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THE EAST DENBIGHSHIRE ELECTION.…

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THE EAST DENBIGHSHIRE ELECTION. + OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN. The political contest for East Denbighshire was vigorously opened on Monday. A circular has been issued by the chairman of Mr. Kenyon's committee to the 250 or thereabouts voters who reside outside the constituency, urging the importance of the election, and expressing the hope that they will let nothing stand in the way of their coming on election day to record their vote.' It is usual for these and removals' to be looked up by the party agents in the districts whither they have gone, but the registration courts being now in full swing makes it difficult for the ordinary course to be followed, and therefore all Unionists who have such votes are pressed to communicate with Mr. Bevan as to their intentions. The ludicrous extremity to which some Radicals have been driven to manufacture enthusiasm for Mr. Moss (says one special correspondent) is well illustrated by one rather significant circum- stance. In the exercise of his profession Mr. Moss was some time ago briefed to prosecute Mr. Edward Peters, the miners' agent, for intimida- tion-a position which he as an advocate was entitled to take (or to refuse) without in any way committing himself to a personal endorse- ment of the principles at issue. The case ended in a conviction and a fine of £ 10. When the vacancy occurred, and the multitude of Liberal candidates swooped down upon the con- stituency like a crowd of American settlers on a newly opened reserve, the merits or otherwise of these gentlemen were freely discussed, and the only objection I heard urged against Mr. Moss by some of his own side was his action in con- ducting this prosecution. It was never men- tioned to me by any Unionist, and when I once or twice suggested that it might be a bar to Mr. Moss* acceptance the reply always was that Mr. Moss acted in his professional capacity, and that it would be absurd to disqualify him on that ground. Now, however, the Radicals seek to make the Conservatives responsible for their own objection, and having established this baseless fabric, are hurrahing because the prosecuted Peters has volunteered to speak and work in support of Mr. Moss. MR. KENYON'S WREXHAM MEETING. HOME RULE, FOREIGN POLICY LABOUR AND AGRICULTURE. On Monday night Mr. Kenyon publicly opened liii campaign by addressing a meeting of the Wrexham voters in the Public Hall. Sir Robert Cunliffe presided over a large and enthusiastic gathering, who heartily cheered the Unionist candidate when he appeared on the platform. Accompanying Mr. Kenyon were Mrs. Kenyon, Lady and Miss Cunliffe, Sir R. E. Egerton, K.C.S.I., and Lady Egerton, Mr. Geoffrey Drage, M.P. for Derby, Mr. P. Yorke (Mayor of Wrexham), Mr. H. Davies and Mrs. Davies, Mr. W. I. Sisson and Mrs. Sisson, Mr. H. V. Palin and Mrs. Palin, Mr. J. LI. Williams, Mr. F. J. Bury and Mrs. Bury, Mr. W. H. Bott, Mr. Charles Murless, Mr. J. S. Boydell, Mr. C. K. Benson, Mr. Arthur Francis (agent), Mr. J. H. Swainson, Mr. J. F. Edisbury, Mr. Frank Lloyd, Mr. W. E. Samuel, Mr. J. Whittingham, Captain Gladstone, Alderman George Bevau and Mrs. Bevan, Mr. W. F. Butler, Mr. T. G. Boseawen, and Mr. J. Allington Hughes. The CHAIRMAN said that before passing to the business of the evening he felt sure that all present would allow him to make a passing reference to the late member for East Denbigh, He (the speaker) was for many years his colleague in Parliament, and he should not like at opportunity to pass without offering his ribute of respect to a man whose genial and indly character was known to all, and who was remarkable not only as a lawyer of distinction but still more as a scholar ot very high academic attainments. He was sure he might be allowed on behalf of that meeting to offer the expression of their respect- ful condolence with Lady Morgan in her great bereavement. (Hear, hear.) For some time Sir George Morgan and himself stood together on that platform, but of late years there came that great and absolutely vital question of Home Rule, which broke up so many political friendships. It was impossible for him to offer as he had done previously his support to Sir George Morgan, but for all that he should always retain recollections of his kindly nature and of his many and varied attainments. (Hear, hear.) He.then proceeded to congratu- late the Unionist party on their candidate, Mr. Kenyon. (Cheers.) He was quite confident that Mr. Kenyon would make a good fight. He ought to be a judge of that—(laughter)—for Mr. Kenyon and he had crossed swords with varying results, but without impairing the regard they had for each other. (Hear, hear.) A TRIUMPHANT CONTEST. He was very glad to give his friend his hearty support, and to preside at a meeting at the commencement of what he hoped would be a triumphant contest. Turning to the political situation he expressed his belief that the late Government was defeated by an overwhelming majority in consequence of their Home Rule Bill their cry against the House of Lords, their attempt at disestablish- ment, and their intemperate advocacy of temperance measures. (Cheers.) Yet Mr. Moss (slight applause) asked the electors of East Denbighshire to vote °* a party which had not yet found a policy and did not yet possess a leader. (Cheers). Proceeding to allude to the address issued by Mr. Moss, the speaker said that that gentleman was sanguine enough still to believe in the union of hearts, in regard to the Irish party in Parliament. That was a vital question, and they stood on that platform to prevent the in- stitutions of the country from being thrown into the melting pot to see what would happen after. (Cheers.) A scheme to satisfy Irish aspirations and preserve the integrity of the Empire two Liberal Governments had failed to find. As a Radical, Mr. Moss could not desire a peerage, but if he found such a scheme when two Govern- ments had failed, he would deserve from a Liberal Government a peerage and a pension for three lives at least. (Laughter.) Mr. Moss had also condemned in strong and sweeping language the foreign policy of the Government, especially in regard to Armenia, but Mr. Moss overlooked the fact that if war had been forced, it would have caused misery a hundred times greater than was suffered in Armenia. (Cheers.) In conclusion, he commended the candidature of Mr. Kenyon, and urged that he should receive their hearty and unanimous support. (Cheers.) Mr. KENTON, who was received vvith pro- longed cheering, then addressed the meeting. He heartily thanked them for their warm reception, and said he desired to supplement the chairman's tribute to the late member. It was a matter of the greatest satisfaction to him that, opposed as he was to Sir George Osborne Morgan in Parliament and in political warfare, that gentleman was able to say, on a recent occasion, that, though he had many a tussle with him, on neither side had passed a Bingle word that had left a sting behind. (Hear, hear.) No doubt the same good feeling would exist between himself and his present antagonist. This was the sixth fight he had conducted, and he did not think it likely that at his time of day he was going to make a personal quarrel out of a political fight. (Hear, hear.) He was rather surprised at the pot-shot which Mr. Moss aimed at him when he said he would not have been surprised had he (Mr. Kenyon) declared for disestablishment. Had his opponent taken the trouble to read all the magnificent speeches he had made during the ten years he was in Parliament—(laughter)—he would have found that there was not a single occasion when the question was before the House or the country that he did not, to the best of his ability, oppose such a policy. The very last vote he gave in Parliament was against Clause 1 of Mr. Asquith's Disestablishment Bill. (Cheers.) He had ALWAYS BEEN A CHUBCHMAN, and was extremely likely to continue one, and he weuld on every occasion oppose the dises- tablishment and disendowment of the Church. (Cheers.) What he thought was that some- times the methods and modes of opposing disestablishment had not always been of the wisest character, or the likeliest to produce the results desired. He did not think much was gained, and much dignity and self-respect to the Church were lost by abuse, and by regarding the attitude of Nonconformists as being dictated by mere enmity. (Hear, hear.) The Church of England was best defended by the attention of her ministers to their great duties, and wherever they conscientiously could, to co-operate to the utmost with Nonconformists in any useful measures for the benefit of the use of religion. (Cheers.) Anyone returning to the House of Commons after an absence of two years, would be much in the position of Enoch Arden returning after his long absence. When he left Parliament two years ago the Radical party still bad an able, energetic, and capable leader. They had plenty of programmes and planks—perhaps rather too many for their own good; but as they very seldom succeeded in carrying the planks, it did not much signify to anyone else. (Laughter.) But to-day what a change bad come over the spirit of that dream Where was now the great united Liberal and Radical party ? Lord Rosebery had returned to his native glens in Scotland and preached on the beauties of the poet Burns, Sir George Trevelyan and Mr. Morley had returned to their literary pursuits, Sir William Harcourt walked down Bond-street, while others wandered LIKE DANTE'S SOULS IN PURGATORY without particular aim or object before them. (Loud laughter and cheers.) He had been curious to see how Mr. Moss would deal with the subject of Home Rule, and he noticed that Mr. Moss had expressed his approval of a scheme of Home Rule which would satisfy Ireland and preserve Imperial integrity. But that was a scheme they could all vote for. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. Balfour bad foreshadowed before an approving House of Commons a policy which was as nearly as possible in accordance with Mr. Moss' words-a policy which would grant national aspirations and at the same time secure the integrity and supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. The Bill granted great financial benefits to landlords and tenants in Ireland, and it gave such a measure of local Relf- government to Ireland that it would be im- possible hereafter for anyone to say that Ireland was differently treated in that matter from any other part of her Majesty's dominions. (Cheers.) The most bellicose part of Mr. Moss' address was devoted to the foreign policy of the Government, but what did all his hard words come to ? That Lord Salisbury had sacrificed the interests of the Greek Christians to Turkish misrule. Was that the fact ? Was it not the fact Lord Salisbury had sought to accomplish precisely the opposite? (Hear, hear.) Lord Salisbury had endeavoured to secure for Armenia the necessary reforms; he tried to keep the Greeks from a war into which they were persuaded by the ill-advised action of some members of Parliament; and he also endeavoured to bring that unhappy war to a speedy conclusion with the best terms he could for Greece. What more could a statesman have done under the difficult circumstances of the case ? He would remind Mr. Moss that the concert of Europe which he condemned, was in 1879 described by Mr. Gladstone as the main hope for putting down disturbances, aggrandisements, and selfish claims in Europe; and that Lord Rosebery declared that for us to go forward alone would mean European war. Let those who wished this country to go to war realise, if possible, the amount of misery that would have been inflicted not only on Turkey, but on Europe, by such an isolated policy. Lord Salisbury had resisted the temptation to give the country over to ideas the result of which would have been problematical in the extreme. It was owing to his courage, determina- tion, and patience that up to the present time we had steered clear of the complications which threatened at one time to produce European war. (Loud cheers.) But he had dwelt too long on the perversions and inaccura- cies of Mr. Moss' address. It was a fascinating document, and in leaving it he cast one longing lingering look behind. (Laughter.) Alluding to the measures which he would support, and the action he would take if elected to Parlia- ment, the speaker said he thought he had already given proof during his Parliamentary career that where the interests of party clashed in his humble judgment with the interests of other matters, he was not afraid to separate himself from his party, and vote for such matters be had at heart. (Cheers.) While a strong supporter of the Conservative Party, and a firm believer in its principles, he was not prepared to sacrifice on the altar of party the RIGHT OF PRIVATE JUDGMENT. The first matter he would touch on was the ques- tion of relations between labour and capital. On the question of compensation for accidents, the matters had already passed beyond its initial stage. The Act of Parliament was in the main an Act which had conferred greater benefits upon the workingmen in the great trades than almost any other measure which bad been recently passed. Although the Act allowed contracting out, a point which had been much criticised, it enacted that there must be a certificate by the Registrar- General that the benefits given by contracting out must be equally as good as those provisions laid down in the Act of Parliament itself. (Cheers.) He was not surprised that there bad been in some quarters almost a panic among employers in view of the effect of the Bill in carrying on business. It was quite true that compensation must in some way or other come out of the pockets of the employer. There was no other fund from which it could come. There- fore it was true that to a certain extent the employer would be handicapped in his work and in his operations by the passing of the Act. But was it not also possible that when those im- provements were granted to the workmen and greater security given by improved machinery- was it not possible that the workingman him- self, feeling himself secure, that his life was no longer uncared for by the State, and that in the event of fatal injury there would be provision for his wife and family-was it not likely and probable that he would take greater interest and put more power in his work than he had heart to do before ? (Loud cheers.) They all had sympathy with matters which concerned human life, and were touched by the heroic efforts often made by workingmen to save the lives of their fellow-men, and the employers themselves would turn the scale in favour of the workingmen and in the name of suffering humanity would follow the golden rule and do unto others as they would have others do to them. (Cheers.) With regard to the regulation of certain trades, he felt considerable difficulty in deciding what should be his attitude as to the Eight Hours Bill. He felt that unnecessary interference with freedom of contract was in the main a thing not to be desired in the interests of the workingmen. He believed that anything that could be obtained by perfect freedom of contract was better for the character and the morality of the workmen. But he could not shut his eyes to the fact that in some occupations, quarries and mines particularly, the amount of labour which was gone through was far too long for the ordinary worker. They must never forget that extra labour-overpowering labour-was never in itself profitable. It had been clearly demon- strated by statistics that ten hours a day, for instance, would in 99 cases out of 100 produce as much as twelve hours a day, because the man was more up to his work, and was able to carry it out with greater power. Of course, he was aware there must be a limit to that; they could not go on reducing the hours, but he thought that eight hours a day was almost as much as human nature was capable of, and if and where it was desired by those trades that that should be the maximum allowed by law, he was prepared to give effect to that opinion and to vote for eight hours a day in those cases. (Loud cheers.) It must bo remembered that no change that rendered labour less productive could permanently benefit the working classes. If produce was diminished, either wages would be reduced, prices would rise, or profits fall. If profits fell, that meant a contraction or migra- tion of industry. It was obvious that if British industry was so severely handicapped by restric- tions that it was unable to compete with foreign industry, it must lose its ascendancy abroad, and it could only retain its ascendancy at homo by the help of a strong protective legislation. The law might compel capitalists to shorten hours or increase wages, but it could not compel a man to carry on a business which was not pro- ducing a profit to himself, nor could it compel a consumer to purchase unless he chose. (Hear, hear.) While be bad, and always had, the STRONGEST SYMPATHY WITH WORKINGMEN, he must not, in justice to the great employers of labour, shut his eyes to the fact that there was a point beyond which they could not go withoutin- fringing the laws of political economy and thereby landing themselves in difficulties greater than those which even now existed. (Cheers.) Referring to the question of agri- culture, he did not take the gloomy view of the future of agriculture that some persons did. (Hear, hear.) No doubt the extraordinary competition of the past few years had altered the basis of the farmer's calculations. But they must look the circumstances in the face and adapt their system of farming as far as possible to the changed conditions of the day. (Hear, hear.) If a farmer would persist in trying to grow barley upon his land when he knew that the foreigner could undersell him, and he could not make a profit out of the most beautiful barley in the world, if he persisted in that, he would cer- tainly bring himself and bis family into very uncomfortable circumstances. He must suit himself to the circumstances of the time, It was not easy. He knew that in many cases the farm was laid out on certain lines, and alterations meant loss of time and capital. Still, if the facts were faced and greater know- ledge acquired, he believed the position of the farmer would be considerably improved. (Hear, hear.) It was, nevertheless, necessary that something should be done by legislation to assist the agricultural industry. He thought the farmer ought to have absolute freedom in the cultivation of his farm, and to have no restrictions as to the sale of straw and hay so long as there was the requisite amount of manure. He was also in favour of a great simplification of the Agricultural Holdings Act, which was now practically rendered use- less by cumbrous forms and legal difficulties. Then all proved improvements which increased the value of the holding ought to be com- pensated—(cheers)—and these should be assessed by an inexpensive tribunal. Perhaps the landlords would not altogether agree with him, but he was in favour, on principle, of pro- tecting a tenant in cases where holdings were sold by giving him at least two years' further occupation of his tenancy; and in cases of CAPRICIOUS EVICTIONS he would give a tenant at least three years in which he might recoup himself for the outlay upon his farm. He was not prepared to advocate a land court for England or Wales, because he believed such a court would not be of the slightest possible use to the farmer. (Cheers.) No one could tell how this election was going co turn out. Me would wager his best nat that even Mr. Moss' party did not know. The Unionists might lose, but, if so, he hoped they would accept their defeat with equanimity —for the time. (Cheers and laughter.) They might win, and, if so, he hoped they would bear the victory with equanimity-for the time. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) But whether they won or lost, they were going to fight to win. (Loud cheers.) The dull spectre of the Brightside election had per- turbed their opponents. It was the policy of the Unionist Government and party to find out and remove grievances without interfering with the fundamental basis of the Constitution, and he urged the electors to look facts in the face and support that party which, on examina- tion, they found to have done the most, and not said the most, for the country, and especially for the working-classes. If they did so, he would have no fear of the result. (Cheers.) Dr. DRAGE, M.P., moved a vote of confidence in the candidate, and said it gave him special pleasure to support one who shared his own great desire to improve the condition of the poorer classes. If they examined the statute book they would find that nearly all the great Acts for the better housing of the poor, for better sanitation, and for the promotion of sound conditions of labour in factories, work- shops, and mines had been passed by the party to which Mr. Kenyon belonged. (Cheers.) One crying grievance in Ireland was the condition of the houses of the poorer classes, and he believed the promised measure by Mr. Balfour would do something to remove that great shame. INTERMEDIATE EDUCATION. Another matter in which he had long taken a keen interest was the provision of a complete ladder of education by which the children of the very poorest, even those in poor-law schools, might be enabled to rise, if only they had the honesty, industry, and intelligence. (Hear, hear.) In Wales they had a splendid system of intermediate education, thanks largely to the efforts of Mr. Kenyon—(cheers)—and he asked the electors of East Denbighshire to send back to Parliament a gentleman who could assist those in England to secure a similarly advan- tageous system of education for English children. He also cordially supported Mr. Kenyon's candidature, because he believed in the value and importance of a sound religious element in education. (Cheers.) It was only right that the electors of East Denbighshire should know that the present Government had done a great deal to remove crying scandals which had existed in connection with London poor-law schools. One great measure for which the unskilled labourers and the shop assistants of the country should be grateful to the Government was the Truck Act, which put a stop to all harsh and excessive fines; and by their Act for the consolidation of the laws relating to friendly societies, they had laid all these societies under a deep debt of gratitude. He believed that everything possible should be done to encourage and assist those societies which had proved so beneficial to the working classes. (Hear, hear.) He was extremely glad that Mr. Kenyon in his address gave great attention to the pressing labour problems. The labour struggles were a disgrace and scandal to the civilisation of the nineteenth century, and a remedy must be found. While he did not approve in every respect of the Compensation for Accidents Act, he confessed he looked to an extension of its application, and to a further measure of conciliation for some effectual means for dealing with the present labour difficulties. To promote such measures, they would do well to return Mr. Kenyon to the House of Commons. Mr. Drage then turned to matters of foreign and colonial policy, and warmly defended LORD SALISBURY'S EASTERN POLICY as the only possible and statesmanlike course. He remarked that while it was not our business to be setting things right all over the world, the Government had maintained justice and order in countries like Egypt and India, where it was our business to do so. Let them ask the Radical electors of East Denbigh- shire how it was that the late Government left to their Unionist successors the duty and the honour of putting an end to slavery in Zanzibar? (Hear, hear.) In conclusion, Mr. Drage said that it must always be remembered that this country could not stand alone, and that it was most desirable to continue the policy of the present Government which had done so much towards bringing about a closer union with the colonies, and if possible with the United States of America, for it was only when that had been accomplished that they might look for that general reign of peace which was the great object of all our policy. (Cheers.) Sir. R. E. EGERTON seconded the motion. Mr. Kenyon had, he said, been a true and faithful Conservative, and he had put his opinions candidly and fully before them. The motion was carried unanimously. Mr. KENYON having cordially acknowledged the vote, the proceedings terminated with thanks to Sir R. Cunliffe for presiding. Last (Tuesday) evening Mr. Kenyon spoke at Ruabon, when Sir Watkin Williams Wynn presided, and the speakers included Mr. Stanley Leighton, M.P. VIEWS OF THE LIBERAL CANDIDATE. Mr. W. G. Dodd, of Llangollen, presided over a large meeting of the supporters of Mr. Saml. Moss, at the Board Schools, Cefn, on Monday evening. Mr. Moss, in opening, said that was one of the proudest and yet one of the saddest moments of his life. It was the proudest because every polling district had unanimously selected him as their candidate. On the other hand, they had lost from their midst the pioneer of Radicalism in Wales, and the man who for 29 years was never known to give a single vote against the workingmen of his constituency. If they returned him (Mr. Moss) he hoped to be able to say the same thing. The question dear to the heart of every Welshman and every Welsh Nationalist was, he said without hesita- tion, the disestablishment and disendowment of the Welsh Church. This was the most pressing of all reforms needed in the Principality. The Church in Wales was not a national church. One of the effects of disestablishment of the Welsh Church would be that bishops sitting in the House of Lords by virtue of the establish- ment would no longer be enabled to thwart and defy the will of the majority of the people of Wales. The question of disestablishment, too, involved the question of national education, and they would not rest until they had established a national system of education in which the people of the country should have the voice and the control. (Applause.) As to the eight-hours question, he believed eight hours in the mine, under the conditions in which miners bad to work, were quite sufficient, and no injury I would be done either to the trade of the country, the men, or the masters by a compulsory eight hours day in all collieries. (Applause.) There had been some doubts raised as to his view on the land question. He was in favour of the majority report of the Welsh Land Commission, which involved a Land Court for Wales. But he wanted something more than that. He wanted a court side by side with the Agri- cultural Land Court, which should settle the question of royalties. (Applause.) He should like to see the compulsory taxation of ground values and mining royalties, which formed such a great bulk of the wealth of the district of East Denbighshire. (Applause.) On the motion of Mr. CHRISTMAS JONES, B3C( nded by the Rev. R. E. WILLIAMS, Welsh Baptist minister, and supported by Mr. LEIF JONES, a vote of confidence in the candidate was passed.—One of the speakers read to the meet- ing a resolution passed by the representatives of the miners of North Wales, pledging them- selves to use every means to secure the return of the Liberal candidate. ISSUE OF THE WRIT. Friday night's Gazette contained the Speaker's warrant for the issue of a new writ for the election of a member of Parliament for the Eastern Division of the county ef Denbigh, in place of Sir George Osborne Morgan, deceased. MR. KENYON'S CAREER. Mr. George Kenyon, says the Daily Mail, is a man of quite amazing popularity among nearly all sections and shades in Wales. When Mr. Lloyd George, M.P., declared the other day that Mr. Kenyon was just one of the sort of good fellows we don't like voting against,' he was in no way exaggerating. Mr. Kenyon and the late Admiral Mayne, M.P. for the Pembroke Boroughs, were iu a way rivals in the House of Commons, for their political opponents never could quite decide which of the two was really the best fellow.' Politics is proverbially bitter in Wales, and yet Mr. George Kenyon, though a Churchman, and though intimately connected with the great landowner class in the Principality, has scores of friends among the followers of the stern and unbending Mr. Gee and the Radical of Radicals Mr. Lloyd George. How he has achieved the position it would, perhaps, not be very easy even for himself to explain. An entire good humour and an utter absence of bitterness are, however, probably the chief secrets of his popularity. He looks the character, too. On a never-to-be-forgotten occasion Mr. George Kenyon rose in the House of Commons to second Mr. J. W. Maclure's motion in favour of the Derby Day adjourn- ment. Lord Elcho had more than once received his meed of delighted laughter as he joked his way through this venerable discussion,' but Mr. Kenyon put all his noble friend's past performances into the shade in a very few minutes. The joke," says Pope, "is lost unless he prints his face," and here was Mr. Kenyon's good-natured counten- ance printed in clear type for the House of Commons to enjoy. He looked just a born comedian, and had Mr. Arthur Roberts and Mr. J. L. Toole been present, they might have thanked their happy stars that it was only the stage at St. Stephen's which had claimed Mr. Kenyon for its own. But, though a comedian, Mr. Kenyon, when he chooses, can also in due season be serious, and he really thoroughly understands the political situation in Wales. He will take some beating. MR. KENYON'S ADDRESS. Mr. Kenyon, in his address to the electors, states that a life-long residence in the immediate neighbourhood, and ten years' Parliamentary experience, as member for Denbigh Boroughs, gives him an interest in the constituency and a knowledge of its require- ments, which could not be easily surpassed by any other candidate. In Parliament he is prepared to continue to Lord Salisbury and the Unionist party the cordial yet independent sup- port which he accorded them from 1885 to 1895. In the treatment of questions affecting Welsh- men he, however, claims to be allowed to exercise his impartial judgment. He avers that the neglect of these subjects has given a fictitious importance to the cry of Home Rule for Wales, and that ne real desire exists for such a sweep- ing. measure, if only the attachment of her children to their national objects and aspira- tions is allowed$o have fair play. In regard to intermediate and secondary education, he be- lieves that he may fairly claim to have done his share in securing to the people of Wales a system which has recently been described by a I prominent educationalist as nearly complete.' Hitherto, he states, he has been unwilling to encourage any legislative interference with the hours of labour, because in general he considers any attempt to limit the perfect freedom of contract is prejudicial to the best interests of the employed. He, however, hastens to con- ciliate those electors who have a different opinion by remarking that there are special reasons why those who are engaged in colliery work and other dangerous occupations deserve special recognition, and in these trades he was willing to accept the principle of the eight hours a day where it is desired. The report of the Welsh Land Commission, though it com- pletely absolves the landlords from the sweep- ing condemnations to which they were unjustly exposed, discloses some points of hardship under which the sitting tenant and the small freeholder still labour. He thinks it would be a just and wise policy to remove these grievances, and should be willing to bring in a measure dealing with the recommendations in the minority report. MR. MOSS, THE RADICAL CHAMPION. The Radical candidate is the second son of the late Mr. Enoch Moss, of Broadoak, Rossett. After a distinguished University career at Oxford, he prepared for the bar in London, and two years after accepted a classical mastership in the South of France, which he held for three years. He then joined the Chester and North Wales Circuit. In 1887 he was an assistant Boundary Commissioner under Lord E. Fitz- maurice, and had the whole of Wales and some of the English border counties in his charge. He was the first vice-chairman of the Den- bighshire Countv Council, and succeeded Mr. Gee in the chairmanship of that body. He is still a member of that Council, and is also a member of the Chester Town Council. Mr. Moss is a Congregationalist, and occasionally preaches. He has appointed Mr. Wynn Evans, the Radical registration agent for the division, his election agent. One of the conditions is that the expenses of the contest must be limited to a certain amount. This will necessi- tate, as the 300 were fully informed, a considerable amount of voluntary labour. REMARKABLE SPEECH. In criticising Mr. Kenyon's address, Mr. Moss is reported to have said: Gentlemen, you won't win this fight without a struggle. (Hear, hear.) You have opposed to you not Sir Watkin —why I don't inquire—(laughter),—not Mr. Raikes, the journey from London, perhaps, may be too far—(laughter), but our old friend from the Denbigh boroughs, Mr. Kenyon don't admire him, and we don't want him.') You may depend upon it that the Conservatives, when there is a new man in the field, will spare no effort from now till the polling day— (' Nor will we')—to win this seat from the Liberals who have held it so long. (' Never.') But you must not be content to win this election; you must deal the death-blow to Toryism here. (Uproarious applause.) To effect that you must in every polling district at once set about organising yourselves, pre- pare for a systematic canvass, and spare no effort—I assure you I will not spare myself— until the poll declares me the representative of East Denbighshire. (Cheers.) I have just been looking through Mr. Kenyon's address— (laughter), — and having regard to the many vicissitudes of, and the many changes of front by the Conservatives, and by that extraordinary phenomenon the Unionist party, I should not have been surprised to find Mr. Kenyon advocating disestablishment. (Laughter.) He is willing to grant an eight-hours day to the miners of Rhos—(Laughter)—but disestablishment is conspicuous by its absence. I do not think any candidate in this division will have sympathy with you, the Nonconformists of East Denbigh- shire, unless he determines to fight to the death for perfect religious equality. (Applause.) I will only mention one other matter, and that is the Compensation Bill which the Conservative Government has passed in the House of Com- mons. It is mentioned with a certain amount of eulogy by Mr. Kenyon. It seems to me it is one of the worst Bills ever passed. 1 do not think it would have been possible for any Government to have introduced a Bill with more defects, and more unpalatable alike to the men and to the masters. A staunch Con- servative told me in Chester Station to-day— well I won't tell you what he said, but he did not speak in very parliamentay language about the present Government. (Laughter.) I am rather afraid some of Mr. Kenyon's supporters will not thank him for eulogising that Bill. As to one man one vote and the reform of the registration laws, they are conspicuous by their absence from Mr. Kenyon's programme. I will only say, in conclusion, that Sir George Osborne Morgan was my political godfather— (applause)—and that there have been many worse than he in the country. (Applause.) THE PATRIARCHAL SYSTEM IN THE PRINCIPALITY. The London Observer publishes the following article under the initials T. H. S. E,' which may be readily identified as those of Mr. Southern Escourt:— The interest that now centres in the Denbigh election is quite as much social as political. The contest awakens, too, sentiments not strictly to be ranged under either of these heads, and that, if somewhat of an old world character, still appeal strongly to every class of Englishman. Even in provincial towns, which are predominantly modern as to their building, one comes across occasional patches of architectural antiquity. So in the prosaic records of contemporary electioneering, one encounters now and then an episode recalling the old semi-feudal contests between rival champions of the great parliamentary families. Most parts of the Principality have changed less during the last half a century than any other districts of the United Kingdom. The fiact that in Wales, and some of the border counties, the Nonconformists and the tenant farmers have here and there captured county councils entire, has not destroyed the patri- archal element in Welsh politics. The popularity of Sir George Osborne Morgan is not an argument against this statement, but rather a proof of it. The traditions of his surname stood him in far better stead than the shibbeleths of his political creed. That name in the Severn region may owe something of its power to the personal charm of the erewhile beau sabreur, Godfrey Morgan, Lord Tredegar. But throughout Wales it has a special potency. Without it the late member would never have become a sort of honorary leader of Young Wales. The greatest manifes- tation of the popular sentiment now spoken of was in the case of the Cambrian baronet who could trace his descent back to the days of Arthur, 'the King of Wales,' Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, whose dynasty still lives, and whose personality will not be forgotten by many who read these lines. So long as in Church or State there were palpable grievances to redress, the feudal spirit of Welsh politics was subordinated to, or might even become an instrument of, reforming zeal. When the secular enthusiasm was, as in the case of University tests and national churchyards, quickened by religious feeling, Wales, notwith- standing its Tory squires who went back to the time of Cadwallader, may have seemed a Radical paradise. Even then Welsh feeling required something of the patriarchal coating to swallow the Liberal poli- tician. Thus, even at Merthyr Tydvill, the Progressive cause found its most staying champion in the blunt and shrewd son of the soil, who had worked his way from the pit side to Parliament, and whose ways, racy of his native earth, are still remembered in the House of Commons—honest, eccentric, and humorous Henry Richard. If such a son of the people were to-day in the field, one might expect, as a matter of course, a Liberal successor to that very much the reverse of dangerous Liberal Parliamentarian whose seat is now contended for. In the absence of such a person, there is not the slightest reason why a Conservative who may be classed roughly as of the feudal variety now spoken of should not come in. Though it be more than 30 years since the days of Bulling- don and Loder's Club at Christ Church, neither those who knew him at Oxford, or, to use the schoolboy phrase,' at home,' have forgotten the supple, vigorous, and well-graced figure, always in the first flight among those who rode with Sir Watkin's hounds, as he was with the old Berkshire or South Oxfordshire Hunts. This is at least the material out of which Welsh voters, even under household suffrage, like to make their representative. Though, for the reasons already given, Wales is loosely reckoned as of Radical sym- pathies, it has generally moved with the rest of the kingdom. It has only shot ahead at moments of great excitement pervading the whole country. Such a conjecture is certainly not the present. Even the sturdy special pleading of Sir William Harcourt, who, as a Welsh member,' is to be called in, will not be able to make it appear otherwise. The invocation of that distinguished auxiliary may prove a step of doubtful wisdom. To speak with geographical accuracy, the Opposition chief is a Monmouth- shire and not a Welsh member at all. Just as the natives of the Border county resent being called anything else than English, so in the citadel of Cambrian nationality round and about Wrexham, where Sir William Harcourt is to speak, there is a patriotic prejudice against recognising the southern parts which abut upon the Wye as having part or lot in the chosen race. Sir William Harcourt's speeches for Mr. Moss or for another may, therefore, conceivably be regarded as an oratorical intrusion, and, the Liberals of the Principality falling out, its Conservatives may come by their own. If Mr. Kenyon turns to the account one may expect his local knowledge and his pre-eminently popular qualities, the mere fact of his opponent saying ditto to Sir Osborne Morgan, whose Liberalism, as has been seen, was practically played out some time before his lamented death, is not likely much to benefit the Opposition now. In Denbigh the Celtic element of Liberalism is in question, and, with the Celt, it is the unexpected which often occurs. WHAT IS THE LIBERAL POLICY? The Liberal party (says the Spectator) once had a consistent body of doctrine which com- manded respect and compelled attention even where it did not secure support. But where is that body of doctrine now ? No doubt, just as reforms are put into action, the reforming party loses in power and attractiveness unless it can take up new problems in the natural lines of its own evolution. The Liberal party has lost that power without gaining in new develop- ment. Irish Home Rule was hurriedly taken up, though it was quite contrary to the true nature of Liberalism. But where is Irish Home Rule now ? Does the party as a whole, do the leaders as a body believe in Home Rule ? If so, in what kind of Home Rule ? In the Bill of 1886, in that of 1893, or in the dim, unex- plained, quasi-Federal Home Rule of the Radical Committee ? We do not know; not one single clear statement on the subject is vouch- safed to us. Do the Liberal leaders suppose that the electors are ready to cast the British Constitution into a political melting pot when those responsible for the operation have not I the least idea into what form their mould is to be cast? We observe that Mr. Samuel Moss, the Radical candidate for East Denbighshire, has scarcely anything to say on the subjeet, from which it might almost be inferred that Home Rule has ceased to be a vital item in the party programme. We are inclined to think that this inference is not very wide of the mark and that the bulk of the party are secretly con- vinced that Mr. Balfour's coming Irish measure will shelve the Home Rule question, for the time at any rate, and that they are by no means sorry at the prospect. The address of Mr. Moss suggests another question which has been quietly dropped by the Liberal leaders, unless we are to take vague platitudes as constituting a settled policy. Mr. Moss favours reform of the House of Lords.' What does this mean, and what do the Liberal leaders intend to say about the House of Lords? Do they seriously intend to touch the question at all, and if so, in what form ? If the words have any definite meaning, we scarcely understand a Radical wishing to 'reform' the House of Lords. To reform an institution means to make it more effective, more powerful. If the House of Lords, therefore, is reformed, it will be a more powerful institution than it is at the present time, and therefore, since the total quantum of power remains constant, the House of Commons would be rendered less powerful. We are by no means sure that the House of Commons will not lose power, democracy shewing itself everywhere more and more impatient of Parliamentary palaver j' but are we to understand that Radicalism consciously intends to bring that result about, and that the Liberal leaders will follow meekly in their wake? For our own part, we are convinced that the question of the House of Lords would fall dead fiat, because the people feel at present no grievance. But in any case we naturally wish to hear from the Liberal leaders on the subject.

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