruptions of things as they are, rallying around you, and bearing you to the mightiest tri- ulnph of centuries. The people of England are sighing for freedom. Hundreds of the clergy are groaning in their fetters. In their heart of hearts they envy the liberty of Dissenters. They wish to breathe a freer air. Help them, my Lord Bid them go free. They cannot do as they would witness Mr. Shore. They are sometimes punished for the utterance of their own sacred convictions witness Mr. Gorham. I need not mention those annoyances, which, as First Minister of the Crown, you have had to encounter from ecclesiastical affairs on both sides of the Channel. Such annoyances will increase and thicken, until by a bold examination of the principle of the Union, you gather around you the people who abolished the Test and Corporation Acts, effected Catholic and Negro Eman- cipation, carried the Reform Bill, Municipal Corporation Re- form, and the abolition of the Corn Laws. The Bishop of Cashel has said that he should prefer the putting away of all Establishments, to the endowing of two or three religions." In a letter addressed to the Bishop of Chester, in 1845, Merle D'Aubigne uttered these humiliating words ;—" The Church of Rome has a government of its own each Dissenting Church the same the Anglican Church alone has none. The govern- ment of the Church is a political government, a mixed govern- I ment, composed of her friends and her enemies. What a pri- vilege! Truly she would have everything to gain in ceasing to be the National Church." And now, my estimable and noble- minded relative-of whom but for the idea conveyed under this last term, I should speak freely—Baptist Noel, has, in obedi- ence to the authority of an enlightened conscience, left the Es- tablishment of which he was so many years an exemplary minister, and given to the world his reasons for taking this step. And such reasons You know them, my Lord. Every one that can obtain the book knows them. There may be an at- tempt to answer them. They will never be set aside, as long as Christianity is a power distinct from that wielded by the civil magistrate. He has proved that the Union is condemned by the constitution of the State, by the parental relation, by history, by the Mosaic Law, by the prophesies of the Old Tes- tament, and by the character of the New Testament. He has entered into the very heart of the system, and by a skilful pro- cess of anatomy has laid bare to the world's gaze the unholy thing. No wonder that he says, "The Union of the Church with the State is doomed. Condemned by reason and religion, by Scripture and experience, how can it be allowed to injure the nation much longer ?" The BIBLEWIS emancipated at the, Reformation let the CHURCH be emfflftipated now and be it your honour to be the first English Premier that luid the foun- dation of the second Reformation. Your decision, my Lord, to take up and sift this momentous question, with a settled determination to go wherever truth may lead you,-a question involving political liberty, religious freedom, social concord, free education, missionary operations, and evangelic Christianity, would be hailed by every lover of his country, of truth, peace, and Christianity, as the bright dawning of a day whose genial light should speedily. spread over the tribes of men, diffusing freedom and gladness in its course and whilst the names of your predecessors in office are famous, some for military and naval conquests, for skill in the. crisis of national difficulty, and for the rare tact of accomplished leadership some for the abolition of cruel and oppressive laws, the amelioration of the penal code, and the extension of civil liberty and some for diminishing material burdens, lessening taxation, and unfettering commerce your name would shine above theirs a star of purer lustre, as the emancipator of mind, the reverencer of the rights of human conscience, and the liberator of a large portion of the Church, in the land of your fathers, from the unholy bondage of alliance with the secular power. You are noble and great; here are nobility and great- ness incomparably superior to all others. Such, with unfeign- ed deference, I think is the mission to which events call you; and such certainly is the soul-stirring reward, which would crown its faithful discharge. I have the honour to remain, my Lord, Your Lordship's most obedient Servant, THOMAS THOMPSON. Poundsford Park, Taunton, Jan, 24, 1819.

CHURCH AND STATE.—MR. NOEL'S ESSAY. TO THE EDITOR OF THE PRINCIPALITY, SIR,-Having just finished the perusal of Mr. Noel's Essay on the Union of Church and State, it may not be altogether out of place perhaps, nor- unprofilable to your numerous readers, to offer a few observations on the work. In my humble opinion this is the most correct picture ever drawn of this most anti- Evangelical Alliance. The pious and learned author has well examined its nature and tendency. In every section of the work throughout he shows a perfect knowledge of the subject, he- enters most minutely into all its ramifications, developments, relations and influences, with the master-hand of one who has walked through all the "Chambers of imagery," and mysteries of iniquity which belong, to this corrupt system. In wading through the pages of the essay, I felt a sensation similar to that which one feels that watches the progress of an eclipse; every- thing grows darker and darker as you go on until you arrive at the awful climax that overshadows all, and extinguishes everv ray of hope. ■With this feeling pervading my mind, and all the while the illumining pages making the darkness visible," I could not help remembering a remark I had heard from the Rev. Hugh Stowel, the popular leader of the no-Popery party, whilst exerting his manly eloquence, worthy of a better cause, in the defence of his own Church and in exploding Dissent, he said as lie alluded to some of the defects of the Establishment, they are but spots on the sun," We shall take the phrase as: it is, and if the point of the sentence can be turned against him who uttered it in the above connexion our victory will be deci- sive, for which purpose the argumentem ad hominem b, in,, the best, always contrary to the vulgar opinion, it has been ascer-' tained that the sun is a dark body, surrounded by a luminous atmosphere, and that the so-called spots are in reality no other than parts of his surface that appear between those irregular fissures which sometimes take place in the bright atniosphere that encircles it. This popular metaphor when analysed philo- sophically, becomes fatal to the immaculate system under notice. Our national hierarchy is like the sun and its luminous atmosphere the latter is composed of the radiance of the crown, the patronage of the State, the emblazoned mitre and whitened lawn; amid the galaxy of earthly splendour other rays commingle, painted glass, wax candles, with all the gorgeous parade of symbolism, which, taken together, make up the "dim religious light" that so mysteriously blends with all the pomp, pride, and vanity of this sinful world." -through this splendid uniform of uniformity, which has been so sadly rent of late, is now clearly seen the real state of ,Ilitigs--that the Church of England is a dark body. But bap- tismal regeneration, absolution of sin, and other errors, are such little spots as to be scarcely visible to a non-resident rector, who lives in a distant sphere, and moves in the orbit of wander- ing stars. J. March 12, 1849. ————

EDUCATION. TO THE EDITon OF THE PRINCIPALITY. Sin,—The .printer, or my friend Mr. D. G., has made a mis- take in the last letter he wrote, which mistake I think will do as my reply to the inconsistent sentences-" I think no man of common sense will consider these two expressions equivalent, for a good reason, that they are utterly irrecoiicilible I say no more on what is so plain, unless Mr. D. G. should think proper again to defend their consistency. There is a plausibility about his observations on my consis- tency in holding an office under the Poor-law. lie believed that this is a "parallel case" with his in procuring aid from the Government for the education of the poor." We agreo that both are "wrong in principle." But he forgets that it is possible to make a law inoperative,though on the statute book. The canon laws for the most part are so. There is no more reason to "procure" the operation of an education law which is wrong in principle" than there is for the Bishop of Exeter to revive the old persecuting laws of our establishment. I wonder if my friend would feel disposed to induce som: clerical zealot to make him to "forfeit E20 a month to the Queen" for notr-attending the Church service, just because such a law had been "enacted," and is now on the Statute Book ? If he would, then to be consistent, he would have th toleration act to be a dead letter He makes no difference between extending the operation of a bad law, and holding an office under such a law which has been fm-ced into operation, in order to prevent it doing the mischief which it might otherwise do. Many parishes held out a long time against the introduction of the new Poor-law, and would never have had it in operation if they could have kept it out. But once forced upon them they put themselves to watch the bad thing, as best they could, just as Dissenters attend vestry meetings, by virtue of certain local qualifications to oppose those who would impose upon them an illegal Church-rate. A very different thing to their going there to "procure" the im- position of the rate, for the advantage of "poor" churchmen, the same as Mr. D. G. would "procure Government aid for the education of the poor." Dissenters in Wales are in a position to prevent the operation of the education law among the people. It cannot be forced upon them the same as the poor-law, so far as Dissenters are concerned; it may be put with obsolete canon laws among the wrong things of the past, that cannot be opera- tive in our improved times. But perhaps my friend will reply and say, (as a learned tutor also argued the case in a private letter the other day,) "that the Church folks will extend its operations, therefore that it cannot be rendered obsolete." But let me remind him that many of the canon laws are not obsolete as it regards the Church folks; and there is no more reason that we should extend the operation of a bad educational law because the Church finks will do it, than to seek a chapel extension, because they seek Church extension, by State aid. My friend suffers his mental vision to be blinded by the benevolence of his heart towards the poor, whose education by State aid he would "encourage." He justifies the means by the end. He condemns the means as "wrong in principle," and yet he would "procure" such bad means (although they never were in existence before) in order to educate the poor, when at the same time he knows that such means might net have their bad influence, nor himself be involved in a compro- mise of principle, unless he or other such Dissenters would interfere to get them. Now I do not expect that my friend will acknowledge the self-evident truth in my argument, but I shall just quote an authority, which no doubt Mr. D. G. respects, in contradiction of his views of education. In his first letter, Mr. D. G. said, "I do not consider that we are to look at it (education) at all as a religious question, I was once inclined to think that we were bound to have religious education, but I am convinced of the fallacy of those notions, and indeed of the evil tendency of such a scheme." Then Mr. D. G. compares the schoolmaster to a "surgeon or a lawyer." His learned relative, the Rev. H. Griffiths, of Brecon, follow- ing the strain, and almost in the same words as the immortal Charles" of Bih, said in his address at the Llandovery Con- ference in 1845 :— "Fearful, indeed, is the responsibility of a parent when making a choice of a school; little as it may bn thought of by many, it is one of the most solemn events in the whole history of his family—perhaps the turning point for time and eternity." Away with the suggestion of indolence, secu- larity, of cowardice and of bigotry." Mr. D. G. now thinks that the notions about religious education are" fallacious," and in the "evil tendency of such a scheme" the Rev. K. Griffiths says, in the address, Our prisons arc comparatively empty. This we ascribe entirely to the prevalence of religion in fact, Christian ministers are our only authoritative bench Sanday-school teachers are our omy effective police." Care must be taken to make it, (the Normal College,) a thoroughly good school. It should also be strictly evangelical I" One might suppose by Mr. D. G., that education has nothing to do with character, any more than the profession of a lawyer or surgeon," but the Rev. H. Griffiths says, in his pamphlet addressed to the Rev. L. Edwards, M.A., of Bala, Nothing can exceed the ignorance which prevails as to th,' real character of our schools. Of the governing difficulties and temptations of peculiar circumstances, constitution, or charac- ter, no notice is taken. Indeed, in most cases, they are all but actually ignored," more caution is often exercised in selecting a jockey to break in a colt, than in choosing a teacher for a hundred immortals. If a child can only be moderately instructed it is taken for granted, character will come as a matter of course." Mr. D. G. considers it a bad scheme to have religion in the school. The Rev. II. Griffiths says, The disproportionate development of one faculty invariably avenges itself on the rest. Healthful tuition is pancratic, that is, it consists in main- taining equilibrium of character, and an harmonic action of all the powers, physical, intellectual, and moral; full and finished men should be the educator's ideal, not precocious wonders, or calculating machines. No mere art can do this. Souls only can generate or rightfully influence souls." Mr. D. G. regards the word of God too sacred to be used in the day school. He would by that, I suppose, confine it to the Sunday schools; but the Rev. H. Griffiths proves that the Sunday school is not sufficient to counteract the evil influence of the secularity of a day school. In the pamphlet alluded o he says, It has been my painful lot were than once to watch the history of classes whose week-day discipline, utterly spoiled them for the exercises of the Sabbath." And why r Not be- cause of the inefficiency of the Schoolmaster to communicate religious knowledge and religious principles; but just the re- verse. "It cannot be expected," he says, "that our Sunday school teachers should be able to rise to a level with the pro- fessisnal teachers of the week." According to Mr. D. G., the moral importance of the office of a Schoolmaster is nothing more than that of a surgeon or lawyer." That morality does not essentially belong to the office, though a useful appendage. But the Rev. II. Griffiths says, Is it surprising that children should turn out badly, when their education is entrusted to men who spend less time in acquiring the art than their con- temporaries do in learning to cut their hair or mend their shoes ? who can number the souls thus annually rulined Every trade but that of school-keeping ;-every work, but that of character- making, is supposed to require years of definite preparation. Their name is legion who think they can manage extenip: that infinitely more complicated and delicate instrument, a hu- man spirit." Should Mr. D. G. be able to find sentences in the writings of the Rev. H. Griffiths to corroborate his views that would only expose other inconsistencies besides his own. I hope my friend, Ir. D. G. will now feel satisfied for it appears evident to me that the inconsistencies rest with himself and his own party not as regards a Poor Law and a Parish Guardian, but as regards Education itself—the grand question of the day. I remain, Sir, Yours &e., St. Davids. EBENEZER WILLIAMS. [Mr. Williams will perceive that we have omitted the two last paragraphs of his letter, which, however good in them- selves, have no bearing on the question at issue between him and his friend Mr. David Griflithp.-ED.]

THE SCION OF GOGERDDAN, alias THE "BRICK" IN PARLIAMENT. TO THE '"EDITOR OF THE PRINCIPALITY. SIR,—Much has been spoken, and written, concerning the merits and qualifications ofPryse Pryse, Esq., to be our repre- sentative in Parliament Great were the fears entertained by many a devoted and veteran reformer, lest the ranks of protec- tionists and oppression would be augmented by the return of Mr. Harford hard were the labours put forth to secure Mr. P.'s return, and happy were the delusive hopes of seeing ano- ther determined antagonist to all abuses, &,c., fweiiin ,g the noble band of Cobden and Hume, &c., in the person of Mir. Pryse, the people's candidate, and the peoples—aye the TJimen- ters' defender if rights But, alas, we have been sorely disap- pointed the first public act of this would-be-reformer, on the