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UNIONIST CONFERENCE Enthusiastic Meeting- at Nottingham. "God Protect Old England." The forty-fourth annual conference of the Na- tional Union of Conservative and Constitutional Associations was held at Nottingham on Thursday in last week at the Mechanics' Hall, Henry Chapliiv M.P. (chairman of the council), presiding over an audience of nearly 2,000 delegates. The Chairman remarked that the sooner they concluded the business without undue haste the better it would be, because the staff would be re- quired in London to make the necessary prepara- tions for a general election. 1 The Duke of Portland, who was re-elected presi- dent, said they ardently hoped for the success of their party at the fast-approaching general election, for, without doubt, the fate of the constitution of the country and the safety of the Empire hung in the balance, and they must one and all determine to do or die in the cause (loud cheers). In moving the re-appointment of auditor, Sir α- k I Joseph Lawrence remarked that their party funds did not contain one farthing of foreign gold or American dollars (cheers). LOYAL SUPPORT. The Chairman (Mr. Chaplin) then introduced the following as a special resolution because of the importance and gravity of the present situation:- That this conference desires to express its pro- found appreciation and approval of the services rendered to the country by Mr. Balfour and his colleagues at the conference that has been held between the Liberal leaders and themselves, re- cognising as it does the exceptional gravity of the situation which has arisen since the close of their labours, and, believing that a reformed and effec- tive Second Chamber is vital to the welfare of the nation and the liberties of the people, it heartily approves the steps which have been a steady taken by the peers themselves in that direction, as shown by their acceptance, among other changes, of the principle that the right to sit and vote in the House of Lords should no longer be conferred by the possess:on of a peer- age of itself. It welcomes the challenge of Lord Lansdowne to the Government to submit their Veto Bill to Parliament without more delay— (cheers)—and this conference further desires to convev its assurance through the delegates assem- bled here to-day to the Leader of the party, Mr. Balfour, and to Lord Lansdowne, that in the conflict which is imminent for them and the Unionist party, they have the loyal, united, and enthusiastic supnort of their followers in all parts of the United Kingdom (cheers). The Chairman asked who was their country governed by to-day. (A Voice: "Redmond. ) Not, certainly, by his Majesty's Ministers, but by a man who had proclaimed himself in days gone bv, over and over again, as the sworn enemy of England. Alderman Salvidge (Liverpool) seconded the reso- lution.. .„ i The resolution having been carried with acclama- tion, the delegates rising and cheering, the Chair- man announced that it would be sent to the: leaders at once, and also to Ir. Chamberlain. Later in the day a reply came from the last- named hon. gentleman expressing his approval of the resolution. TARIFF REFORM. The Chairman (Mr. Chaplin) next moved:- That, in view of recent treaties which have been concluded between Canada and foreign countries, it is of daiiy increasing importance that the first constructive policy of the Conservative and Unionist party should be the reform of our present fiscal system in the view (1) of, establish- 109 preferential commercial arrangements with the Colonies, d securing for British producers and workmen a further advantage over foreign competitors in the Coloniat markets; (2) of strengthening our position for the purpose of negotiation in foreign markers; (3) of safeguarding our great productive industries from unfair com- petition and (4) of broadening the basis of taxa- tion, and that for this Imperial purpose it is of the first imDortance that this Government should be defeated", and that his Majesty's present ad- visers should be re-placed, by others who support Colonial Preference before the next Colonial Con- ference is held Mr. Ormsby-Gore, M.P., who seconded the reso- lution, declared that the Unionist party would not give up an inch of their ground with Tariff Reform. The resolution was adopted. NAVY AND LAND QUESTIONS. A resolution was proposed by Mr. Harry Foster, M.P., seconded by Mr. Shirley Benn, and carried. in favour of maintaining the two-Power standard of the Navy. Sir Gilbert Parker, MP., proposed a resolution, which was adopted, favouring the policy of small ownership of land, as announced by the Leader of the Unionist party, on the basis of assisted pur- chase to small farmers and occupying tenants. THE OSBORNE JUDGMENT. Mr. L. Tipper (Birmingham) moved the follow- ing, on behalf of the Lancashire and Cheshire Con- servative Working Mens Federation: That this conference affirms that the recent decision of the Court of Appeal and law lords of the Crown with reference to the Parliamentary levies of the Trades Unions (now known as the "Osborne judgment") show that the existing laws are eminently just and equitable. It further pledges itself" to oppose all legislation which will not maintain the '-optional" character of all such payments. Mr. Harrison (Nationa I Conservative Labour Party) seconded, and the resolution was adopted. "GOD PROTECT OLD ENGLAND." The Conference then adjourned for luncheon at the Victoria Hall, which was splendidly decorated for the occasion the walls bearing suitable mottoes. There was a large and distinguished company pre- sent, and Mr. Hv. Chaplireplying to the toast of the National Union, wound up av"rousing and inspir- ing speech with the earnest prayer "God protect old England," amid a scene of enthusiasm un- paralleFed in the history of the Conference, the whole company risinr spontaneously, and after cheering for several minutes, breaking forth into a never-to-be-forgotten rendering of "God save the King." O' HOME RULE. On the resumption of the business. Sir Edward Carson, K.C.. M.P.. on behalf of the Sir Edward Carson. K.C., M.P., on behalf of the Unionist, Association of Ireland, moved 'a. resolution opposing Home Rule, and made a strong attack on Mr. John Redmond. Only a short time ago Mr. Redmond said: "We send this message to England. We tell her that we Wexford men to-day hate her just as bitterlv as our forefathers did when they shed their blood on this snot." That, observed Sir Edward, was not said in Canada. It would not have brought in dollars in Canada (laughter). That was for home consumption. The Rev. Mr. Thompson, of the North of Ire- land, seconded the resolution, which was adopted with acclamation and unanimity. Sir Edward Carson remarked that there had been a suggestion from time to time that this question of Home Rule must, be solved by a separate Parlia- ment being granted for Ulster, but. Ulster would never be a party to any separate treatment. STRONG LANGUAGE ABOUT MR. LLOYD GEORGE. Sir William Bull, M.P., who declared that Mr. Llovd Geor/e ought to be kicked out of office, moved a resolution, which was adopted, condemning the Licensing Clauses, and appealing to the Union- ist party, when returned to power, to give relief in ¡ a just and equitable manner.—Mr. J. J. Cremlyn, West Carmarthenshire, also spoke to the motion.
TARIFF REFORM WILL NOT INCREASE COST OF LIVING A REAL SECOND CHAMBER. Mr. Balfour addressed a mass meeting at the Al- bert Hall on Thursday night in connection with the annual conference of the National Union of Conserva- tive and Constitutional Associations, and outlined the policy of the Opposition, with regard to the House of Lords. The huge building was packed to its utmost capacity, the enthusiasm of the vast audience being wonderful to behold. j There was an imposing platform, Mr. Balfour, who travelled from St. Pancras with Lord Charles Beresford and the Duke of Portland, who was in the chair, was flanked by the Duke of Norfolk, Sir Edward Carson, Mr. Henry Chaplin, Sir A. Acland Hood, Mr. F. E. Smith, and Mr. Bonar Law, and behind was a vast array of leaders and members, the best known of whom were loudly greeted. Amongst those occupying prominent positions were Mr. Mervyn Peel, Danyrallt, and Mr. J. W. J. Cremlyn. Mr. Balfour was most enthusiastically received, the andience rising as one body, and cheering loudly, and waving hats and handkerchiefs for several minutes.- "Rule Britaunia"was also heartily rendered. He said: Surely never in our whole history have we met at a moment more full of great possi- bilities for the nation, the empire, and the party than at this moment, and surely never have we met together to consult over the great political issues of the day with a fuller consciousness that on the decision to which the country may come within a few weeks hence depend the prosperity, the security, the j reputation for political sobriety which hitherto we 1\ have enjoyed among all other nations. We meet at a moment in which every mist of misrepresenta- tion seems to exhale from the unauthorised reports of what went on at the recent Confer- ence. Do not believe a word of them. Do not believe that there was the smallest want of unani- mity in all those on whom was thrown the duty of representing you, your interests, your views, your policy, at a Conference which I believe, ineffectual and unfruitful as it has proved, will not yet be without good results to the country, and may well be a prcedent for other conferences, dealing with great national interests, which may mitigate the evils incident to party divisions. But do not believe for one instant that the decision at which we arrived is one which, if you had all the facts before you, you would have dissented from. On the contrary, I am perfectly certain that we should have been re- garded as traitors to our cause had we gone further then we did go in the direction of that peace and goodwill between the parties which I readily admit our four Radical colleagues in the Conference were anxious to further. I believe we all desired an agreement, but if we had agreed upon the only terms on which agreement was possible you would have regarded ug as not supporting, but as betray- ing, your cause. THE UNIONIST POLICY. Wall, the Conference has unhappily failed, and now rumour will have it that we are to be met with a surprise election. These military surprises, as his- tory shows, are full of disappointments for those who attempt them. I observe that already the Govern- ment forces have suffered that kind of misfortune to which all surprise expeditions are liable, and that one ardent recruit, in the shape of the Home Secre- tary, had already fired off his rifle before he was within range of the enemy (laughter). We are fore- warned, and being forewarned we are forearmed. Believe me, we look forward to the fight, whenever it takes place, with full confidence as to the results. ,\Ve are prepared to meet our opponents across the floor of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, if that is what they want, but if they prefer to put this question in December on an old register, with general inconvenience, before the constituencies within the next few days, again we are ready. We believe in our cause, we believe in our countrymen, and, as your chairman has most justly said, we pro- pose to wage no defensive warfare. We are not going to wait within our lines until we are,attacked; we are going to show the country that we have a policy, an Imperial policy, a domes- tic policy, both of them consistent with our great traditions, both of them, as we be- lieve. carrying with them definite advantages to the whole community within these islands. Mr. Balfour referred shortly to the land policy of the Unionist Party, to the reform of the Poor Law, and to in- surance against invalidity. With regard to the last mentioned subject he stated that they would be false to their traditions if they did not desire to see the policy of the Workmen's Insurance Act. associated for ever with the name of Mr. Chamberlain, extended to 'other forms of misfortune which made the com- petent workman no longer able to support his wife and family. With regard to the manner in which the Unionist Party should deal with the provisions of tho Budget, Mr. Balfour stated that in his opin- ion it was absolutely necessary that they should do what they could to remedy the gross injustice which I had been done to the licence holders, who had been treated as no legitimate interest had ever been treated before. So far as one of the other contro- versial branches of the Budget was concerned they thought the avowed policy of the Government should be explicity embodied in legislation, that agricul- tural land, already overburdened, should be wholly Above all, Mr Balfour proceeded, if you are going to free, from the oppressive action of the new taxes raise taxes from urban land those taxes should go to the city communities in which the land is situated. They should be used, as they ought to be used, for the locality in which the lands are situated and not be dissipated broadcast over the whole area of the country, with which they have no direct connection whatever. (Hear, hear). TARIFF REFORM. In a course of a long reference to Tariff Re- form, Mr. Balfour stated: Tariff Reform stands where it did. It is now what it has been for years past, the great constructive policy to which, in my judgment, the party stands committed. I am told by pome political observers that Tariff Reform has lost its popularity, or at all events, has lost some I of its popularity-(" No, no!")—since trade be- came good. (Laughter). A very able friend of mine on this platform has explained to the conference to- i' day that in his judgment the supposed improvement of trade is largely illusry. I hope it is not, but I venture to suggest that, whether it is better, or 'whether it is worse, has nothing whatever to do with the great policy of Tariff Reform. If I turn to the self-governing portions of the Empire, are there no lessons to be learned there as to the im- minent and pressing necessity of Fiscal Reform? I say that you are trying the self-governing and sister States of which this Empire consists too high when you defer indefinitely making any response to the preference which they so generously and gladly gave to the Mother Country. Whatever the benefits of Tariff Reform, if those benefits could only be pur- -Ir chased by throwing additional burdens on the shoulders of the wage-earning class of this country I woudl not teuch it. (Loud cheers.) The whole object I have in view-the whole object my friends have in view-is to benefit the wage-earning class. And then they say-Well, it may be a benefit in one way to the wage-earning class, but after all it will increase the price of living of the working class- es. I say it will not. (Cheers.) THE CONFERENCE. I now come, Mr. Balfour proceeded, to what is new, the question of the House of Lords. (Cheers.) I gather from the utterances of distinguished Cab- inet Ministers—(laughter)—who seem tumbling over each other to be first in the field with a strong mis- representation-that in their view the reason the Conference failed was because a certain unmber of obstructive Tory peers refused to see the necessity of any change what over in the existing system. I am conscious that I do great injustice to the vigour of their statement, and I have not got their words here, but if I remember rightly they suggest the one side, and a body of 600 and odd gentlemen on the one side, and a body of forty millions and odd on the other hand; that the 600 odd gentlemen on the one side are constantly occupied in refusing to grant the most reasonable requests preferred to them by the forty millions on the other side. (Laughter.) Considering that the charge against the House of Lords is that it is too Unionist and that the Unionists in this country do not differ nu- merically very much from the collection of parties who are non-Unionist—(laughter and cheers)-alneds considering that what ever difference there may be will not improbably be a difference in favour of the I's Unionists after the next election—(cheers)—against the collection of parties who are non-Unionists, this authentical division of the community into six hun- dred and something peers and forty millions and something people who are not peers, but who are always being deprived of what they want by those who are peers, seems to me to be a picture of con- temporary politics which is so unlike the reality that it hardly amounts to a caricature. Now let ns leave this region of Bengal lights and fairyland for the reality, the daylight reality, of facts. Let me venture to lay before you as briefly as I can wjiat I regard as the true policy that this country ought to pursue with regard to a Second Chamber. In tho first place I say a Second Chamber is necessary. (Loud cheers.) Every great country in the world has a Second Chamber, and in most great coun- tries the Second Chamber is a more powerful ele- ment in the Constitution than our Second Chamber is at the present moment. A REAL SECOND CHAMBER. My second proposition is that if you have a Second Chamber it must be a real Second Chamber, and not a sham one. It must exercise that moderating influence upon the legislation of the country for which Second Chamber exist in all sound constitutions. I lay down the third proposi- tion, which is that in a constitution consisting of two Chambers it is not the Second Chamber which should be the dominant one; it is the so-called popular Chamber, it is the immediately representative Chamber, it is the House of Commons, which is How and which for generations has been, and which, in my opinion, ought to rema;n in that co- partnership the dominant element. Now, what are the evils that we have to try to mitigate in any reform of this two-Chamber system, granting that it is to be a real two-Chamber system? We have, in the first place, to remedy deadlocks. Deadlocks have been grossly exaggerated. You would "really suppose when an ardent young Cabinet Minister is describing the tyranny which the Second Chamber exercises over the First, that the First had never been able to do anything good or useful for the exercises over the First, that the First had never been able to do anything good or useful for the people. Well, when they admit that they have never done anything good or useful for the people since 1906, when that is admitted by them I will consider the force of this argument about deadlocks, but I quite agree that it is not a good system, a wholesome state of things, that there should be two Chambers so widely diversified in their political complexions as the House of Commons was in 1906 and the House of Lords was at that same date. "ALL WE ASK." That is one of the things that has to be dealt with. Then, will you agree with me in another proposition, which is, if the two Chambers dissent, and if the question on which they dissent is of sufficient importance, there is but one arbiter- (hear, hear)—and that arbiter is the people of the country? (cheers). What nonsense it is to. talk of the six hundred peers on one side and forty millions on the other when all we ask is that there should be an appeal both from the six hundred in the Second Chamber and the six hundred in the First Chamber to the people upon whom both depend and for whose interests both exist (cheers). The misrepresentation is patent. The folly of the policy is surely equally clear. Before I tell you what I think ought to be done with the House of Lords I have only one more proposition to lay before you, and it is that in any reform of the Second Cham- ber you should draft your reform upon the Second Chamber which has been handed down to you from immemorial time. That is the way a great con- tinuous Constitution is built up. I have told you within what limits we ought to work. Now let me tell you how I think the thing should be done. Re- member, in the first place, that the House of Lords, under Lord Rosebery's guidance, has accep- ted the principle that no man, merely because he is an hereditary peer, should have the right to a legislative seat in that assembly. That has been done. That is not a declaration of opinion which we still await with anxiety; that is a declaration of opinion which is on record. Another point on which I believe all are agreed is fhat the Second Chamber—the working Second Chamber—should be greatly diminished in numbers (hear. hear). In that I think there need be, and ought to be, no controversy. PUBLIC SERVICE TO QUALIFY. The third proposition I lay down is that in this distinguished Chamber should sit persons qualified by admitted public service (cheers). You consider how much richer the Second Chamber is, and must always be, under our present system, in a certain kind of administrative and Imperial experience. All great pro-Consuls, to use a cant phrase, belong to the Second Chamber. Your greatest soldiers, your Governors, your greatest Civil servants, are all members of the Second Chamber, or hardly ever of the House of Commons. And don't suppose that is an old and forgotten tradition; don't sup- pose it is one of the rags and relics of a feudal past (laughter). Within the last few months the present Government appointed three Commissioners to great positions, representing your Sovereign abroad. They had made every one of them a peer (laughter). The Governor of New ealand, a respected member of the House of Commons, once a member of our party, has been made a peer. The late Home Secretary has been sent to represent the King in South Africa-Mr. Gladstone becomes Lord Gladstone. One of the greatest and most difficult positions in the whole Empire has just been filled. by a most d'stiniruish^d public servant, Sir Charles Hardinge, and Sir Charles Hardinge is now Lord Hardinge. I believe I carry every cober man in the country with me in saying that these qualified members of that House should be members of our Second Chamber. Then I think there should be! an element of the House of Lords elected by the peers. I am sure that is right. It carries on the traditions, it keeps that continuity. And, whatever may, be said against the members of the Second House in their collective capacity, there is very little to be said against the members of the Second House in the districts where they live (cheers). I have given you two elements in the Second Chamber, as I desire to see it reformed, but there is a third ele- ment which should at least equal the other two together, and that is an element brought into the Second Chamber by some external machinery, elec- '.tifcve co otherwise forming an integral part of that body, representing the community at large, the move- ments of publio ideas, the great body of external I opinion. This elected or selected body should at least be equal, in my judgment, to the keers who sit there by right of public service, or the peers who sit there by election among their fellows. NOT AN ELECTED CHAMBER. Now if you go beyond that, and have a body elected throughout, what is the inevitable result? it will be that in this country, as it has been in other countries, that the Second Chamber usurps the position ot the First Chamber. You cannot have an elected Second Chamber, taken out of the elite of the community—having behind them their electorate, as we in the House of Commons have behind us our electorate—you cannot have them there and keep them in a subordinate position. They will be the respected, they will be the domi- nating Assembly, as they are in France, and as they are in America. I, therefore, for my own part, speaking as a member of the House of Commons, do not want to see an elected Second Chamber. I do want to see a Second Chamber which feels that it has in its members men who owe their position there not to hereditary right, and what is ludicrous- ly called the accident of birth, but to some other causes more in harmony with modern theories of government. If you do that you will have a Second Chamber, at which nobody can say-This repre- sents 670 gentlemen who have nothing but their V-a,thdlrs to boast—(hear, hear)—you will have a Second Chamber which will, I believe, carry with it the consent and respect of all, which will carry out these great functions which we must have carrie(i out by a Second Chamber—the moderating functions which will have power, but not too much power, which will be a real Second Chamber, and will yet. not drive the House of Commons from its position of permanency (cheers). On great occa- sions when the two Houses differ the only appeal can be, and the only appeal ought to be, to the people themselves—(hear, hear)—but you cannot, of course, appeal to the people either by referendum or by general election on every small occasion. That is granted. Well, how are you going to deal with deadlocks? You can only deal with them by conference, by amicable conference, between the two Houses or by joint sittings in which the House of Commons should have added to it the Second Chamber or members of the Second Chamber (loud cheers). Votes of thanks to Mr. Balfour were passed amidst prolonged cheering, and the singing of "For he's a jolly good fellow." Afterwards the right hon. gentleman left to address a packed overflow meet- ing, at which Lord Charles Beresford dwelt on the naval question, again condemning the Government for endangering the safety of the Empire by reducing the Navy below the two-power standard, and em- phasising the importance of returning the Unionist Party to power in order that that serious defect in our defence might effectively be swept away. -r-
NEXT TIME YOU FEEL RUN DOWN READ THIS CAREFULLY. IT TELLS YOU HOW TO BE STRONG. A man with no spare strength behind him is like a house with no foundation; both give way at the first attack. A man in this state needs a health-giving food which will brace him up and give the necessary fillip to his nervous system. Dr. Tibbies' Vi-Cocoa is just the tonic to do this. A cup of Vi-Cocoa at supper ensures a sound night's sleep, from which he will awake knowing that he has rested. For giving stamina and vigour Vi-Cocoa, which contains kola, cocoa, malt and hops, works wonders on a run-down constitution. Vi-Cocoa thus con- tains just those ingredients necessary to make and keep you thoroughly healthy. Do not ask vour arrocer for cocoa. Ask for —it makes all the difference. Every grocer sells Vi-Cocoa in 6d. packets and 9d. and 1/6 tins.
GARNANT PROPERTY DISPUTE.—Mr. Justice Joyce resumed the hearing in the Chancery Division on Saturday last of the action by Mr. Wm. Lewis Evans, of Cae Shop, Gwaun-cae-gurwen, against Mrs. Nannah Rees, wife of a retired farmer, of Calwell House, Calwell-road, Garnant, for the specific performance by agreement for sale of the Cash Stores and two adjoining dwelling-houses. Plaintiff's claim was that he purchased the property for J6870, and paid jB20 deposit. He alleged that Mrs. Rees promised to pay for the repairs done and which should be done before he took possession.The cost of these repairs was JE142, and of this amount J642 had been paid by Mrs. Rees, but she said the agreement was that the other £100 should be paid by the plaintiff to Mr..Edward Thomas, who had carried out the work. This the plaintiff denied.—Evidence for the plaintiff was given on Saturday by Mr. Joseph uring, a former lodger of the plaintiff, and Mr. Walter, a stonemason, who had also lodged with Mrs. Rees.—Mrs. Rees gave her evidence in Welsh, which was interpreted by Mr. Thomas Evans Morris, barrister. She contended that the plaintiff agreed to pay for all the repairs, and as he had not done so he had broken the contract.—The case was adjourned.
To Shoot tokill demands more than uIÚaHi aim it demands per- + fectiol1 in the caxtridge. ^■ELEY CARTRIDGES 8 ARE 'ALWAYS RELIABLE* M Their world wide reputation H places the fact beyond all doubt. SB M BUT GET ELEY'S.' P.!o.:(EJ\oaded) a.t 11/0 <: *t Of Gw;maksrs atid D8IIJ,s IfJøryWluf' EloyBros.LtAL L.ondoa. rP :J. Ipi
LL.D.'S FOR EVERYBODY [BY ROY FRANK JOHNSON.] If I were asked what subject Socialists talk most nonsense about I think I should be inclined to reply "Education." The recent municipal elections have given them a chance to dilate on the subject a. good ¡f2aJ, with reference to the feeding of ohildiVm. So it is as well to examine their doc- trines. They say they want equal education for all, or at least equal opportunities of obtaining education, and it looks, at first sight, a fine idea. Church Socialists, to use a colloquialism, "jump at it." But can it be made to work? I suppose we should all of us benefit by an education beginning from the time we are very young and not ending until, say, we had completed a university course. At the end of that time we might all be very learned. But suppose we all had this privilege, and spent the time, say, between eighteen and twenty-one years of age in learning all the very instructive things which university men learn. And then sup- pose that our vocation in life lay in commerce. Surely we should have spent those years more profitably—especially as these are the nick of the receptive years of our life—in learning our business. That is the whole position with regard to edu- cation. It is undoubtedly desirable for everybody to be as cultured as possible, but it would be disastrous in many cases if young men were not taught their real trades early in life. The great majority of those who at present go to the uni- versities, and thus have a longer period of educa- tional training than most people, are preparing for careers such as one cannot possibly learn by a sort of apprenticeship. For instance, a drapery salesman's best plan is to start in business knowing not very much about it, and pick up the trade as he goes along. But would you like a doctor to start in the same way— to go carving or poisoning people in order to learn his business? So you see that the idea of equal education for' everybody is not half so simple as it looks. I my- self am very fond of many educational subjects, and should greatly like, if I had the leisure, to pursue them for a long time; but if I did, how should I earn my living? And who would pay for my keep while I followed the pleasant paths of learning? CAN THEY WORK TOGETHER? Many peop e are still puzzled over the difficult question, "Is Socialism really antagonistic to Chris- tianity, or is it not" I have already dealt with this topic, but as I find so many people are in doubt about it I think, perhaps, I had better return to it. The subject always reminds me of "King Charles" head," to borrow a phrase from Dickens. It is on record that at the time of the Cival War there were a gjrqiat many "Roundheads" who simplv wanted to have some form of Republican or Pa lif- mentary government instead of a monarchy. Many of them, hating bloodshed, were not at all desir- ous of killing King Charles. But when it actually came to business, these milder persons soon found themselves overruled by their more violent comf rades. That is always the way. It is the fanatics who "boss" a revolution. In the same way, I am well aware that there are many people professing a certain order of Socialist views, who do not really want to see all parsons driven out of the land, and all religion abolished. 'In fact, there are a great many parsons who call themselves Socialists, and as they naturally believe me religious work they are doing is good and neces- sary, they would not be very eager to see it stopped by the State. But then they have to remember that the very men whose doctrines they have borrowed, and also the very men who are doing their utmost to bring Socialism before the people to-day, are determined atheists, who not only would refuse to allow re- ligion to influence the mind of the State, but would abolish religious work altogether—at least, as far as they could. If ever that revolution they are always talking about comes, it will be these extremists who will "run the show." Here are two choice examples of their views:- "The only prominent Socialist at the present time who has the nerve to say a word favourably of Christianity is Mr. Philip Snowden, M.P. Of course there are several parsons calling them- selves Christian Socialists, but then no one takes them seriously. One of the most successful Socialist pamphlets of to-day is 'Christ: the great enemy of the human race.' "-J. W. Gott, of the Freethought Socialist League, in a letter to the "Blackburn Gazette." "WTe reject Christianity because it is the evan- gel of self-abnegation instead of self-realisation; self-obliteration instead of self-assertion; also because it glorifies altruism, duty, humility, sub- mission, contentment, and other slave virtues. "Christianity is a gospel for rainbow-chasers, snobocrats, sucklings, slaves, and sycophants. We want neither gods or masters, and parsons make us sick."—Robert Lord, of the Freethought Social- ist League, Rochdale. You must not run away with the idea that this atheism "is the only objection which sane-minded Englishmen have to Socialism. On the contrary, I think it is correct to say that there is not a single point in the Socialist propaganda that will bear examination. I have tried from time to time, to point out some of the more serious objections to several Socialists schemes. But, when we see people advocating an utterly futile plan of life on the ground that it is the real Christianity, while we know that, on the contrary, the plan has been originally formed, spread and maintained by Materialists, then it is time to protest. M. BRIAND'S CONVERSION. If anyone wants a refutation of Socialism it is provided by the firm action of M. Briand, the French ex-Premier, who resigned office for the express purpose of "having it out" with the Social- ists. As a Minister of State he saw what ruin their general strike and their campaign of Sabotage (which means doing your work as badly as you can and spoiling your employer's machinery if possible) were Causing. M. Briand himself was once a Socialist, but now that he has had the responsibilities of office he has seen, as any sensible man must have seen, how utterly futile the whole idea is. And it should be remembered that even his most bitter enemies in ffrance have not been able to suggest any reason for his change of politics except that he has become sincerely convinced that Social- ism is a fraud. He has gained nothing by his attacks on Socialism; indeed, he has arrayed against himself all the red-flag forces of France. The fact is, no man who has ever had to run a business or a nation believes in Socialism, but only I those dreamers who have never had such a job. and—fortunately—are not particularly likely to have it. WHAT THE COMRADES THINK OF ONE ANOTHER, "The Labour Party is floundering helplessly in the morass of Liberalism.'—Comrade Harry Quelch, in the 'Labour Leader" of April 1st, 1910. "The fact remains that the Labour movement is being bled by a set of professionals, who make capital out of the position hito which the workers have unwisely thrust them. Could anything be more odious than the spectacle of Grayson return- ing to Engiand wirh his pockets bulging with fees, fees far in excess of his expenses with a reason- able margin for remuneration, and then whining in 'The Woman Worker* bbout his sacrifices ?• "The Socialist," December, 1909. The Social Democratic Party is, according to the- "New Age," September 2, 1909, "still unimportant, and its doctrines, according to the "Socialist Stan- dard" for December, 1909, are "nostrums.' AND WHAT THEY THINK OF THE WORKERS. "The working classes have no political tradition worth speaking of, their education is bad, their occupation is usually demoralising, and in conse- quence their capacity for grasping ideas, for put- ting them into action, and for selecting and trust- ing their leaders, is, in general, small. It is even smaller in England than elsewhere."—"New Age,' 25th August, 1910.
PROPERTY SALES CARMARTHENSHIRE FREEHOLDS. On Saturday last, at the Ivy Bush Royal Hotel; Carmarthen, Messrs. John Francis and Son offered for sale by public auction, without reserve, a free- hold double-licensed free public-house, the Railway Inn, near the old Great Western Railway Station,, the occupant being Mr. Humphrey Williams, whose- yearly rent is £24: Included in the lot was a dwelling-house tenanted by Mr. Mason, at a rent of L5 per annum, and two large sheds, whilst a boat- house hard by was removable by the owner, who paid a ground rent of 10s. per annum. The lot, together with a piece of freehold land abjoining, owned by Messrs. Harries, who realised j625 per annum for two buildings on it, was sold to the- Great Western Railway Co. for £ 1,000. The solici- tor was Mr. Thomas Walters, Carmarthen. The same auctioneers put under the hammer a freehold tenement, Llether, near the village of Felingwm-issa, Llanegwad, Carmarthenshire, con- taining 4a. 99., the recent occupant being Mr. D. H; Francie, who paid a yearly rent of L9. The lot was bought for J6145 by Mr. David Jones, The Smithy, Felingwm. Mr. Thomas Walters was the solicitor. LAMPETER FREEHOLD DWELLINGS. At Lampeter on Saturday afternoon Mr. Daniel 1. Rees, auctioneer, offered for sale a number of freehold houses in Greenfield-terrace, Lampeter. All the lots were withdrawn. Mr. Thomas Phillips, Llandovery, acted as solicitor for the vendor.
NEW QUAY TEMPERANCE ASSOCIATION.—Meetings were held in connection with the above at Towyn Chapel on Wednesday, the 16th inst., the following being the programme:—10.30 a.m., prayei-mecting; 2.30 p.m., (1) Address by the chairman, Capt. James, Omia Villa; (2) speech by Mr. W. Thomas, Brynarfor on "Alcoholic Drinks at Public Auctions." In the dis- cussion which followed the following took part:— Revs. E. J. Edwards, Brvn; Gwilym Williams, B.A., Tabernacle; Jones, Pensarn; (3) address by Rev. E. Aman Jones, B.A., on "The Temperance Question and the Children." Evening meeting: Rev. E. Aman Jones presided. (1) The Rev. Jones, Pen- sarn. introduced the meeting by reading and prayer. (2) Speech by the chairman. (3) A resolution pro- posed by the Rev. G. Williams. B.A., seconded by Rev. W. Griffiths. and supported in an able and in- teresting address by Professor T. A. Levi, Aberyst- wyth, on 'The Legal Aspect of Temperance Re- form." (4) A vote of thanks to Professor Levi was proposed by Rev. Jones, Pensarn, seconded oy Mr. J. Owen Davies. (5) Vote of thanks to chair- man, proposed by Professor Levi. and seconded by Rev. G. Williams, B.A., terminated the meetings. MUTUAL IMPROVEMENT 'SOCIETY.—The inaugural address in connection with the above society was delivered at Towyn Vestry, on the 15th inst., by the Rev. E. Aman Jones, B.A., pastor, on the sub- jest, "The Slaves in America and the Man who was the means' of freeing them." Mr. Wallis Thomas presided for the evening. The address was much appreciated, and a hearty vote of thanks was given to Mr. Jones for his excellent and instructive address.
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