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J§|||||llllllllf!IIIIIIIIIllliIllllllllliIlililill!lilftlllW^ ê I I §j s teels with an accident each year jf H rilHESE figures quoted from Official §= §| JL Statistics clearly show the need §= ê for everyone to effect adequate insurance. = ê In the case of illness the above proportion ê == may be even greater. ê g How would YOU be affected if you met ê £ = with a serious accident or contracted a == g dangerous illuesq ? An accident may hap- g ê pen to you any day, and no precautions H can insure immunity from disease or |= E illness. ■ g If Send a postcard to-day for f ull particulars p ê of the British Dominions series of Insur- g ê ances. There are ten different tables with ê H premiums ranging from 2s. per annum ê sa (covering fatal accidents only) upwards ê II providing for liberal benefits which vary ê =| according to premium and risks covered, §§ pi Please ask for Accident, Sickness and — eg Disease prospectus. ê 1 lAGLE^s^STAR 6 | SBRITI^lfwjjMOvSI fi Head uttice: tsritisti uommions House, H IêRoyal Exchange Avenue, London, E.C.3. I ASSETS EXCEED 117,000,000. | fíilIIUIUUIIIIIIUlUHlWIHUUUIIIU1lRmmInUllnmIHUllIIlII!lUlHlUlllmnHllllllntIIHHlllUllIJ1Iillil/j/¡i

-c, t jn I "THE CHILDREN'S BREAD" The Church of England WAIFS & STRAYS SOCIETY has a present family of 4,700 HELP US TO FEED THEM HIGH PRICES PLACE A VERY HEAVY STRAIN ON OUR FUNDS Gifts gratefully received by the Secretary, Rev. W. FOWELL SWANN, M.A., I Old Town Hall, Kennington Road, London, S.E. 11. Cheques, etc., crossed and payable to Waifs & Strays." .THE "fiRETHUSA" TRAINING SHIP AND SHAFTESBURY HOMES AT BISLEY, TWICKENHAM, SUDBURY, EALING, &c., I N E-E D HELP. 2,600 Boys sent into the Navy. More than 6,500 have entered the Merchant Service. Old Boys from the Society's Country Homes are serving in 120 British and Colonial Regiments. SPECIAL HELP IS WANTED FOR THE WAR EMERGENCY FUND. Patrons: THEIR MAJESTIES THE KING AND QUEEN. President: HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE OF WALES, K.G. Vice-President: ADMIRAL VISCOUNT JELLICOE. Chairman and Treasurer; C. E. MALDEN, Esq., M.A. Chairman of "Aretbma" Committee HOWSON F. DEVITT, Esq. Joint Secretaries: H. BRISTOW WALLEN and HENRY G. COPELAND. London Office, National Refuges: 164, SHAFTESBURY AVENUE, W.C. 2. 81" .f By Afpofatmrnt ..Il I to H.M. the King The Milk You Know British housewives know and trust Ideal Milk. Britain's Navy and Army know and trust it too. But Ideal is not trust" milk—it is concentrated to a higher ideal than American Evapo- rated milks and is much RICHER IN CREAM than the U.S.A. Government Standard demands. Appearances are deceptive, therefore, big tins may not be so rich in cream, although bringing more profit to the dealer. THE HOUSEWIFE SHOULD ALWAYS INSIST ON IDEAL MilK During the war an average of 400,000 tins of Ideal were used daily by the British Army and Navy—the best fed in the world.. Owing to Government demands, there was a scarcity for civilian needs, thus enabling many inferior and unknown brands of milk to be placed on the market during control. But now that Ideal has been "demobbed" larger quantities are available for the public and THERE IS NO REASON FOR PUTTING UP WITH INFERIOR BRANDS. Ideal Milk Is Sold Everywhere. Cash Prlce I I d. and 6d. per tin. If unobtainable locally write to NESTLE'S, 6-8, EASTCHEAP, LONDON, E.C.3. ll MMMfc V

in the present Parliament the reversal of the principle of Disendowment against the decision of the Government. It weighed with me that the Govern- ment had recently before it for serious consideration a strong memori.al signed by a large number of our steadfast friends in the House of Commons, but not by any means, I am sorry to say, representing the full strength of the Unionist majority. The part to be assigned to public opinion outside in securing a .majority in the present Par- liament against any Disendowment pre- sented itself to any mind in the follow- ing form:—Was it at all practicable under existing circumstances to start forthwith a campaign in the country of sufficient volume and vigour to con- vince those Unionist members who had failed to sign the Parliamentary memo- rial that it was their duty to vote against the Government to* which they had pledged their support at the last General Election? I could not forget in this connection that during the years of war the Central Church Defence Com- mittee, to which the success of the cam- paign in the country between 1912 and 1914 was very largely due, had unavoid- y ably suspended active operations during the war. It would take time to bring into full :action all the latent resources of that valuable organisation, and time was of the essence of the question. Weighing all the conditions of this aspect of the situation, as-I was bound ¡ to weigh them, as coolly as I could, during a week of intense anxiety before August 6, I could not but come to the clear conclusion that there was no rela- sonable hope of obtaining a reversal of the principle of Disendowment from the present Parliament, were it to last till the date of Disestablishment, which, whether the Bill passed or not, was bound to come next spring at the latest. It was painful to be constrained to differ in judgment from some tried Par- liamentary friends whose convictions on principle I fully shared, for whose sted- fast loyalty to the cause of the Church in Wales I had profound respect, and to whom I was under a, great debt of personal gratitude. But in matters of duty each man in the' last resort must judge for himself, after taking all the pains he can to inform his mind, and after weighing with due care and're- spect all the best advice open to him. Next General Election. (2) The second aspect of the situation was what hope was there of gaining a verdict at the polls at the next General Election in favour of the reversal of the principle of Disendowment? On this aspect it was not a question of present Parliamentary conditions, but a ques- tion of gauging from, past experience of public opinion on this subject, the prospects of gaining its verdict in our favour at the'next General Election. Had the principle of Disendowment been put before the country in 1914, there were strong -reasons for hoping that we would have won. The general dislike of Disendowment throughout the country, though varying in strength in different parts, did cost the Govern- ment of that day several bye-elections, and would have cost at that time at a General Election a very considerable number of seats, on which attention had been carefully concentrated, through the turnover of the votes of Liberal Churchmen, the number of which in each constituency we knew. But the situa- tion now is not what it was in 1914. It is a new world after the war, and other great questions occupy the minds of the people. The situation at the last General Election, in the judgment of experienced friends well qualified to- judge, made it quite impracticable to make the Welsh Church Act a decisive issue. The great and growing gravity of the social and economic issues upon which the General Election would turn, whether it would come before the date of Disestahlishment or not, would have put it quite out of the question, in my judgment, to expect that the attention of the people could be sufficiently con- centrated upon the principle of Disen- dowment to make it anything like one of the decisive issue at the polls. Be that as it may, one thing was absolutely certain to my mind, it could not be done without, at any rate, a reopening of controversy, which I could not recon- cile, in my conscience, with the supreme claim upon the Church of its spiritual i mission at such a time as this. No Benefit to Defer Decision. (3) In the third place, I could see no benefit to the Church from the sugges- tion that we should defer our decision until after the expiration of the powers, though not of necessity, as I understand, the existence of the Welsh Commis- sioners on December 31 next under the provision of the Act of 1914. There were good reasons, which I need not particularise, for thinking it was highly probable, if the Bill did not pass, that the date of Disestablished would not come till next spring, and the sug- gestion was that, if the Bill did not pass, the Disendowment of the Act of 1914 could not take place..The argu- ment, as it was afterwards stated in Parliament, was that the Disendowment of the Act of 1914 meant the transfer of Church property from the Ecclesias- tical Corporations, which now hold it, to the Welsh Commissioners, and that if the Welsh Commissioners were not there to receive it, say next February, there could be no transfer, and so no Disen- dowment. But under the Act of 1914 Disestablishment of itself, iapart from any transfer, meant the automatic dis- solution of all existing corporations capable of holding any Church property at all. It might be uncertain what would happen to Church property after the date of Disestablishment should the existence as well as the powers of' the Welsh Commissioners come to an end before that date, but plainly the scheme of commutation would have been wrecked since they would have no power to carry it out. Even if they had just enough existence left to become merely vested with Church property, without any power of any action in regard to it, the scheme of commutation would have been wrecked also in this event. One thing, anyhow, was quite certain. The Church could not,- in the contingency contemplated, hold iany property of any kind after the date of Disestablishment, not even private benefactions. Urgent Need of Settlement. (4) In the fourth place, on August 6, as at our previous meeting on July 24, our Committee was strongly convinced, from a practical point of view, of the urgent need of an immediate settlement, as is plain from the resolution unani- mously adopted at each of those two meetings. We all were well aware, from our inside knowledge of the position of the Church, that we could not afford to lose any time before the Representative Body knew where it stood as to the terms of Disendowment. Till it knew that it could frame no practical scheme for the reconstruction of Church finance in Wales, which was a most difficult and most pressing problem, for it would take a great deal of time to work out. Then, till it knew how it stood, it could not appeal with any hope of success for the large funds necessary to replace the loss of 'ancient endowments. In spite of continuous efforts since the last Gene- ral Election, it had been impossible to obtain any definite offer of terms of settlement on account of the pressure of international and national questions of greater urgency upon the 'attention of the Government. There was likewise too much reason to fear that if an Amending Bill were not passed before the Recess, there would be insuperable difficulty in finding time for it after- wards, through no fault of the Govern- ment, on account of the inevitable pressure of public opinion to devote the Autumn Session to the great problems of national finance, industry, and Ire- land, and possibly other acute questions of national urgency. It is my belief that as things stood towards the end of July we would have had no Amend- ing Act at all before the date of Dis- establishment had it not been for the sincerity, determination, and ability of the Bishop of St. Asaph, land the thoroughness of the work of Mr. Firank Morgan, the invaluable secretary of the Representative Body. (5) In the fifth place, a valuable element of permanence had been iadded to the terms of settlement offered to us by their previous acceptance by a great majority of the Welsh Members of Par- liament, and also of the accredited re- presentatives of the Welsh Free Church Council. At the closing stages of the negotiations we knew, as was after- wards stated in Parliament, that the Government laid great stress on the acceptance of the terms of settlement by both sides of the controversy in Wales. These five 'aspects of the situation may be summed up shortly thus. On August 6 we had to make our choice once and for all between the Amending Bill then before Parliament and no- thing at all. There was no other choice. The Government had said its last word. It was not the Government, however, but the plain hard facts of the situation itself that put pressure upon us. The moment for final decision had come. After having done all I could for thirty yeacrs to oppose the two wrong principles of Disestablishment and Disendowment, it was no easy thing for my feelings or proper pride to accept a Bill which left the two prin- ciples I detested on the Statute Book. But it was not a question of feeling of any sort. It wa-s a question of duty for reason and conscience to settle. To find out his duty in a situation so hard r a Welsh Bishop had to ask himself two questions. He had first to ask his reason calmly what would be the practical effect of the rejection of the Bill upon the work: of the Church in Wales? He Lad above all else to ask his conscience, be that practical effect what it might be, what was the Divine will? Was this a Bill which under any circumstances it was right to accept in any sense of the word? (To be continued.)