The Chester Courant and Advertiser for North Wales

CHESTER GAS COIPANY. « HALF-YEARLY MEETING. The seve.ity-firsr. ordinary genera! meeting of the Chester United Gas Company was held on Monday at the company's Cuppin-street. Mr. James G. Frost presided in the absence CI i the chairman (Mr. John Gamon). a,i the attend- j ance included Mr. R. L. Barker, Mr. James. Hob- day. Mr. Geo. Okell (directors). Mr. W. Ha>weri. j Mr. G. R. Griffith, Mr. J. S. Latham. Mr. Isaac Williams, and Mr. W. \Y. Tasksr. with Mr. James Pye (secretary), Mr. F. A. Pye (general manager. and Mr. J. C. Belton (engineer). The directors, in their report for the half-year endied 31st December, stated that the carboniz- ing pi ant continued to yield satisfactory remits, and the directors had been enabled to write off a. further sum of 1;1,550 on account of the amc-.uin chargeable against reyenue for the alterations to the retort- house, making, with the £ 1.750 written off on 30th June last, a total sum of z/O,300 paid on. that account during- the past year. The_ balance to credit of profit and loss account IC) after pro- viding for payment of all interest on loan capital and dividend on preference stock to 31st December last, is £ 4,919 Is.. and the- directors recommended' payment of full statutory dividend on the ordinary stock to 31st December, 1903, cut of this sum, payable on 10th proximo. The Chairman, in moving the adoption of the report and the statement of accounts, said the accounts both for the half-year and the whole year shewed little variation in comparison with previous years. A small reduction in the price of coal audi' a, good market for residuals enabled the directors to write off a large amount on account of tne retort house debt. It was hoped to write off the outstanding balance, £3,300 odd, off the accounts during the current year. The works had been maintained in a satisfactory condition. The directors had pleasure in observing the increased use of incandescent gas burners, and had intro- duced a scheme of complete maintenance av a small quarterly charge which had been largely patronised by consumers with most. gratifying re- sults. During the present- winter the directors had also introduced a system of supplying a'- d fixing gas fires at an inclusive quarterly rental on the three years' hire purchase. Mr. R. L. Barker, in seconding the resolution, s¡.d it was very satisfactory that they had been enabled to write off such a large portion of the big debt on the retort house in one year, and yet be able to pay their statutory dividend. Mr. Tasker, criticising the accounts in some de- tail, expressed the opinion that- the amount cf the reserve fund invested in consols was fictitious for the reason that the price of consols had gone down since the funds were invested. In all sound commercial enterprises consols wer-ei being written down to a price below the market price. When he drew the chairman's attention to this matter last year he was assured that consols would probably rise, but on the contrary they had since fallen. He therefore suggested:1 it would be good poLcy on the part of the directors to piece the policy on the part of the directors to piece the rcseru :und at something like its actual value, aù the price of the day. or to strike an average price, beeaus-e it was delusive for them t-o think they had £ 12,328 in the reserve fund. The Chairman replied that the figure as set down m the accounts was not delusive or mis- leading. In reply to Mr. G. R. Griffith, the Chairman said the company had never sold consols except on one occasion many years ago for the equalisa- tion of dividends during the coal strike. On the motion of the Chairman, seconded by Mr. James Hobday, dividends were declared as follows :—" A dividend of £4 per cent, per annum on £ 52.500 preference stock in respect of the year ended 31st December. 1903. the same having been already paid. Also dividend in respect of the half-year ended 31st December. 1903. at the rate of 2 per cent on £ 157.150 stock of the company, making with the interim dividend declared at the ordinary general meeting held August 6th last, a.t the rate of 2 per cent., a total dividend fcr the year 1903 at the full maximum rate of 5 per cent., and that the same be paid at the company's bankers, on or after,the 10th instant, to the pro- prietors whose names now stand! registered in the bocks of the company or to their legal repre- sentatives. I Ol-, the motion of Mr. W. Harwell, seconded bv Mr. J. S. Latham, Messrs. George. Okell and James Hobday were re-elected directors. Mr. F. J. Warmsley was also re-appointed auditor of the company, and the meeting closed with a vote of thanks to the Chairman and the omdr.Is of the company, in proposing which Mr. Gr.ffith remarked that he did! not know of any other gas company in the country that was man- aged so efEcietly and economically ee- that- cf Cb(<er.

THREATENING A WELSH POLICE liNSPiiCTOR.—At Overton Petty Sessions on Saturday, John Martin, labourer, Overton, was charged with threatening Inspector Pearson. of the .F lintshire Constabulary. The Inspector stated that the defendant on New Year's Day was drunk, and, armed with a breechloader, paraded in front of the police station threatening to take the inspector's life and riddle his uniform. At the last petty sessions the defendant was sentenced to one month's imprisonment for being drnnk and dirorderly, and it was then decided to go into the case of threaten- ing the inspector on the defendant's release from gaol. The defendant was asked by the Bench to find sureties of £ 25 each and himself in £ 50. As these were not forthcoming he was sentenced to six months' imprisonment.

CRAWFORD'S SCOTCH j SHORTBREAD | THE "CRAWFORD" QUALITY. HIGHLAND. Thick Cakes. LOTHIAN. Thin Sections, Sugared on top. AYRSHIRE. Thin oblong Cakes, Sugared on top. SOLI; BY GROCERS AND BAKERS EVERYWHERE.

I GOOD-BYE. FEBRUARY 11. Mr. Chamberlain lec. -es England to-morrow (Thurs- day j, February 11.] The knight of ohi the armour that he wore, Wherein he fought, laid by eontent And gave himself, the angry daylight o'er, To dark'ning hours with peace and silence blent. And slept, slept on till wak'mng light perforce— Resistless, trong, persuasive—sternly rose: Reclaim'd the day and broke ior man and horse The gentle truce, the compact of repose Self-mind ful, as becomes the man who bore A nation's burden and ne'er ahirkt the cost, To-day a Statesman le&ves Great. Britain's shore To seek the sun a northern sky has lost. May seas roll fair and stay jhe stress of life, While, held at home, may critics surely find, I 'Midst all the tumult of absorbing strife. The gentler judgment of the soundest mind R. ST. J. CORBET.

LIGHTING-UP TABLE. All cycles and other vehiales in the Chester district) lau jt be lighted up as aiated in the following table Wednesday, February 10 g'g" Thursday, February 11 6.11 Friday, February 12 G 13 Saturday, February 13 6*15 Sunday, February 14 q Monday, February 15 6.19 Tuesday, February It! 6.21

CHESTER DISTRICT NURSING ASSOCIATION. 9, WATER TOWER-STREET. WEEKLY REPORT. Old cases i' Removed 0 >*e-»v cases 22 Deaths 9 ^uf.e<l 4 On books 70 Relieved 3 Visits '425 k. BAiEbON, LacJy Superintendent, f ebruary (>, 1904.

IBIR'PH,S,- -MAP-RIA C-ES & I)E A Tif S — —— I BIRTH8, MARRIAGES, AND DEATHS are charged at the rate of 20 words for ls. (orepaid). If not prepaid, the charge will be 2s. 6d The announcement must be authenticated by the Sig- nature and Address of the Sender. BIRTH. GITTIXS—On the tith February, at Pias Newton, Wrexham, e wife cf J. Colctnere Giitina, of II. daughter. MARRIAGES. BP.OCKLEHI iRST— RUSCOE—On the 3rd February, at St. Luke's Church, Liverpool, James Brocklehurst of Oldham, to Sarah, daughter of Le late Rusaoe. 01 Rushton, Tarjiorley. LEECH—ELWES—On the 3rd February, at Ootacamund, India, Arthur John, st .oud son of Sir Bosdin Leech, of Timperley, to Louie Morley, younter daughter o: the late AreiKKvon Elw. s, of Madras. J-IDiiEOTTOM—KIR KHAAI—On the 1st February, at St. Margaret's Chinch, Ecwdon, by the Rev. H. Wales, Thomas Herbert Sidebctt-oni, to Marv. second daughter of Stephen Haywood Kiriiham, of Wiimslow, DEATHS. EBRALfr—On the 3rd February, at Canonburv House. Shrewsbury, Arm Zillah, widow of San uel Ebra! and daughter of the laic William Webster, of ue London, M., aged 13 years. ROBERTS—On the rth February. at Grove House. St. Asaph, Sarah June, the beloved wife of Peter Roberts. ROSS—On the 3rd February, at Riohrnond Heath, Heswall, Airnes C -v: taiioc Ross, ot Wo-),,i: e, Rock Ferry, S'-eord ot the late HeBry Lawrence Itoss, of Biriunhi.-L V, L\ ;vLF,-<)!! the 1st February, z., Brown-street, Macclcs- tjeid, Ar.ii inkle, a.getl tJ years. WOOE'RIil-FK—On the 2nd Fobr.ary, at Pieree-street» Macclesfield,-Sai-ah Woo'iruffe, 7tj years.

MEMORIALS. AT PltlCJJS, IN MARBLE, GRANITE, STO -] & ALABA.STK r! OIl View, and to 0râ>1 VV. H.ASWBLL & SON. AIASON3, KAL ETA2D S Ob'EST.' Xftimatea and Detigns Free on Telephone o. 161a

DENBIGHSHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL— Tne quarterly meeting wao held at Denbigh on Friday, Air. John Roberts presiding. The Rev. D. D. RicVi irH: Nanbglyn, was elected a governor of Denbigh County School, \nd tne Rev. \V. E..Touts, Gwynfryn, Penycae, governor of Ruabon Council School. The traffic on the Llanailin road led to an animated discussion. It appeared that damage is done to the county roads owing to the traffic of engines and wagons belonging' to the contractors to the Liverpool Corporation, and it was recommended that some method of coping with wear and tear should be adopted. The council agreed tha.t the Liverpool Corporation were the primarily liable persons as legaids the damage, amounting to zC472 8s ld. Up to the end of Dcembei the outlay was £ G23 8s. 6^d. The Council decided to make an application for the immediate discharge of the balance of amount due. The Council approved of the principle of compulsory dipping of sheep, and directed the clerk to apply to the £ jard of Agri- culture to make an order for the coun y. CHESTER GLEE CLUB.-The second ladies' night concert of the season wag given on Tuesday evening to a good audience. It was a capita! con- cert, and the performers well merited the warm greeting they received. The president (Mr. G. T. Wynne) was in the chair, supported by the vice (Mr. H. R. Thomas), and the ex-president (Mr. J. H. Jones). Appended is the programme :—Glee, '"The Beleaguered": piano duet, "Adagio and Allegro" (Symphony No. 4), fjss Lena Adams and Mr. R. Butter worth song, "Could I but know," Mr. A. E. Myatt; part song, "T aI's' Song"; song, "When the heart is young" (encore, "The Zuider Z*?e"), Miss E M. Goswell; glee, "The long day closes" recitation, The man with the single hair'' (encore, The shadow on the blind "), the President sorlg. The Diver," Mr. W. Hopton glee, 0 Thou whose beams"; piano duet, "Presto" (Symphony No. 4), Miss Lena Adams and Mr. R. Eutterworth song, Leonore," Mr. W. Williams; glee, "C'rown'd with Clusters" song, I'm a Merry Zingara," Miss B. M. Go-well; song (humorous), "Just her way," Air. Loui Parry; song, "I'm too old for it now," Mr. Magee; quartet, In Absence," The Cavaliers Messrs! S. Brown, W. E. Snelson, A. M Broctor and C. James). The conductor was Mr. Robert Butter- worth and the pianist Mr. Rd. Thomas.

By Royal Warrant Fertilizer Manufacturere To His Majesty t'h-e King. F i -S, oN ,s, (IPSWICH) FERTILIZERS 1903 RESULTS D 1 T) T ry Chanipi usbi <>f the W6rld 11 JJ I J X Erewers' Exhibition Grower, Mr Thomas Rawle, Porlook, Somerset. 5 Vp AT T\Q S3 to DO cvrts. per acre, Ji A VTU 1J if > Pet-ersiield Sh w. 'irc.ver, Yr. N. Marshall, Hogat-e. Sussex, P A T5P A P T7Q ton a per acre, Brailsrord \J .1 £ )JDr\.U and District Shi'w. Grower, Mr. W. Gjobs. Kirk Langiey, Derby. ^5 ton-; '1 ewt The Coul- O VV "j\j E/~ thard Boot Competition. Grower, Mr. R. Thomas, Pentr ath, uglesey. The Special Fertilizers for Grass, Oats, Potatoes a d Hops have alco dune v:onders. For illustrated price lists and full particulars of terms apply to JOSEPII FISON k CO. LD. IPSWICH. I

"1'> THE LATE MR. DAVID MELDRUM.—The funeral of the late Mr. D. Meldrum, of the Cheshire Lines Railway, took place at Child u-all on Wednes- day. Notwithstanding the unfavourable weather, there v. s an exceedingly large assembly, including representatives of the various railway companies throughout the kingdom, besides officials from the Central Stations of Liverpool and Manchester, and many prominent commercial men. Special trains were run from Liverpool and Manchester. The service was conducted by the Rev. R. M. Ainslie (rect or of Child wall), assisted by the Rev. W. A. Reeves, the cnrate-in-charge at Grassendale. The chief mourners were Mrs. Meldrum (widow), Miss Moss (cousin), Mr. David and Mr. Martin Meldrum (nephews), Mr. C. E. Phipps, and Mr. Ker Waddell. The Cheshire bines Committee was represented by Messrs. Gustav Behrens (director), H. Blundell (engineer), Grlegge Thomas (secretary), J. YounL, (accountant), and a IL,.rge number of the staff. Among those present fro n Chester were Messrs. T. Hales. J. F'^nna, and W. G. Marrs.

Government, but the old order was changing, and there were Irishmen, and Irishmen differing very widely from each other. Very few Irishmen agreed with the speech the chamrman had read out. That was not an Irish speech; it was a partisan speech, made by the leader of a party that was kept in power by bludgeons in Ireland! and gold from America. There was a party in Ireland that looked with gratitude across the Irish Sea. to the attempts made by Parliament to undo the in- numerable wrongs of the past. It was not that they did not feel the wrongs of the past, but now they knew the heart of the just English people had been touched, and that no- thing would be left undone to remedy if possible the wrongs of the past. On the other hand, there was the paid Irish so-called Nationalist working- not for his country but for himself. He trusted as a loyal Irishman, of whom he could say there were millions, that the resolu- tion would be carried, and that thei Government would feel that they were pledged before the world never to listen to the solicitations of the rebel band, and never to grant Home Rule. (Ap- plause.) Dr. Archer seconded. He said now was the time when we should' have a strong and united Government in power. The Irish Home Rulers c were nothing but a party of paid agitators, who received dollars from America to continue their cause. The resolution was then put to the meeting, and carried, the Chairman 'declaring that five voted against it. Mr. Yerburgh had a most cordial reception on rising. The vast audience jumped to their feet, cheered enthusiastically, and sang "For he is a jolly good fellow." Somebody called for three cheers for Mrs. Yerburgh, and there was a fresh outburst. When he could be heard, Mr. Yerburgh said:- I have to thank Major MacGillycnddy very sin- cerely for the extremely kind words he used in regard to myself when he referred to the magazine article, and reminded me I was numbered among the "young men of the party." I thought for a moment that he was perhaps poking a little sly fun at me. (Laughter). I also thought to myself that after all a man is as young as he feels, and they say a woman is as old as she looks. (Laughter). If the first part of that saying is true, I can with all sin- cerity state I feel just as young and equal to a fight as I did when I first came before you. (Cheers). Of course, one is not as young as one was. It is, as Dr. Archer has said, some twenty years ago that I had the honour of first making the acquaintance of -the electors of Chester. It is nearly eighteen years —and eighteen years is a very long span in one's life-that I have had the honour of representing 'Chester. (Cheers, and a voice We hope it will be eighteen more). Well, my political life is an open book before my constituents. Never during my political career have I stooped to conceal any political opinion that I might hold. (Hear, hear). Believe me, you will find that my future will be as my past has been, and that never will I condescend to conceal any opinion I believe to be right. (Cheers). The first question that appears to me as worthy of our consideration, and one by far the most momentous of the day. is the PROSPECT OF THE WAR now.imminent between Japan and Russia. We have an alliance with Japan, an alliance under which if Japan is attacked by another power we are bound to go to her assistance. (Heir, hear.) Japan, in her turn, if we had been engaged in defending our legitimate interests in China and had been attacked by another power, would also have undertaken her part in coming to our assi tanoe. (Hear, hear.) As the Prime Minister has told us, we shall be true to the engagement we have made (Cheers.) I trust to Heaven that great burden may not 'be laid upon us. I am confident that had we been in the position in which Japan finds herself, Japan would have been equally true to her engage- ment to us. (Cheers) Now, there is this very hopeful aspect in the case so far as we are concerned. The country that is allied with Russia, France is happily now on terms of the greatest cordiality with ourselves. (Cheers). We are on better terms than we have been for years past; and there can be no doubt.that France with us is equally anxious to keep this disastrous war from spreading beyond the bounds within which we now see it operating. Therefore there is this comfort in the situation, that some years ago had this war been thrust upon the world there would have been far more probability that we should have been forced into it than there is at the present time. I observe there is an evident desire in some quarters to represent Japan as having acted with want of patience, as having displayed a desire to ask for more than she was legitimately entitled to, as having.acted in a manner that unfits her for our sympathy and for our assistance, if it is required. I observe that in various quartern hut what is the real case with regard to the position of Japan and the action she has tak en ? m my view, has shewn most marvellous patience under circumstances of the GREATEST PROVOCATION. (Cheers.) At the termination of her successful war with China, she, as part of the recompense she was to receive for the trials she had undertaken, the lives ehe had lost and the money spent, received from China the cession of -certain territory. Russia, Germany and Franue combined, intimated to Japan that she must retire from this territory she had legitimately eaint-d because her presence there would be a menace to the peace of Eastern Asia and the integrity of China. Japan shewed the greatest commonsense, the greatest sobriety and the greatest self-control. Japan retired and abandoned the territory which had been granted to her by China. What happened? Witliin a short time Russia herself ,entered upon the possession of this very territory which she had told Japan would be a menace to the :peace of Asia if she (Japan) occupied it. Japan, having made all this sacrifice, having retired at the bidding of the three Powers, found Russia had .installed herself there in her place >(" Shame.") Japan accepted the situation. But let us go a little ■further. Russia then proceeded to strengthen her .position in Manchuria. She gave undertaking .after undertaking to the Powers that she would •evacuate Manchuria, and in April 1902, -she entered ,-into an agreement with China that she would •evacuate Manchuria in October. What happened ? Russia did withdraw her troops for a short period irom a certain portion of Manchuria, but in a very short time she re-occupied it. She is there to-day. She- is pouring in her troops and sending her ships to .the Far East and in spite of the repeated requests from the Great Powers that she should fulfilJ-ier obligations, Russia finds means of evading them. To-day she is in a position she solemnly undertook to evacuate a year or more ago. Japan accepted the situation with the greatest sobriety. She .felt that the interests which were vital to her population were imperilled by the presence of Russia in Manchuria on these terms. Japan has the greatest interest in the Empire of Korea, which is not far situated from her own shores It is a country in which she has legitimate aspirations, where she hopes to see her people settle, and where she door, a great trade-a country she considers must at any cost be saved from falling into the h,.i.nds,of -ny other power, because her independence would be threatened by the presence of any great power in that part of the world. She saw Russia from her position in Manchuria consolidating her position in .Korea. Japan then thought it was time to draw the attention of Russia to the position, and to put forward certain demands with regard to Korea. I have seen it stated in certain pape" that .Japan put forward certain demands which many people might consider EXCESSIVE AND UNWARRANTED. I see it was stated Japan demanded she might be permitted tofoitify Mesampho on the Korean coast, and which would have given her a position of advantage between the Russian port of Vladivostock and Port Arthur, Japan voluntarily offered not to ask any stragotical position whatever in Korea she has simply asked that her rights, which any other nation has, of defending her own interests should be respected, and that the particular rights she has acquired by treaty with Russia in Korea should be (respected by Russia. She has also asked Russia \o make a binding agreement with her to 'respect the integrity and the independence 4ji the Chinese and Korean Empire. Russia, I understand, refuses to give this undertaking. I cannot conceive any reason except that it may be Russia considers that to make an agreement of that 1k¡ind with Japan would not be consistent with her dignified position- A final reply has arrived from Hussia. but Japan has been kept waiting something like'four weeks for that reply, and during the whole of these four weeks, so we gather from the Press, Russia has been pouring troops into Manchuria, making stragetical arrangements for good positions for those troops, and has been strengthening her fleet in [the Far East. In the interests of peace and in oixier to prove to the world sbe is not actuated by any foolish desire to go to war without sufficient reason, Japan has, by her refusal to take action and by allowing Russia time, seriously JEOPARDISED HER FIRST CHANCES of success. But what she has lost in that way she has made good by gaining in the esteem of the people of this.country. (Cheers.) I have now dealt with this question of Japan, and I think it essential that I should do so, because although we trust and hope we may not be dragged into this war, there is always the possibility we may be. aud I think it is .right we should know what has been the action of (the ally we maVIve to go to the assistance of. •('Hear, hear.) Will you allow me before I turn to the fiscal question to touch upon two questions which are to me oi the greatest possible interest and in view of the .critical position abroad at the present time should h8 of interest t-.t the people of Chester? I mean the position of our fleet, and the composition and character of our army at the present time. In the first place it must: be satisfactory to know that the great QUESTION OF 6 JJNNEEY, which after all is the most vital point affecting the efficiency of your fleet, has been carefully con- sidered by the naval authorities. It must be equally satisfactory to know that there has been a great improvement in the gunnery, and that every effort has been made to make the crews as effieie > as possible. It does not matter how large your fleet may be, how powerful your battleships, th< y are. perfectly useless in action if they cannot shoJ; straight. (Cheers.) I take a personal interest in the matter, because I have bombarded the Govern- ment with questions of the efficiency of the fleet time after time; and I am glad to say the bom- bardment from myself and other people has had some effect. There is another question in con- nection with the fleet. You will have observed, and I think everyone in Chester will think the Admiralty acted perfectly right, that the Govern- ment recently purchased TWO CHILIAN CRUISERS, the most powerful ships of that class in the world I have heard it stated that these two cruisers will bo, so to speak, a set-off against the Navy estimates for next year, and that in place of our having a programme as large as we should have had if we had not bought the cruisers, that programme will be less by the price of the cruisers. In my opinion that would be a most foolish and ill-advised policy on the part of the Government. I say these cruisers we have bought ought to be considered alto- gether apart from the ordinary shipbuilding pro- gramme of the year. If the Admiralty put forward that policy, saying that they have allowed for the price of those cruisers in the Navy estimates for the year, I shall do my best to take the sense of the House of Commons against that position of the Admiralty. (Hear, hear.) There is the question of THE WAR OFFICE. I am quite sure the electors of Chester are inter- ested in this subject., and I know my friend, Mr. Roberts, is, because I remember on one occasion of a dinner we had at Chester our friend, the Bishop, telling Mr. Roberts he thought he was a good Tory, but he found he was a most ardent Radical, because Mr. Roberts, in the course of an excellent speech, told us he considered the War Office wanted thoroughly reforming. (Laughter and hear, hear.) Everybody agrees with what Mr. Roberts said on that occasion. The War Offico has been reformed. (Hear, hear.) In fact, at the present time the War Office does not. know itself. (Laughter.) A new scheme has been ac- cepted by the Government, and accepted by the King, whose sanction it has received; and that scheme is in working order The Army is to be managed by a Board on the same system as the Navy has been managed; and everybody who is interested in the Army must hope that this reform will meet with the success it deserves. (Cheers.) We have got at. the head of the War Office Mr. Arnold-Forster, a most courageous and capable statesman. (Hear, hear.) For my part, I know he is in earnest. I know he is a hard worker; I know he has got sound views; and I know also that if he thought matters were not being con- ducted in the way he thought proper lie would not hesitate for a moment to resign his post. (Cheers.) One more remark upon the War Office. There is the Imperial Committee of Defence. That is a most admirable institution, and, so to speak, it is in that form entirely novel. This committee. which is to have the Prime Minister at its head, is to keep records and to have a permanent secre- tary, and its deliberations are always to be there for the consideration of any succeeding Govern- ment. It is es.sential that such a committee should have as its secretary a man of the highest capacity and highest knowledge (Hear, hear.) There is one man, in my opinion, above all others who is suited for such a responsible post. He is a soldier, but he has recognised in all his numerous writings that the great defending force of this country is the Navy. (Hear, hear.) He has I always recognised that. the inavy and Army must work together, but the Navy is the supreme defending force of this country. He has pointed out. and it is now generally recognised by all authorities, that what you require for your Army is a small Army, efficient, highly disciplined, and composed of the very best men. but it must be properly paid, an Army to go abroad; that you want for your home defence a voluntary force of Militia and Volunteers; and that behind all this you must have a fleet strong enough to meet, any possible combination of Powers against you. (Cheers.) That. has bren this particular man's policy for years past; that is the policy now ac- cc.ptc-d, I believe, bv the Government. The ABSURD FARCE of attempting to fight with European Armies by e ccting two huge Army Corps numbering I do not know how many hundred thou. ands of men, is swept away and put. into the limbo of forgotten things. The Government, in a saner mind. I think, would be taking the wisest step if they appointed to the secretaryship of this Defence Committee the. great. Englishman to whom I have referred. I mean Sir George Sydenham Clarke, late Governor of Victoria. I now come to THE GREAT FISCAL QUESTION. We have heard from our chairman to-ni<rht—may I say, if he will permit me to do so, that his first appearance on the boards has been a most inspirit- ing one-(hear. hear)—a speech in which he has put the question now before the country in the clearest possible light. The advice he has given to us is very sound, and we might do well to follow it. I have never hesitated to say upon all the questions of the day exactly what I think. (Hear, hear.) And I am going to do the same to-night. Our chairman has told us there are three divisions upon the Fiscal question. There are the followers of Mr. Chamberlain, the followers of Mr Balfour, and the out and out Cobdenite Free Traders. I do not altogether agree with the description given of Mr. Balfour's policy as compared with Mr. Chamberlain's policy, be- cause to my mind the two policies are absolutely distinct. (Hear, hear.) It is said that those who support Mr. Balfour are really taking their stand on a half-way house, and that after a short period of decent waiting they will advance to the position occupied by Mr. Chamberlain. That may be so with some who support Mr. Balfour, but it certainly is not so with the great majority, so far as I know their opinions. I will endeavour to shew you why I consider Mr. Balfour's policy is entirely opposed to Mr. Chamberlain's policy. WHAT IS MR. BALFOUR'S POLICY ? He declared it very plainly at Sheffield, but I can give it you in short. He pointed out with regard to foreign countries that he thought the time had come to make a change with regard to our Fiscal policy, and he asked that we should resume the freedom of negotiation which we had abandoned. Then he went on to point out that foreign countries had what they called a combative tariff. a high tariff which they erected, so to speak, as a wall all round their shores, and which they lowered for the benefit of other countries, who in their turn had lowered their tariffs to them. Now, Mr. Balfour said, "I am not prepared to adopt any policy of that kind. I think it would not be ill aeeordance with our habits and our views, and it would dis- organise our trade. That is not my policy. What I do propose is that if we find any country treating our industries in an outrageous manner, we should then take occasion to say to them If you don't deal fairly with us we shall take certain steps against you, provided we can do that without disadvantage to ourselves. (Cheers.) Mark these word, because they are very important. That means that Mr. Balfour is prepared to say to any country that puts up an outrageous tariff against you, which is endeavouring in some way to destroy any particular industry you may have—he is prepared to say to that country, "We shall take steps to deal with some industries of yours if you do not meet us fairly and squarely. We shall do that if it will not hurt us in our turn." Does anybody, any Free Trader- however advanced he may be in opinion, however he may adhere to the teachings of Mr. Cobden- object to th3 position taken up by Mr. Balfour ? I AM A FREE TRADER. (Loud cheers.) Perhaps I am using a wrong word, because many people will say we do not enjoy Free Trade. But I will say that I am a free importer. I do not want to eavil about words—(hear, hear)— but I want to know whether there is any gentleman holding the views I do who would object to the policy that Mr. Balfour has laid down. Is there anything inconsistent with the doctrine of Free Trade in what Mr. Balfour has said ? I can see nothing whatever that is inconsistent with Free Trade. Therefore, 1. for my part, support Mr. Balfour in that policy. (Cheers.) Let us go a little further We have ascertained how he pro- poses to carry his policy into effect Now there is the question of Retaliation. Retaliation is a two- edged weapon. You may use it against the foreigner, and you may find that you are injuring yourself. Under our present treaty arrangements with foreign countries—under what is called the Favoured Nation Clause—we get the benefit of any concessions that they may make to other countries. There was a tariff war some time ago between Ger- many and Russia, and they came to an agreement under which they lowered their duties one against the other. We, under the Favoured Nation Clause, without any fighting whatever, got the benefit of those terms. That is my first point. These are all matters for our consideration. (Hear, hear.) My second point is this: Although France and Germany have very high tariffs, they have never been able to get any special concession from the United States, although we have no tariff what- ever. (Hear, hear.) That is a very curious fact. We are asked' to put on these high tariffs to get concessions from other countries, and yet if you look abroad you find that the countries which have these high tariffs have not been able, by virtue of those high tariffs, to get. any concessions from abroad. (Cheers.) Then, I say, before you accept Retaliation you must take all these things into consideration. The next point is the QUESTION OF DUMPING. Dumping, as far as I know it, is this-that a country, say Germany or America, sends into this counti y goods below the cost at which they ,an be produced in this country. That is dis- tinctly an unfair form of competition. (Hear, hear.) Then you have to consider that there are a. great many trades in this country that make their profit, by dumping. The tinplate trade in Wales profits by dumping, and I saw a letter in the Press from a gentleman saying that the gal- vanised sheet-iron trade profited by dumping. I was told by a gentleman largely interested in the shipbuilding trade, as well as the iron trade, that dumping had been of the greatest advantage to him in the shipbuilding trade. In all these cases I have put to you, we find that we raise Mr. Balfour's qualification. Can we interfere without disadvantage to ourselves? In Retaliation and in. dumping we have to say to ourselves, if we are followers of the Government and of Mr. Balfour, as I claim to be, Can we interfere in these cases' uitiiv. it il.cadviuiwgo •.?" If we dle- ,d-e.d"q; • ■ deailing with wj question of that kind II"" mu-1 "J. having co.reft>!iy 3urveyed the whole field ;p¡;],j, \-¡5'f!.8w'r, if you decide to take action with regard to damping in some particular material, you may find you are injuring a trade that depends upon that material. (Hear, hear.) I will give you an instance of what happened in Chester not long ago. When I was dining with some of my supporters, we discussed this question, and a remark was made to me that under the im- portation cf cheap lead the lead mines of Halkyn had been shut down and the miners had been dis- charged. That wa.s a very great hardship un- doubtedly. I do not pretend to know anything about the lead trade, but I enquired What hap- pens to the cheap lead?" "Oh," said another gentleman, "That is used in ether industries," which I understood were in a very flourishing condition. Well," I said, supposing you put a duty on this cheap imported lead-a duty so high that you can re-open the Halkyn mines and work them with a profit. What is going- to hap- pen to the ether industries that depend upon cheap lead?" (Cheers.) I put the question purely in the nature of an inquiry, because I was ignorant of the whole circumstances, but I got no reply. It is perfectly obvious that if you ha.ve a large series of industries depending upon the importa- tion of cheap lead, and if you raise the price of that lead sufficiently high, you must destroy those other industries. All this, I venture to say, shews that in the consideration of this matter you must carefully survey the whole field. It is not en-ouch to say Here is an industry; clap on duty to pro- tect it." You must inquire, What other indus- tries will be affected if I put on duties to a&sist, or rather to save this industry from unfair com- petition?" I say that on all these grounds Mr. Ba- four's policy, so far as I can see it, is a fafr policy and a sound policy-a. policy that any Free Trader could accept without any searchings of heart whatever. (Cheers.) I say clearly before you tha,t I SUPPORT MR. BALFOUR'S POLICY as judged by the speeches he has made. Of course, if I find out that Mr. Balfour is not a Free Trader, as I believe him to be—if I find out that he is a Protectionist and supports Mr. Chamberlain's policy and desires to commit his party to it—then I tell you frankly, fairly and squarely, I shall tdo my best to oppose Mr. Balfour. (Cheers.) May I for a moment deal with the other branch of the policy, that which has been put forward by Mr. Chamberlain, the policy of preferential trading with the Colonies. I am bound to say I cannot understand why this Colonial question has sud- denly become so acute. (Hear, hear.) We have been told, I think, that unless we are prepared to give some preferential terms to the Colonies we may see a very serious feeling against the con- tinuance of the relations between Great Britain and her self-governing Colonies. That is to say, that the safety of the Empire is more or less in- volved in these preferential duties. If that were so. it would be a very serious &tate of things, but it seems to me so hard of credence that I should like to have some further evidence upon the mat- ter. Perhaps, during the course of the debate which is now taking place in the House of Com- mons we may hear, but in the report which I have of the conference of the self-governing Colonies in 1902, I find the following remarks made by Mr. Chamberlain with regard to the preference which was given us by Canada in 1897. I would remind you that the premiers of the self-governing Colonies then unanimously undertook to consult with their colleagues, and to consider whether a preference might not be given on their customs' tariff for goods imported from the United King- dom. Now, what were they to get in return? Did they ask for any return? (A voice: "No.") Did they say they must have any preference in return for this preference which they were giv- ing? No. Did they say that otherwise the rela- tions between us and the Colonies might be strained? No. Mr. Chamberlain said, "This was a proposal without any reciprocal obligations. It was regarded by the premiers of the time as a proposal which might be made in consideration of the fact that the United Kingdom was the largest, the best, and the most open market in the world for all the products of the Colonies." (Hear, her.r.) Given out- of pure goodwill in rdun, for what they get from the Mother-country. Mr. Chamberlain goes on to say that he is disappointed with the result of the preference, that as a matter of fact. our trade has not increased with Canada under the preference so much as the trade of foreign countries has increased, whereas the trade of Canada with this country has increased enor- y. He points cut- that all the preference, has done is to arrest the decline in the export of our goods to Canada, but it has not led to any great increase. But the point is this. In 1902 we were assured, as reported in the proceedings of the con- ference, that the COLONIES GAVE THE PREFERENCE out of ptue goodwill in return for the use of our markets, and now we are told that unless we give the preference the Empire is in danger, What r, cc has happened between us and the Colonial Colo- nies to alter the situation so gravely since 1302 and the time when Mr. Chamberlain opened his campaign? (A voice; "War Office reform came on," and laughter.) I am anxious to know. (Hear, hear.) Do not think I ask that question in any cavilling spirit. Do not think 1 do not re- cognise the great value the Colonies are to us, that I do not look forward to the uniting of the Colonies with us in a closer union, and that I do not look forward to a great federation of Anglo- Saxon nations forming together the greatest Em- pire the world has ever seen. That is my great ideal. (Cheers.) Therefore, I do not ask these questicas in a. cavilling spirit for a moment, but I want to get at the truth. We are told we are. to give this preference to the Colonies in tho shape of taxes upon food sttiff,-iii)on corn, upon m-eat and butter. We arc told that the price of these articles will not ri&e, but that if it does rise there will be a return in the shape of a reduction of the duties upon tea and sugar, and that if there is I any loss in the revenue it is to be made up by an imposition cf 10 per cent. upon all manufactured goods. I believe that is the policy, but I want to put a few questions upon it. I say in. the first p.ace that if you are not going to raise the price. -cf bread and' meat and butter by putting these duties on, why has Mr. Chamberlain said that he would exempt maize and bacon from the operation of the duty? (Cheers.) If you are not going to raise the price then you ought to keep the duty on maize and bacon. My second point is this. You are told you are going to have the DUTIES ON TEA AND SUGAR reduced in order to counterbalance any increasing price that may have to be paid under this scheme for the Oiher articles of food. But I understand tnese increased duties on tea and sugar were put on as a war charge—(hear, hear)—and that when you reduce-as I hope you may before long—the income tax, you will also make some reduction in the taxation for the benefit of the indirect ratepayer. Then, there is a further point which to my minci is very strong indeed, and' I put it 00, all the fathers and mothers of families. I want to know whether cheap tea and sugar is any fair return for dear bread, dear meat and dear butter? (Cries of "No" and cheers.) Is there any mother here who wants to oruig her child up on cheap tea and sugar? (LaugJiter.) Of course you cannot balance the two. It is absurd to say that any reduction on tea and sugar will compensate for the dearer price of the other nccessary articles of food. With regard to the point that any loss to the revenue is to be made up by a duty of 10 per cent, upon all manufactured articles, we are told that the result of this will be to give more employment at home. You tax foreign goods and you give more employment to the home workman. But don't you see that if by taxing you shut out the foreign goods and give more employment to the home workman, you get 110 revenue to make up the deficit in taxation. (Hear, hear.) That is quite clear. If the articles do not come in you will not get the revenue that you expected to receive from them. If, on the other hand, the articles do come in, and you get the revenue, you will be raising the price of all your articles and will not be benefiting the British workman. (Cheers.) I put these forward as conundrums that have appeared to me in studying the policy. Let us pass from that particular branch of policy and look at it in a broader light respecting the relations of the Colonies to the Mother Country. At present, what is it that binds the Colonies to ourselves? Is it any considerations of self-interest? What brought the Australians, Canadians and New Zealanciers to our as.si-iance in the Boer War? Was it any hope of a tariff? (Cries of "No.") Did they come oecau.-e they thought they might get something for their meat. butter and corn' They came because their blood is the same blood as ot.,rs,-(clieers)--and that is why thev will come to-morrow and the clay after if you want them. you introduced the sordid considerations of material advantage, dc you think you will replace material advantage, do you think you will replace that sentiment of brotherhood by a healthier sentiment:' You will arouse JEALOUSIES BETWEEN THE COLONIES as to the particular kind of treatment they are getting. (Cheers.) You are going to give advan- tages to Canada for her corn. What about Australia s great product—wool? Wool is a raw material, and you are not going to tax a raw material. Therefore what advantage is Australia going to get? Yet you are told you must have this preferential tariff to bring your Colonies closer to yourselves. What are you going to do for Australia end the Cape? Don't you see that you at once throw an apple of discord into the midst of these. Colonies by arousing jealousy? (Hear, hear.) But that is not all. You have to deal not only with the various Colonies, but must consider the ('liferent interests of the Colonies. All the interests in Canada arc not in the growing of corn and making of butter. The farmers of Canada are an important class, but they are not by any means the only class to think of. There is a very large exportation of timber from Canada. Timber is a raw material, but what will you do if the timber exporter says he must have a duty on his goods as the farmer has a duty in his favour upon his corn, meat and butter? You will arouse all these various elements of jealousy and distress between the Colonies. Does that make for closer union? I am bound to say that to me it does not. In private life—and in my opinion you can often compare the life of nations to the life of indi- viduals-if you want to destroy a really happy family who are living together in brotherly love, leave a disputed legacy between them. (Hear, hear.) I have dealt with this question from a Colonial point of view, and I hope I have made it clear to you that in opposing this policy, which I believe to be ?';cjudk'?fi] to the interests of the Empire, I do not fail to recognise the absolute necessity of some means of bringing the Colonies and ourselves into closer union. Mr. Balfour, when he spoke at Sheffield, appeared to consider that the only way to consolidate the Empire was to adopt the method proposed by Mr. Chamber- lain but when he spoke in Manchester not very long ago he said he bad discovered that there was another way. He referred to the presence on the Imperial Defence Committee of Sir FrederirQ Borden, an extremely able man, in is the War Minister fcr Canada. Mr. Balfour asked Sir Frederick to attend the Defence Committee, not as a, witness, but as one of its members, and fcr the first time in the history of our country a. representative of a great Colony was found sitting along with re- presentatives of the Mother-country to consider a question of Imperial importance. It is in That direction, in my view, you will find the proper roadi to lead you to the salvation of the Empire. .Let the representatives of the Colonies meet, to- SL; ouri^lves to consider matters of Im- <?"ce. Think of the untold wealth that 2u.»t«o tv,0611 P°Ur'n§' f°r years into the United fAhe' greates; riches you have got are not j 1 great industries, but in your sound men and women. (Hear, hear.) We have been blind to what has been going on. For years past the flower of your men and women have been troinsr out and strengthening the peoples of the United States. Why have they not gone to your Colonies ? Because you have not seen the great advantage that those Colonies would be to you. You have not seen before your eves the vision of this great Empire in the future. Is it too late to amend this error? Your men, women and children, are leaving you now. It is quite obvious that the in- ducements given to them to go to Canada and Australia and the other Colonies are not sufficient. The United States is more tempting. The Canadians do a great deal to attract people to their shores, but that does not appear to be suffi- C'euv it not be a. wise expenditure of public money to find sums of money that would induce these people to go to Canada, and Aus- tralia? Can anybody say that would not be a policy well worth consideration ? (Hear, hear.) For my part, I should be perfectly prepared to support it. Then there is the question of the undertaking of great public works for your Colonies. They have not got the credit that we have got, because they have to pay more for their money. Why cannot we back their bi!!s some- times for their great public works and give Them the benefit cf our credit to enable them 411 these ™lon°y at a cheaper rate? coLoMarc„Srtt°EmDi™Ul<Jr,'e',d ,tbe ever we m™ h0 ^mPlfe which we all. what- have shewn voif \f° *{&?" desir?'. 1 I roparH tn -Mi Balfour s position. With Stuffs hi ? proposed preferential duties on food- stuffs, he declared that the country was rot pre- pared to adopt such a policy, and I am bound to say that from what I have seen of the elections in the country at which Mr. Balfour spoke that he used a very Wise discretion, because I have observed that on nearly every occasion when a Unionist candidate has been pressed he has declared that he is not in favour of a tax on food. I am with Mr. Balfour in his declaration that he could not advise the adoption of a tax upon food as part of the policy of the Government, and therefore I am on that particular line, as I am "Pon the question of Protection, a supporter of i 1 a of brovernment. Let us so a httle further upon the question of Protection and I will take the case of cotton. THE COTTON INDUSTRY THE COTTON INDUSTRY i. do not apologise for discussing before vou b3?h in i'avc'X breadth of mind that carries you outside the 1 mits of your city and makes you survev the r"-f ° -™Ur fellow-countrymen all' over Brifcal"- Lancashire is not verv far awav Lpf f.iOUta,]k t},1Ink 115 known to vou that in that county the subsistence of the people depends upon t.ie cotton trade. Everybodv depend* upon cotton there: it is the pivot round which every tiling moves. You may say that every trade in Lancashire depends more or less upon the cotton industry. Let us ask ourselves what effect these proposals of Protection might have upon the cotton industry. Oil Mr. Chamberlain's Tariff Commission a representative of the cotton industry is sitting. He has, I think, a wide knowledge of the business, and from his point of view is eminently qualified to represent vou. ^oiiaS I a? understand his trade it is prin- Protected W' W'th the h°mc rnarket' and with S th» trade of Lan- two yi trade< is divided rouchlv into trade with *Ind a China11 Tu^ fu u J 0 tec ted foreign countries, and vou have IWeetod 7 1 Wlieve thG lrad* wuh foreign nnm Ttl °°uJ:ltriss equals eleven millions per an- um. I he total home trade is some 24- £ millions per annum, and the whole of that, with the excep- tion of 4 millions, is in our hands. We export something between £ 65.000,000 and £ 70.000.000 worth of cotton goods abroad per year. By fa: th:. greater proportion of that export trade is done- in neutral markets. What does the trade depend upon? The cotton trade in neutral markets has to faco keen competition, and therefore the article has to b:: produced at the cheapest possible rate If you increase the price of production to the cotton manufacturer who deals in the neutral market, he inns a good chance of losing his mar- ket altogether. He works upon a small margin and if you increase the price of food to the work- bm^/d;mi-6 of m £ chin,'ry. and the price of the if vou nirroifc/lkain"S rnaterla^ of his factory, thino-c t Puce of any of these particular things that he uses in trade, he tells you the piobabihties are you will make him. A HEAVY LOSER. Five hundred thousand operatives are engaged in trades in close connection with tho cotton trade, and giving each man three of a family, we find three millions of people dependent upon the cotton trade. If you take all other people more or less interested in it, you would arrive at the enormous figure, which I saw quoted the other day, of 10,000,000 of people. Do not you think that be- fore you adopt any policy which may turn the profit of those people into loss you ought to con- sider that policy very carefully. (Hear, hear.) Just to bring it home to you let me say that a very large proportion of the trade of Blackburn is done with India. The goods supplied to India are of the very cheapest possible quality. It is chiefly a loin cloth, which is bought- by the poorest of the natives at the cheapest possible rate. Imagine a great industry, in which an enormous amount of capital depends upon the amount of cloth that the Indian natives can buy. If you mcrease- the price of that the native cannot buy it, and your Lan- cashire manufacturer %runs the great danger of losing the great part of his Indian trade. I only mention that to shew you the difficulties that face you when once vou consider the question of putting on a tariff against cotton. Shall I deal EL "7 other industry? (Cheers and cries of point' and T i"St t0 touch upo11 one more much' Chc9Ahire y°u are ™ o-reat emm™^ a&ritulture. A gentleman of a strong snpporter'hefa^,cu^raI ,wo.rId has been nnon manv ij °f Mr. Chamberlains policy pnlistnd th nVs' and he "has to a large extent e llisted the sympathy of the agricultural popula- << £ °" h'* s'de. I refer to Mr. Chaplin. In loan or ioHi a- Royal Commission was appointed to c inquire into the whole question of the depression of agriculture, and upon that Commission, among others, served Mr. Hy. Chaplin and Mr. Walter Long. It is a very curious thing to find on read- ing the report of tbat Commission—the report signed by Mr. Chaplin and Mr. Long—"that the Commissioners have considered' the question of Protection as applicable to agriculture, and they say they cannot state after examining the effect Protection has upon France and Germany, that it is any good whatsoever to agriculture." It is a very important matter, because agriculturists generally aie saying that Mr. Balfour s policy is injurious but that there is some hope of salvation in Mr. Chamberlain's Protective policy. The report stated that in view of the foregoing infor- mation, and taking Germany and France as typical of most highly Protected countries, it must be admitted that the results, which are dis- closed by these reports, aie not encouraging to the advocates of Protection. It is impossible to study the admirable reports we have received without coming to the conclusion that in neither case, at any rate, has Protection afforded that security against severe agricultural depression. You will see from these reports that the evidence givon regarding France and Germany shews you conclusively that. Protection, although agri- culture there has had its advantages to a very high degree, has not saved France and Ger- many from the fall in prices that has paralysed v country. I cannot understand Is P°*n £ aboi,t fhe country advo- which, he has declared in the ,.QP? Y r> ^°nrimission. does not shew Unv ad- inm/eS( ° °t°cted countries. The agriculturist appeais to me to be a very short-sighted person. I could understand the agriculturist supporting this policy of Protection if it were proposed to give 0 the corn-grower 10s. per quarter on his corn, and y.eat-glower 10 per cent. or something of that kiiid-soniething substantial. How is 2s. per quarter upon corn and a small duty on butter f.ol".?,to( he|p the British farmer? If it helps the liritish farmer recollect that in return for that he has to a<rree to duties upon all manufactured ar- ticles. How ,s jt RO,n £ ? to help the British land- owner? (A Voice: "He can raise the rent") He will have to pay more for everything. Will he be able to get more rent from his farmer? How is it going to help the labourer? We all want to help the labourer. We want to keep him on the land. Will you keep him on the land by these duties? If I thought you could help the labourer and reallv get back the rural population on the land, I should be tempted to consider anything of that, kind but vou are going to make the labourer pav more for everything- J .j0? Pf-V more for his bread, meat and butter, will he be able to get more wages from the farmer? No. These are questions I ask you to apply your com- monsense. to. You are a farmer; you get this small duty for your benefit. Are you going to pay more rent to your landlord, or are you going to pay more wages to your labourer? You are not, of course. The landowner and labourer are bound to suffer by this policy. But let us go a little ii-zlior itl"j d" WT- vning inter- fA. le -fn.d -r •* to co.isent to this policy ;>r>d in return •» to small duty in their favour; but that will only operate so long a.9 the Colonies are unable to suppiy you with all you want. As the Colonial supply develops so the Protection of the farmer against competition will vanish, and as Mr. Chamberlain.'s scheme is perfected, so the Protection of the agriculturist will vanish, and in the end he will find himself without any protection whatever, and face to face with the unlimited competition of the Colonies. Then what will be his position? He will have consented as part of the bargain to the imposition of all those Protective duties, and in return he will be the only unprotected part of the community. Is that a policy that any agriculturist can sup- port? I say. on the other hand, that the policy for him to support is the pohcy of Mr. Balfour, because if you can shew that. agriculture is sub- jected to outrageous competit,ion or unfair compe- tition. and you can help it without disadvantage to yourselves, then under Mr. Balfour's policy you will get every help There is a great c-s-se for agiiculture which wants inquiring into. I believe that bounties are paid by foreign coun- tries to their producers, who get the advantage of cheap 1 ail way freights. All that is in the direc- tion of unfair competition. You can help the landowner in other v.sys. and considering the two policies as an agricultu-ist, I unhesitatingly de- clare in favour of the nolicv of Mr. Balfour. Tn my opinion, if any agriculturist is tempted to vote for Mr. Chamberlain's policy, then he is selling his birthright of equal treatment, (Cheers.) I am not talking now as a politician, but as a. man inter- ested in the land and claiming to know something about the land. (Hear, hear.) When I say that anybody adopting that policy is going to sell the birthright he has of equal treatment for his indus- try. along with all other industries, I sav he is selling that birthright for a. miserable of Protectionist, pottage. (Cheers) I have unbur- dened my soul. (Cries of "Go on ") I do not want to trespass any longer upon your time. I have indeed already occupied your patience all too long. (Cries of "No no!") I have put be- fore you my own position. It is the position of a large number of the Unionist party. I have also placed before you the various questions which, in my opinion, deserve serious consideration. I AM ALL FOR INQUIRY myself. I may be wrong, but I want to be proved to be wrong. What then ought we to do? I will tell you what we ought to do. In my opinion, no moderate man—I arn not talking to extreme men on either side—can possibly accept the find- ings of the Tariff Commission. The Tariff Com- mission is occupied in forming a tariff. There has been no inquiry into the whole question be- yond the Blue Book issued by the Government, We have had platform speeches made and state- ments made, and contradicted, re-asserted, and re- contradicted, and we don't know where we are. (Laughter.) One gentlemaa engaged in the steel trade says he has been ruined by dumping, and another replies, "Dumping is all right. I have gained by it." One shipbuilder, who lives in Chester, and who. I hope, will succeed in winning" the Crewe constituency—(applause)—is zll for Protection. Mr. Austin Taylor, another gentle- man engaged in shipping, is all against it. I. as an am against Protection. One manufacturer wants Protection, and another does not. want it. How can you say. then, that yo-u are acting fairly by those great industries if you accept the-finding of a ONE-SIDED COMMISSION? Would any gentleman allow his private affairs and Jbusiness matters to be setti .'d in that way? (A Voice: "o: no ") Would your Corporation a!low any application they n-,ight make to Parlia- ment to be settled in that way? Would they want. people holding one view to be plaoed on the body- to decide. and decide aceoiding to the views they held? You want a fair and equitable tribunal to hear your case. and then it. appcars. to me that on all proper grounds the right course for the Government to pursue is to appoint a proper, im- partial, highly-constituted Royal Commission (Applause.) If you support that you will be fol- lowing the resolution parsed ty thr Chambers or Commerce of the Empire at Montreal, where there were. largely represented CHJJ1100rS of 00T,]110¡-(0 in Canada. Australia and New Zealand. They passed a resolution there asking for a Royal Com- mission. Therefore if you pass a resolution of that kind to-night, you are v>as-ing a resolution in agreement with your Colonial b*ethren. What is the object of a Royal Commission? Can any man object to it? An extreme admirer and fol- lower of Mr. Chamberlain might object to it, and an extreme admirer and follower cf Mr. Cobden might object to it; but it is the great body of moderate opinion that is going to decide the ques- tion. In my opinion, in the interests of that great body of moderate opinion, in which, after all, the fate of the country lies. I think it is only right, if I may venture- to use so strong a term—it is advisable, at, any ratr-having this opportunity before us, when the Government is being- placed on its trial, when the Government is being attacked in the House of Commons. to place on record that the best course to pursue would be to appoint a RoyaJ Commission to inquire into the whole policy. (Cheers.) I venture to submit, the folloy:in,; resolution: — "That having regard to the very comnlex nature of the Fiscal question and the great. differences of op'nion thereon, this' meeting would 1 espectfully request the Government to appoint f" Royal Com- mission to deal with the whole question. (Ap- plause.) I have much pleasure in proposing that resolution.—Mr. Yerburgh then resumed his seat, amid a prolonged outburst of enthusiastic cheering. Colonel Evans-Lloyd seconded remarking t.1r.t he did_ so because he felt that Mr. Chamberlain's Commission could not come to a perfectly im- partial result. The resolution was put to the meeting and car- ric-d without dissent. UNABATED CONFIDENCE. Dr. Mann proposed the foiJowing. resolution: — "That this meeting desires to express its thanks t.o lVIr. Yerburgh for his address and to convey to him its continued confidence in him, as member for Chester." He was sure all would agree that they had listened that night to a very able speech. (Applause.) Even if all did not agree with everything Mr. Yerburgh had said, he thought they could not but admit that the speech gave food for reflection, and it would be well for them to consider carefully the points Mr. Yer- burgh had made. For himself, he had always sympathised with the view Mr. Ycrburgh had taken up on the question. His motion asked them to express their confidence in Mr. Yerburgh. Had Mr. Yerburgh done anything to forfeit that con- fidence? (Cries of "No! no:") Was it. not true that Mr. Yerburgh had faithfully, loyally and ably served the interests of this city in the past? (Hear. hear, and applause ) Was it. not true that he had m a remarkable way gained not only the affection of his political friends, but the respect and esteem of his political opponents? (Applause.) Of those Unionists who might, not see eye to eye with Mr. Yerburgh, he asked if it was true that with the one exc&pt'on they were in complete sympathy with Mr. Yerburgh's views. Was the present time the one for making a change? They had heard of perilous times in front of them. Surely. if ever there was a need in this country for a clear head and .strong- hand to escape the dangers and storms it might soon have to meet, now was the time. He thought it would be well that all who differed on the one point should devote their time to considering the points of agreement with Mr. Yerburgh, rather than accentuate the points of difference. They had heard something about dissensions in the Unionist camp He ven- tured to hope and believe that under the able and judicious leadership of the chairman the Unionist party in Chester might not imitate the blind and reckless and almost savage view adopted in some other places, but that. when the next election came they would close their ranks and, standing shoulder to shoulder. succeed once more in placing at the head of the poll one of the ablest representatives this city had ever had. (Loud applause.) Mr. Thomas Smith seconded. Having regard to the fact, he said, t,hat Mr. Yerburgh would support, the present Government, and was in favour of an inquiry, he had great pleasure in inviting the meeting to shew its continued confi- dence in Mr. Yerburgh. He would venture, if he might do so, without the least disrespect, to hope that if the inquiry took place Mr. Yerburgh might abate some of his enthusiasm for dumping. (Hear. hear, and laughter.) We were now re- ceiving week by week, and month by month, and year by year, thousands, of alien undesirables- whom every other country was glad to send cut, and whom no other country but this would have. He asked Mr. Yerburgh if he- would kindly give the matter his attention, for the undesirables weie squeezing out our own fellow-countrymen, not only from their homes, for the East. End of Lon- don was getting too crowded, but out of the work- shops. by working for a lower price than was paid to our own workmen. The proposition was enthusiastically carried. Mr. Yerburgh, in reply. said: I thank you most sincerely for the vote of confidence, you ha.ve passed in me. The great- questions before the country now make it essential that our party should close its ranks, and I venture to think that if this matter is regarded as we have to-night ex- pressed the hope that, it may be regarded, we shall avert a danger which has been threatening us for some time—dauger of a very serious split m the Unionist ranks I may say this about what. my old friend, Mr. Smith, has said, as far as my memory serves me. the Government, have an- nounced in the King's Speech their intention of bringing in a Bill to deal with aliens. Any measure of that, kind will receive. my careful con- sideration, and if it. goes, in the right direction it will receive my most hearty support. In prc- posing a vote of thanks to the chairman, Mr. Yer- burgh said: I cannot help thinking- of the many years I have passed! here under the leadership cf my old friend. Mr. Roberts. We are all glad to see him there in good health and we hope he wiil I o i.r "I long enjoy it. We trust he will not altogether abate the great interest, lir- has shewn in political work. Now we have Mr. Churton, who has taken the reins of office, and I fed ih&t under his gnic- ance our chariot will progress safely. He is a good driver. He drives his horses along at a verv rapid pace. (Laughter.). I am sure he will use the whip if he finds the wheelers shirking, and in danger of upsetting on the kerb. He will drive. the team well. He will drive us to victory—(ap- plause)—and I am quite certain rhat whenever the time comes for the fight w~ fire ton ready for the fray, infusing us and leading us to a great victory. 'Applaufe.) Mr. C. P. Don glas seconded Mr. Yeiburgh's motion. The party had. he said, a very qualified and efficient chairman to lead them—as he was suie he would—to victory at the- next election. Tne resolution having been carried, the Chair- man's brief response brought the pioceedings 10 a