South Wales Daily News

THE LUNCHEON. An adjournment was then made to th dining- room, where Sir Edward and Lady Reed had provided a magnificent%epast. Sir Edward Reed took down Mrs Gladstone, Mr Gladstone Lady Reed, Lord Aberdare Mrs Rees Jones, the Mayor of Cardiff Mrs Childers, Mr Childers, M P., Gladstone Mr D. A. Thomas, M.P., Mrs Logan Mr Rees Jone3, Miss Pullman Mr Alfred Thomas, M.P., Mrs D. A. Thomas; Mr Herbert Gladstone, M.P., Miss Frances Reed Dr Edwards Miss Reed, Colonel Page, Mrs Edwards and Alderman Carpy, Mrs Jackson; ths others present being Mr E. T. Reed, Alder- roan Lewis, Councillors Ranasdale, Vaughan, Sanders, P. Price, Robert Bird, J. H. Jones, F. J. Beavan, and D. Richards; Mr E. R. Moxey, Mr R. N. Hall, Rev Father Butler, Rev J. Bedford, Mr C. J. S. Webster, Mr H. Wood- ward, and Mr Louis Tracy, The spacious apartment was adorned with a wealth of flowers, which, indeed, bedecked the entire honse, a notable feature being a harp made of roses, sus- pended behind Mr Gladstone's chair. The luncheon was served in admirable style, the menu being as follows :— MENU. Potage a la Chitfonade. Filets de Saumon a L'lndienne. Petits Souffles de Volaille aux Truffes. Cbandfroid de Gailles a la Financi&re. Jauibon de York anx Haricots Verts. Quartier D'Agneau Koti. Petits Pois. Caneto/is. Sa!ade. Tomatoes a la Francaise. Petits Caisses de Homarrt a la Cardlnale. Macgaoine de Fruits. Boutin Glac6 a la Ne-selrode. Coquilles tie Fromage. Glace*. 75, Harrington Gardens, S. W. 6 Juillet, 1889. The menu card was handsomely adorned with a symbolic sketch of Cardiff in the background, whilst the centre was occupied with a figure of Commerce, the right hand holding a wreath, shovel, and pickaxe, and the left resting orfa shield bearing the arms of Cardiff, which in its turn supported a medallion portrait of Mr Gladstoce. Sir E. J. RUD, in toasting "Tha Queen," said that the foundations of her Majesty's throne were never better and 'more durably laid than when they rated upon the satisfaction and hap- piness of he^Jpeople. (Applause.) The toast was then duly honoured. Sir EDWARD UEED then rose to propose the toast or Our Guest, Mr Gladstone," being received with loud applause. He said it was a toast that scarcely required to be proposed either that day or any other time. (Applause.) But having the high honour and privi ege of his com- pany, he was sure that none there would desire to see him leave without first having the honour of drinking his health. (Applause.) He would ask them all to believe that he had in bis mind a most appropriate and eloquent address to deliver upon that occasion, and if they would bring their own capacities of imagination to bear upon the secret composition of that speech, they need not suppose that he would have failed in any respect. (Laughter and applause.) At any rate, if be had tailed it would have been from want of capacity, and not want of will, (Hear, hear.) After what took place in the drawing-room, when several speakers gave vent to the feelings of their hearts as to the domination of their illustrious guest in the affections of the town of Cardiff, it was un- necessary, though be bad had the privilege for nearly ten years of representing that great town in Parliament,that he should add any words of his own. Ho would content himself with pronouncing his views of Mr Gladstone before bis constituents. He would not select an occasion when Mr Gladstone was present in their midst to indulge in a speech, but he would ask them to drink Mr Gladstone's health, and that he might enjoy a long life and future happiness. (Loud applause.) The toast having been duly honoured by all present, SPEECH BY MR GLADSTONE. Mr GLADSTONE, who was enthusiastically received on rising, said Sir Edward Reed, Lord Aberdare, Ladies and Gentlemen,—I thank you very heartily for the manner in which you have been good enough to receive the proposal of my health, and Sir Edward Reed for the manner in which it was proposed. There was an agreement between my honoured host and friend and myself that before luncheon anything that was to be said by me should be kept within the lines common to British subjects and citizens oa such an occasion, and it was also understood that in case you should be disposed to drink my health at luncheon, that restriction should be removed. (Hear, hear.) That being so, ladies and gentlemen, I would say a few words to you upon the actual state of affairs. The truth is this, that a man requires at the present time—whether he be in England, Scotland, or Wales—to do violence to himself if be is to keep his lips closed oa the subject of Ireland. What I find is that that subject is a bubject uppermost in the icinda of everyone throughout the country. POSITION OF IRELAND. The country has thoroughly understood that the great English question of the present day, the great Scotch question of the present day, the great Welsn question of the present day is the Irish. (Cheers.) Well, now, when we look across the chaunel to Ireland we perceive much that is eucouragmg and much that is painful. The encouraging trait in the picture there presented to us is this—that the Iriall people appear to have advanced so far in their pohtical education, and to have acquired such excellent powers of self- controij that no amount of provocation will drive them to crime—(cheers)—and while they are suffer- ing from a Coercion Act which has beea enacted without crime in the country—I mean a special outburst of crime, which was always the reason for former Coercion Bills—while they have ..seen a Coercion Act made perpetual, and in bitter insult to Ireland fastened upon her as if coercion was the natural, normal, and legitimate condition of law under which she was to live and while this pie- tended Crimes Act has been addressed not to crime, or the repression of crime in the least, but simply to the purpose of putting down those peaceful combinations—lawful in England and Scotland—which are the uatural weapons in the tiunds of the poor and defenceless for making good the inequality in their condition which affects them in the strife of life-wbije all this is going we are told from time to time—and, 1 hope, truly told- that crime in Ireland steadily diminishes. But with that diminution of crime there is a constantly growing intensity of determination in Ireland to see her nation's cause righted and the reason which has most of all, perhaps, helped the Irish people in their deliberate renunciation of irregular methods has been their reliauce upon the people ot this country, and their full trust in the people of this country, in consequence of what they have seen—from the declarations of their leaders, from the general tone of the Liberal party, and from the evidence they have seen, the proofs they have seen—that then hopes will not for any long time be disappointed. (Cheers,) THE TYRANNY OF COERCION. On the other hand, ladies and geutlemen, I said we see in Ireland what is most painful, tor we perceive there, in my deliberate judgment, the incessant efforts of a Goyernment-L charge it upon them that they are conscious of the character of those efforts, but efforts which do more than any efforts which demagogues have ever made to weaken and break up the foundations of law and order. I ask you what hope you have of maintaining law and order if you establish a parliamentary represen- tative system, and if then you act deliberately in the teeth of the solemn demands u: lour-fifths of those who were elected to represent the people t- if you send to gaol their priests, on waom they rely as their faithful friends in days of adversity, by dozens, and their chosen representatives by scores if, going beyond this, you proceed to such a point that the artisans and working men of England have begun to sympathise to this extent with the Irish people, that they meet in tens of thousands in Hyde Park to protest against the methods pursued by the Government of the day all metbods fatal to the tranquility and prosperity of the country ? That, 1 think, is a brief description of toe condition in which we stand. AN INVERTED STATE OF AFFAIRS. It is an absolute inversion of the uacural state of things. In every natural state of things you ought to have a Government working in a direction calculated to promote tranquillity and peace you have, on the contrary, a Government workiug in a manner which alienates—not in Irelaud only, that unfortunately is ancestral and inveterate, but even in England, and among the masses of the people—which alienates their sympathies from the administration of law and government in Ireland, and completely alters the state of mind with which they regard the administration of jaw and government in Eng- land. (Cheers.) That is the state of things which we ought to use every effort to amend. Is there a prospect of our amending it? Have we the sympathies of the country! (Cries of Yes.") Have we the sympathies of the race? Have we the sympathies ot the world ? In my opinion we have the sympathies of the world, and for that I appeal to the literature of the world. SYMPATHY WITH THE HOME BULB: CAUSE. I have never said the absurd thing imputed tome, that all Europe was in favour of our Home Rule Bill. I do not think I can yet expect all Europe to understand it. (Laughter and cheering.) What I say is this—that ali Europe through its permanent literature in every civilised country condemns in the most unequivocal manner the policy that England has pursued towards Ireland. But when I come to the Anglo-Saxon people—to the population of the colonies, and to the great American nation — then I come to cfeal with those who have a much greater capacity of understanding in principle and in detail what we are about. I will not speak nuw of the opinion of thecolonies. I am satisfied to rest upon the fact that Canada through her legislative assembly haa declared herself unequivocally on this subject, but 1 shall say a word about America. And, Sir Edward Reed, ladies,and gentlemen, if it had not been that I did not wish to bring in my arms a book that nearly fills them—(laughter)—I would have brought to you a most remarkable testimonial of American feel- iug that I have lately received from the State of New York in the shape of a beautifully-illumi- nated address, which has been sent in duplicate- one to Mr Parnell and one to myself expressing i the sympathies of almost every person in authority i —executive,judicial, and legislative—in the State j of New York with respect to the state of things in this country. (Cheers.) J AMERICA'S UNANIMOUS VOICE. But I have got here what you see is within moderate physical compass, and it is so remarkable in itself as a specimen of American opinion I thought I would allow myself to bring j it. It is a document which I have received within the last few weeks from the important I State of Illinois, and it is a declaration, I need not tell you, in favour of Home Rule for Ireland, By whom is it signed Because some time ago a gentleman—I won't say who he was—went to Americs from this country, and he came back and aid that he had seen the Americans, and had ascertained to his perfect satisfaction tbat it was quite a mistake to suppose that they were in favour of Home Rule. Take the State of Illinois —I believe that is an American State. (Laughter.) I have told you of New York, and I don't suppose that other 'states are very different. In fact, I have received testimonial upon I testimonial from time to time almost incessantly since this controversy began, but this (hold- ing up the document) is most remarkable. It is a declaration from Illinois for Home Rule, signed by the Governor, the Lieutenant-Governor, the Secretary of State, the Attorney-General, the Auditor of Public Accounts, the State Treasurer, the Superintendent of Public Instruction, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and five justices of the Supreme Court of Illinois. That n pretty well, I think, pretty executive and judicial. Then they sent me the opinions of the senate, and their address is subscribed by every senator except one and they sent me then tha opinion of the House of Representatives, which is subscribed by every member of it except two, one of whom, I am sorry to say, was precluded from subscribing by the conclusive reason that un- happily be bad departed this life. (Laughter.) Gentlemen, it may be unimportant, because after all it is not the Senate of Illinois that is going to govern the United Kingdom. That is quite true. I A PAINFUL AND SERIOUS MATTER. ¡ But at the aame time this ia what I do say—when we find a vast and constantly growing nation which may shortly become the primary power of our race in the whole civilised world, which, in fact, is advancing by rapid strides to that position —when we find a unanimity upon a question of this kind prevailing in these quarters in a free country, in a country where every sort of diffe- rence of opinion is absolutely free, and all the circumstances of their institutions encourage them to the exercise of that freedom—this I do say, and I will not go beyond it it is a circumstance that ought to give material for reflection to every prudent and considerate man iu this country. To alienate ourselves from the opinion of the world, and from the opinion of our whole race, ia a painful and serious matter. We ara always interfering ourselves in the affairs of foreign countries we are always insisting upon our right to tell rulers abroad, whom we think bad rulers, of the mistakes they commit, and we are the first people, when the same course is recipro- cally taken in respect to us, to shut our doors and say, Really we cannot pay the smallest atten- tion to what you say. Foreign opinion is of no consequence. No one can enlighten us upon the subject of British opinion." THE VICTORY IN WEST FITK, We have had an election in Scotland yesterday. Scotland is a country which was visited about two years ago by the same gentleman who lately made so satisfactory a report about opinion in America, and said that all the Americans who were worth considering were opposed to Home Rule. He also went to Scotland, and he reported that Scotland likewisa was in conformity with his views. Since that time there have been a variety of elections in Scotland, and in every one of these elections, without exception, members have been returned for the support of Home Rnle. But yesterday we bad an election in Scotland in a portion of the county of Fife, and I do not hesi- tate to say that this election was to my mind the most satisfactory without exception of all the elections that we have bad. If you look at the figures there is nothing very wonderful in them. The Liberal candidate—had, I think, somewhere about 3,500 or 3,700 IDHn, and Mr Wemyss, his opponent-to whom I do not at present attach a political designation—you will presently see why —had about 2,800—there was a majority, I think, of about 9C0. Nothing wonderful in that. It was a little less even than the majority at the last electiou. But if you read your Tory newspapers this morning you will find the Gladstonian as they call him—I call him the Liberal candidate—is the designation of one, and they make Mr Wemyss a Unionist. THE" UNIONIST CANDIDATE. What sort of Unionist is Mr Wemyss? I am not going to speak with any disrespect of Mr Wemyss. I have not the pleasure of his personal acquaintance, but I have known bis immediate relatives as persons worthy of all possible regard. Therefore, I have not a word to say against him. On the contrary, I have a great deal to say for him. He appears to me, according to his declara- tions—which I have no doubt he would have fulfilled—to be rather a sound politician. I find nothing at all to object to except what is a very small matter in comparison. I want to show you the point to which anti-Irish opinion is reducad in Scotland, when it is obliged to select Mr Wemyss as its candidate. (Hear, bear.) Mr Wemyss had the whole of the Tory and aristo- cratic support of the country. But what were his opinions ? I hold in my band a report of one of his district meetings. I will only quote two or three points from it. A railway servant, as he is called, Mr Berkeley, said "It had been alleged that Mr Wemyss was a Tory." This was when Mr Wemyss was undergoing a process which is known in Scotland—I do not know whether you know it, but it is a very good word—it is heckling-tbat is, putting constitutional questions —(laughter)—in a constitutional manner. (Re- newed laughter.) It bad been said that Mr Wemyss is a Tory," said Mr Berkeley, "do you approve of Mr Balfour's Irish policy?" VVell, now, gentlemen, in the House of Commons to-day that 18 the test. When Mr Balfour risas from bis seat he is always hailed with the cheers of his party. His policy is the turning point of the whole affair. So Mr Wemyss, this Tory Unionist candidate, was asked whether lIe approved of Mr Balfour's policy. MR WEMYSS AND LIBERALISM. Mr Wemyss replied that he did not approve of it, and he thought the time had come when some- thing should be done. "All good Liberals," he said, were of that opinion." (Laugbtar.) All good Liberals were of that opinion—(renewed laughter)—and so in order to get these 2,800 votes, which left him in a minority of nearly 900, Mr Wemyss has to figure in the company of "all good Liberals." (Loud laughter.) That is his first point. He does not approve of Mr Balfour's policy. Then a Mr Terris comes forward, and Mr Terris asks Mr Wemyss if he was a Unionist. Mr Wemyss replied that he was a Unionist- Liberal. Then Mr Terris urged, Upon what side of the Hoase do you expect to sit 1" Mr Wemyss replied that ha should sit on the Liberal side. I am bound to say Mr Wemyss then said he would not have voted for the Bill of 1886. I am sorry for it; but, at the same time, I am bound to say there are various men who are undoubtedly members of the Liberal party, and are perfectly in earnest in giving Home Rule to Ireland, who take objection to particular points in that bill, and would not have supported it. Now, that is the only fault I can find with Mr Wemyss's whole programme. The whole programme ? I have not come to the whole. I have shown bis disapproval of the Irish policy of the Government. Now, I give you a little more. Mr Wemyss briefly addressed the meet- ing." He proclaimed himself a Liberal—(cries of Question !) .(Laughter.) "What am I then?" he asked, (Cries of Tory, and renewed laughter). Why," Mr WemysB asks. am I a Tory ?" (Cries of, "You support the Tory Government.)" I do not support the Tory Government." Why this is the man who figures as a Unionist in the T"ry papers to-day with the respectable figure of 2,800 votes at his tail. I do not support the Governmen," said Mr Wemyss. What about Home Rule?" "Certainly," said Mr Wemyss, "I am tor Home Rule." (Laughter.) PLIGHT OF THE TORIES. Are they reduced, to that point in Scotland that they have to put up a man like this in order to make a decent, a tolerable, and a presentable show at the poll ? Is there a regiment, such a ragged regiment, that in order to mend its con- dition a little they have to put up a man who says I am for Home Rule?" When I read this re- port I thought that if 1 had the opportunity why should not I stand as a Liberal Unionist myself ? I will not speak iu favour—I am not obstinately wedded to every particular of that bill of 1886, though I think it is a good bill but I can only say that if the Tory Government will give into the hands of Mr ^Wemyss on their be- half the settlement of this matter, I have no doubt we shall be able to arrive at a very satisfac- tory conclusion—(laughter)—the basis be has laid down, the principal basis being that he disagrees with Mr Balfour's Irish policy, and that be will not support the Tory Government, and that he is certainly for Home Ruie. Now I think you will consider that I have not spoken entirely without consideration when I tell you the election in West Fife is to me the most satisfactory of the whole of the elections we have seen, because it shows there are not in Fife two parties that dare to present themselves at the poll. One party goes there under its own colours-that is the party of the gentleman who has been re- turned. The other party goes there under the colours of other people—whom they commonly call Separatists—and support Mr Wemyss, who is himself a Separatist according to their definition, in order that they may get a decent or a tolerable minority. Nothing, I think, can be more satis- factory. (Hear, bear.) It indicates the progress of opinion of which we Dear in every shape and in every quarter. It is steady, but it is unques- tionable, though we may not find an opportunity for its full constitutional expression for some short time yet. With respect to that we are really not the best judges whether it should arrive at once or not. All I can say is this—that if it be postponed for some time, as long as this Septennial Act allows, I have no doubt it will serve some good providential purpose for giving plenty of time for deliberation. But if it be accelerated, and if a dissolution were to take place to-morrow, we should be prepared to meet it. (Cheers.) I say these few words to show you that I do not entirely cast out of view, in the general freeing of my mind, those opinions which distinguish us specially as Liberals, although 1 always wieh to give full scope to the views we hold, and which I am thankful to think we hold with the whole masses—the whole residue of our country. A WORD AS tO CARDIFF. One word I might have uaid upstairs if time bad been more abundant. I have received an address to-day from Cardiff, and I cannot help con- gratulating the mayor and town council upon the extreme progress of that town, It is marvellous to see that in an old country like this towns are born and pass through the periods of infancy and youth and attain to the fulness of mature growth in a time astonishingly short—not quite so rapidly as among our friends in America, but yet at a rate which would astonish any other country in the civilised world. I hope Cardiff will continue to prosper aa it has prospered. Cardiff may be called, I apprehend, the cosmo- politan town of Wales. (Hear, hear.) It is a town which contains undoubtedly the largest proportion of immigrant population — Irish, English, Scotch, and others. But I hope that while it will, I trust, continue to open its arms to that population and receive it freely,and thrive by it, still I am old-fashioned enough to hope Cardiff will never forget or disown its character as a Welsh town. (Loud cheers.) I think that the maintenance of what is called local patriotism within due bounds is a most excellent thing, and the maintenance of local patriotism largely con- tributes to the warmth and efficiency of general patriotism. On that account I delight to see that the Scotch receive with becoming sentiments of repudiation any expression of those who suppose that they are less Scotchmen now than they were two or three hundred years ago. They may be more Britons, bat not less Sootchmen. The same is true of the Welsh, and the same, rely upon it, is true of the Irish—(cheers)—and if you want to make the Irish become British in bent and tion, the true way is to give just and legitimate scope to their feelings and to their action as Irishmen, and to bind them in that way to you in the bonds of an everlasting compact. (Cheers,) Mr and Mrs Gladstone quitted Sir E. J. Reed's house about 4 p.m., shortly after the conclusion of the right bon. gentleman's speech, and drove off amidst the cheers of a number of person? who had assembled in the vicinity. LORD ABERDARE. Lord ABERDARB, in proposing The Health of the Mayor and Corporation of Cardiff," said tbat Mr Childers must have listened almost with incredulity to the statement that Cardiff iu its exports exceeded even London and Liverpool. Such, however, was the fact. Having this great and growing town to look after, and having to provide for the needs and requirements of its ever-increasing population, it was natural that the utmost care and anxiety should be demanded from a watchful and enlightened corporation. Speaking from personal knowledge ha could say that he knew of no corporation that had done its work more capably or more thoroughly than the Cardiff Cor- poration. Taking one specific instance, their elementary schools, which were the real basis of the population, he believed that the returns of the district would show that Cardiff possessed schools not inferior to any other place in the empire. (Applause.) Her advanced elementary schools were models, and to such schools was largely due the advance of Cardiff. There was there a free library, which, it might be observed, was the result of the fact that Cardiff was one of the first towns in the empire to adopt the Free Library Act. Every year he could observe the benefits and the advantages it was bringing among the people of the town. (Applause.) The Mayor of CARDIFF responded, and remarked that in the amount of time they devoted to their work, and the amount of work they had to get through, he did not think the corporation could be surpassed elsewhere, MR CHILDERS. The Right Hon. HUGH C. E. CHILDERS, M.P., said that a toast had been entrusted to him not less in mteiest to those who were invited to take part in the ceremony of that day, and which he felt particularly honoured in being allowed to propose. He gave them the toast of Our Host," and might be be permitted to add Our Hostess?" (Loud applause.) He proposed their healths with more than ordinary appropriateness, because he had had the pleasure of knowing Sir E. J. Reed for more than a quarter of a century. When he first knew him, a young man 25 years ago, he was already almost at the top of the profession he undertook in bis early years. He was then re- cognised as the most able of the men who, after a comparatively small period in their profession, were likely to render invaluable services to the country, and to all connected with the business of ship-designing and ship-building, (Applause.) That was 25 years ago. Sir E. J. Reed had risen with remarkable rapidity of success in bis pro- fession, and the time came, about ten years ago, when Sir Edward found he was able to come for- ward and obtain the confidence of an important constituency. During that period the people of Cardiff knew better than he (the speaker) did how well he had performed his duties, and bow, as Cardiff had risen in importance and wealth, so Sir Edward had lisen in the House of Commons from the station, in the first instance, of a private memb to be are member of the Government, most trusted and respected and beloved by all who came in contact with him, (Loud applause.) They owed a very great debt of gratitude to Sir Edward for his kindness iu bringing them together. He had given some of them an opportunity of meeting the principal inhabitants of Cardiff and hearing a good deal about the town which couldn't fail to be of interest to them. (Hear.) He had also given them the opportunity of meeting Mr Gladstone and of hearing two of the most important speeches which he had ever, either in this or tormer years, ad- dressed through them to his countrymen. (Loud applause.) He had served with him for 25 years3 and this bad been a real cause of gratitude. (Ap- plause.) MR REES JONES. Mr REXS JOXES asked to be allowed to interpose a few brief words. (Hear, hear.) Ho would not be dis- charging his duty to himself nor to a large pro- portion of the inhabitants of Cardiff, to which town such kindly and graceful reference had been made by the preceding speakers, if he did not emphasize the words that had fallen from Mr Childers with regard to their distinguished host and Lady Reed. (Applause.) He thought it was due to him, and he claimed it as a great privilege to say, in the presence of many of his personal friends, and still more so in the presence of so many who came from his constituency, and who in their hearts would, he felt sure, endorse every word be uttered, how keenly they appreciated the privilege and the honour of being represented by so capable a leader. (Loud applause.) Sir Edward Reed, then Mr Reed, came into their midst a few years ago as an ordinary candidate for the honour of representing the borough in Parliament. He came as a plain Liberal candi- date, unknown to most of them. Ten years' experience had turned that comparative ignorance on their part of much of his private work into a keen personal appreciation and friendliness, for the people ot tbe town of Cardiff had seen him pass through the transi- tion of a simple Liberal candidate until they now understood him as an Eaglish states- man. (Applause.) They had been proud to find that they possessed a member commensurate with their own importance, and which had steadily progressed step by step until he occupied that position of prominence which ho was so eminently qualified to fill. (Loud applause.) The speaker then went on to refer to the fact that Sir E. J. Reed bad been often put to the expense of a parliamentary contest, sometimes unnecessarily, and be desired to tell those present who were strangers to Cardiff that, on one occasion when they felt that Sir E. J. Reed had been unfairly exposed to such an onslaught on his position, they asked him to confer upon them the privilege of allowing them to take upon their own shoulders the cost of the contest. (Loud applause.) It was an obligation that was accepted far and wide with the greatest possible pleasure, and they paid bis election expenses as some slight token of their appreciation of bis services. (Applause.) They claimed to be very intelligent people in Cardiff, and they bad discerned in their repre- sentative these high qualifications to which he bad already referred, and they hoped and trusted that the first step which bad been taken by those in high authority in the govern- ment of the country in giving him such promotion as had been awarded so far would develop into a due reward by introducing him into the highest positions of political life. (Loud and continued applause.) FATHER BUTLER. Father BUTLER also claimed to say a few words in regard to the toast. Speaking as an Irishman and a priest, be said that he and the people be represented did not want any other member cf Parliament in Cardiff than Sir E. J. Reed. (Applause.) They were extremely proud of their representative, for he was a man with a mind and a will of his own. In his clerical capacity he mixed with every grade of society in Cardiff, and saw people whom perhaps no other person met except the doctors and the police, and he could say honestly that Sir Edward had got the good wishes and goodwill of everyone m Cardiff. (Applause.) He had done one thing for which he must express the best thanks of the Irish people, he had given them an opportunity of drawing from Mr Gladstone his opinions upon what was going on in Ireland. (Hear, hear.) It every member of the Liberal party had worked as bard for Ireland as Sir Edward Reed bad done, the sister isle would have received Home Rule long ago. (Applause.) SIR EDWARD REED. Sir E. J. REED, K.C.B., M.P., on rising to reply, was received with very hearty and sus- tained applause. He said that he had not yet learnad the art of concealing political ambition, but he had a living to earn and a profession to pursue. If a man so humble as himself were made the recipient of such speeches as they had listened to,tbo fact always fired him with ambition. He would always devote himself entirely to the service of Cardiff. He had never been able him- self to feel that a parliamentary representation was a personal matter to the representative. It seemed to him that one of the very highest privileges that could fall to the lot of any man in these days in the United Kingdom was to be elected as a representative in the central Im- perial Parliament of the interests of a large popu- lation. He had the privilege to represent, not only a large and rapidly growing population, but also interests so diversified and great as to almost overpower any man who presumed to offar him- self as their representative. The only return he could make was to devote himself entirely to the people who had chosen him. (Applause.) He would not, if possible, fall short of their requirements. But with regard to the ambitious projects which had been ventilated, he must stand dumb with respect to them. He might say that in having Mr Childers present that day they were in a peculiar position. Mr Childers was there for this reason—that be (Sir Edward) did not know any man in Parliament who had more loyally appre- ciated and aided their great leader than bad the right hon. gentleman in their company. (Ap- plause.) It was said that they of the Liberal party had been blind followers of one man. But that seemed to him to be the last mistake and the worst description that could possibly be given to them. Ii they had been followers of one man they would not have followed Mr Gladstone at the time he renounced office and power—they would have trimmed and sailed with the other party. They followed him because they believed he was perfectly right in the purpose he advocated, and whether the cause triumphed in the course of his lifetime or not, it was the cause of the right. (Loud cheers.) It was ridiculous to suppose that in the time of free peoples and free newspapers they could bludgeon a people into suppression. (Applause.) It was the duty of every man when the question of the government of other men arose, to believe that these other men were better able to recognize their own interests than any other individual could possibly be. It seemed to him that their opponents were warring against elementary principles, whilst the Liberal party was fighting for the axioms aud postulates of political science. For this reason he believed that they were as certain to succeed as that the laws of mathematics and geometry and other fixed scientific laws were bound to prevail. (Ap- plause.) He had followed Mr Gladstone and Mr Childers under trying circumstances, because he believed their principles were certain to succeed, and tbat they were so certain because they were right in themselves. (Loud cheers.) He desired to say a few words of thanks on behalf of Lady Reed and their daughters, (Loud applause.) They were not resident in Cardiff, and they did not know the town iu a social sense, but ha felt quite sure that no opportunity offered, still less an opportunity such as the present, of seeing their Cardiff friends without giving them the utmost satisfaction and pleasure. (Loud applause.) The proceedings terminated about 5 p.m., at which hour the guests departed, and most of the South Wales contingent drove off to catch the 5.45 p.m. train from Paddington. MR GLADSTONE AND THE WELSH MEMBERS. Mr Gladstone has signified bis intention to dine with the Welsh members at the residence of Mr Stuart Rendel, No. 1, Carlton House-terrace, on the 16th inst.