For the North IVales Gazette. PF.N.N I/.LION I Yn cynnwys ystyriaethau ar waith Rhimynwr, yr hwn a gvnnye-iodd gyngbaneddiad newydd o'r Salman can d) hied fod ei waith yn fwy Efen- gylaiiWl an ysbrydol, na gwaith yr enwog Arch- il i aeon Prys GADAEL TIR. Pwy y(lyw'r dyn ynfyd, heb ddawn ac heb ys- bryd, J\ lefftdiodd mor waglyd agoryd ei gaingc ? Yn Salmau Dllwiolion cawn sothach anghyson, Lie rhoes y Diagon Ftodeugerdd Ow, gwrihod melusion her odlau ysbrydlon, t?t*f gwaith hen Ddiagon, o Feirion, dda Fardd A dewis gwaith ofer, o ffrwyth hunanolder, Pen-boethder,—gwael arfer rhyw Glerfardd. Rhyw T'rydydd briwedig, Greadur llygredig, 0 feddwl chwyddedig, uwch llithrig fro'r IIwch; Ot-h. ceisiodd, nid cyson, mewn awydd yn eon, Pdiddymmu 'r Diagon o'i degwch. Hen Edmund Prys ddllwiol,gwr cadrn synhwyrol, A ddoniwyd yu hollol, ddewisol i'w waith Nid oes ond Hunanddyn, ffol galon, dwl goryn, Cleberddyn yn Elyn anwylwaitb. Mae Salman newyddaidd yn fwy efengylaidd, A mwy ysbrydolaidd, rheolaidd, medd rhai N i chanodd tra-chelfydd, Gywreinlardd Meirionydd Jdo waith yr hen DDAFYDD yn ddifai. Pa Awdwr, o'i wirfodd, a ancfengylodrl Y Salman, oes eilmodd, pwy welodd fath waith ? Pwy ddyry'n ddi eiriach i'n Salmau amgenach, JVlwyneiddiach, gywirach Rhagorwaith ? Ciocheled pob Cristion anfadwaith Ynfydion, Gwaith i-hith-Grefyddotion peti ryddion yr oes: Gan ddrtyn,yn fFyddlon, y GWIR, llawn rhagorion; Nes attal olwynion haul einioes. jirfon. GWALCH MAT.
To the Editor of the North Wales Gazette. MJMBER V. In the commencement of the history of Gii- das, the learned author of the Collectanea Cambrica, fancies lie has discovered in one passage another insidious attempt to intro- duce Popen, and at the same time to encou rage the Saxons. His opinion is formed upon such imaginary grounds that a hare statement of them is sufficient to refute it. Gildas, in conformity with the Roman historians, asserts that Britain was 41 subjugated more by threats and edicts, than force of arms." It is perfectly I y clear that the Britons, at the time of the Ro- man invasion, were not in a capacity to make a very strenuous resistance. Their internal broils and divisions counteracted every means of public security, and we find them so far from being unanimous in the cause, that one faction was sure to be in the Roman interest, Whatever, therefore, the Chronicle may re- cord, the statement of Giidas is more conso- nant to probability, than the fabrications of Geoffrey. The author, however, observes in it this striking peculiarity, viz. a decisive labouring to encourage the Saxons hy giving them a false idea of the Britons, as incapable of resistance, and as having been an easy con. ,qttei;t to the Romaiis." Whenever Giidas roentrons the Saxons, he does it in terms ex- pressive of the utmost abhorrence at their barbarities. h Feroeiasimi illi, nefandi nomi- nis Saxones, Det) hotitinibusque ifivisi." Is it possible that this history could have been written with a view "fencouragingthose whom its author lashes with the utmost asperity, and against whom he endeavours to excite a ge neral feeling of abhorrence, and even aHacks his own countrymen for not uniting in one common cause against them ? But the author says, this account is inconsistent with a pas- sage in the Elegy of Giidas, where he repeats part of a prophecy of Merlin, promising vie- lory to the united arms of the Britons and Scots, against the Saxons. "Is it possible," he continues that the same person should in his history represent his countrymen, as an easy conquest to every invader, and in his Foams give he all authority for the hope of signal victories What inconsistences exists here, dees not appear by the most forced con. sfruclion. The sig-nal victories al, Itided to, -,ire merely some trifling advantages over the Saxons, promised by Merlin, and introduced in the form of a prophecy in this supposed Elegy of Gildas. What contradiction there can possibly be between this meagre pro- phecy, and the history is known onlv to the author. Gildas does not represent his country as an easy conquest to every invader. Upon the decline of the Roman empire, he savs that the country was much weakened by the pretensions of Maxllnuslo the imperial throne, ■who was attended by a great multitude of British youths who never returned bv means of which the country, being robbed of its resources, became successively a prey to the Picts, Scots, and Saxons. The successes of these barbarians he attributes to what was before observed, and which he reprobates in severe terms, namely, their want of unani roily in repelling their invaders, and their great propensity to civil dissent ions. Want of natIOnal unanimity is characteristic of the Gauls a» well as Ihe Britons in all their wars with the Romans, and it is generally acknow- ledged that their own internal factions dis abled thorn from making a very vigorous opposition. Claudius returned from his expe- dition into Britain, without witnessing any appearance of resistance, and may willi Isit-let pro!«tiel-y besaid to have taken possession of he Island by an edict. The character given to th-- Britons by Tacitus most Blronelv cor- roborates toe testimony of Giidas foraccord ine-to hlfn, it very rarely occurred that even two or three states could unite in repellin* a con 11"1 "Nee all,id ad versus vaTid- ismmas gentes pro nobis utilius quam quod in couiHiua': 11011 consiilunf." The author has. therefore, most completely mistaken the sense of the history 01 Giidas, from the first be--in nmg. It is so far from having any appearance of being the work of a Roman Ecclesiastic, that the most distant connection cannot be traced 111 it, which can sanction so absurd a theory. It is unnecessary to prove the hiO'h estimation in which the Romans were held in in the latter period, of their administration. It was necessity which obliged them to relinquish their possession, and It is to their absence, and the contentious spirit of the British chiefs that Giidas, and all succeeding historians, at- tribute the ravages, to which this country became subject. The last letter of the Britons to Agidius, which has undoubted marks of authenticity, is a tasting proof of their entire dependance upon Rome for their internal se curity, and of their regard also and it is on this account, and not with, a view of advanc- ing Popery, that Gildas speaks in favourable terms of the Romans, and deals out the most severe invective against his own countrymen. Bangor. J. J.
CONFERENCE Between Napoleon and the Austrian Ambassador Count Von Bulma. In the Correspondcnlen of the 7th of this month (May) is announced the departure from Paris of the Austrian Minister, Count Von Bubna. and also that of the Extraordinary Ambassador, the Prince Von Schwartzenherg. The latter delivered to Napoleon a letter, in the hand-writing of the Emperor Francis, con- taining the final propositions of Austria for peace, to which, however. Napoleon gave no consideration. The Count Von Bubna had previously, on the 10th of March, the follow- ing conversation with Napoleon. After the public audience which the Empe- ror gave on the above-mentioned day to the Diplomatic Corps, the Duke of Bassano ap- proached the Count Von Bubna and intimated that the Emperor was desirous of conversing with him. The Count was then conducted into the Great Cabinet. The Emperor, with whom the Duke of Hovigo was, having made a sign to the Duke of Bassano to remain like- wise, advanced to Count Von Bubna with a pretty calm countenance, and said Count, I wish to speak frankly with you. My policy is known to you, 1 have nothing to conceal. Your Court does not act so towards me." BUDNA-" Sire, the situation is different." BUONAPARTE—* A h 1 That'swhat makes you so reserved. You believe me in the greatest difficulty, and you want to profit by that, in order to obtain once more a great influence in Europe. This uncertainty must cease-you distract my grand plan of defence, and I have need of all my presence of mind. Your Court will precipitate itself into misfortune. I told you this before. My predictions are always fulfilled." BUBÑA-" Sire, our Court has sustained great losses by the war." BUONAPARTE—'• And will these losses be re- paired by a faithless neutrality ? are my servi- ces thus to be rewarded ? 1 could have an- nihilatedyou, incorporated you, governed you by one of my Generals: but I have done no such thing. I love you, I love your Sove- reign I have given a proof of my love by uniting myself with his Family. Woe to him, if he compel me to become his enemy My personal feelings have a second time moved me to offer him Peace; but I will no longer give room to these feelins. I now see that you are striving against the welfare of my people." BUBNA-" Sire, your Majesty cannot blame Austria if she take ad vantage of circumstances to prevent herself from being hereafter under the necessity of adopting a peace prescribed to her. Our Emper,>r would betray his peo- ple, were he to overlook the unexpected turn of fortune which presents itself." BUONAPARTE—" The unexpected turn of for- tune To unite himself to my enemies to pro- mote my fall, or at least by inactivity silently to-aid them, that they may to direct their force against me Is this observing trea- ties? 'I litis, after having promised me a co- operation, through tardiness never performed, feeble in its means, and ridiculous in its re- sults BUBNA.—" We have been faithful to our alliance. Your Majesty could not desire thaI we should expose ourselves to the fate which has been so dreadful to your troops." BUONAPARTE—"That is the very thing Ihat brought my army into difficulty. Your timi- dity, to use no harsher term, has embarrassed all my grand calculations. What are men in the eyes of their Sovereigns ? Mere abstract quantities which they employ in the solution of important polttical problems: and in my eyes they are often mere tadpoles. Yes, M. Bubna, as mere tadpoles I view them. But 1 speak not of the past. The present presses me, the future occupies me. I must know whether, for the value of the territories I may give in exchange, in virtue of our alliance, and in respect for the ties which unite us, whether, I say, I can rely, that while I am advancing in front, your Court will make a great flank movement in short, whether you I will join me to surround the barbarians who fancy that they are to subscribe laws to Ger- many What I can your master, the lieiv of the (ierman Emperors, endure, that where his ancestors have reigned, one of the race of the Czars should command Weil 1 if you do not help me to dissipate these hordes, I will drive them back myself, but then I will have the right (o be severe towards those, whose cause I shall have defended without their assistance. The IIcg-led of important state interests has caused the overthrow of ancient dynasties.— It is the essential interest of the house which lias inherited the title and a part, of the pos- sessiol!ll)t the Cæsars, not lo permit the H us- sians to govern in Germany. These colonies of savages must be sent, back to the deserts from whence they came BUBNA—" But Sire, your Majesty has done every thing in your power to destroy the in- fluence of my Sovereign over the Gei-maii Po- litical Body." BL'ONAIIARTI, Yes, that coincided with my views, which have no other object than II)t-iiiieresis of Sovereigns, and the tranquil- lity of nations. Besides, is it not belter that a liberal power such as France, whose only ol) ject is the equal extension of the benefits of civilization, should form a strict confederacy of the petty German Princes, than that fine country should become the victim of the plunder and unjust invasions of its neigh- bours ? I have explained my ideas. I am satisfied with allowing Germany to have a strong organization, and I am not disinclined to extend the advantage thereof to Austria.— That was a part of my object when I began the war against Russia. I wished after having driven the Russians northward, to enlarge the Austrian frontiers, and strengthen them by mountains and rivers. Austria may, however, still enjoy the fruita of my good will, if she will help me to regain those positions which I possessed before the last campaign. This as sistance is due to me as well for her own ad- vantage as from gratitude. III reality what has she to fear from me ? Have not I gua- ranteed the integrity of her Polisli posses- sions ?" BUBNA-" Sire, you cannot blame my So- vereign for employing his present ascendancy to recover his ancient possessions 1" BUONAPARTE—" Ascendancy ? That then is your secret thought ? Do you believe thht you preponderate as you naturally should do ? Well, I will annihilate that ascendancy,should it cost me my last dollar. M. Bubna, I am not yet down I am still able to make them shed bitter tears who have ventured tothreat- en me, because I have been unfortunate. M. Bubna, the sun of Wagram is not yet obscur- ed. My genius, and the bravery of my troops can yet make memorableduysdawn upon me. And, finally, what does your Cabinet want ? What does your Sovereign desire ? Have not I done every thing to tranquitise him as well with respect to policy as to our family union. You know 1 have taken a step with regard to the Pope, which had no other object but to calm the scruples of my father-in-law. I have not yet, however, made this step the origin of all the consequences which I intend to derive from it. But pressed as I am on all sides by my allies receiving from my allies none of thcassisl ance they owe me; treated in the same manner by your Court, from which I had a right to expect a very different condnct, I am under the necessity at present of thinking only of the defence of my slates. I sliai! surround the Empress with new splendour. 1 shall ren- der her independent of events, and shall assure to her the Empire during my absence, or after my death. Yet, fhis is not satisfactory this benefit is rejected, and far from assisting me, I have been insulted by demands irreconcile- abie with my honour. I have sacrificed to you the Crowned Empress Queen, the woman, who. next to the present Empress, was the nearest to my heart, I wait only for the Coro nation of the present in order that she may take her title. What can I do more ? We live no longer in the times when troublesome Queens might be strangled. Doubtless, it is not desired [flat I should make them all va- nish The thought shocks me when state policy requires such actions, but the necessity has not yet been demonstrated to me. Since have united myself with your Master's Dy- nasty, I have wished to animate it with new vigour. I have, inamalgamatin it with the new order of things in Europe, wished to pro. vide against its being swallowed up thereby. Well then it appears my views are not under- stood. I am dealt with deceitfully, while the greatest frankness is shewn in my conduct.— You increase my trouble while I huveonly in view Ihe welfare of Austria. situation of affairs must end in a crisis. This convul- sion 1 cannot endure, and woe to you and your Austrian Master when this explosion breaks forth against you M. BCBNA-" Sire, we have, in the me an time, shewn that me: act's do not frighten us. The explosion of which your Majesty speaks, cannot be directed against ns." BUONAPARTE—41 11a Voti defy I'Me. you utter in my presence against the Emperor of the French, words winch could scarcely he allowed towards an abortion of the Rhenish Confederacy 1 Rovigo, do your duly." I Rovico immediately stepped forward to Count Von Bubna to disarm him but the latter stepped quickly hack a few paces, nod laid his hand on his sword to he ready to de- fend himself. Rovigo, by a wink of the eye, enquired the pleasure of ins Master, who,-now more calm, signified to him, by a similar sign, not to proceed father. BUONAPARTE M. Bubna, said he," I am passionate I possess alllhe pride of the Sovereign of a great and brave nation. I have a lively feeling of insults, and in what you said there appeared something offensive.— However, though you may forget yonrseif, ] I will not forget what is due to Ihe character with which n Sovereign who is my relative and ally has clothed you." with which n Sovereign who is my relative and all V has etc! bed you." BuuNA-" Sire, my Sovereign will perceive in my tanguage only Llie expression uf what is due to himself." BUONAPARTE—" Do you know, M. Bubna, that to-morrow I can make peace wiili Bussia, if I re-establish Prussia and eren enlarge her ? If I place a Russian Prince on the throne? What in reality have I to fear from Russia ? She is too distant from my states for me to j fear her as a Power and what would become of Austria, were I to permit Russia to extend herself to the Dann'e? Let me hear hat I you have to say oil this point ?" M. BUBNA-" Either Hutt your Majesty I does not know your own situation, or-that. | you are pleased to give me a view of it which you have not yourself. BUONAPARTB—•« You then believe me to be ill a very critical slale, (here he turned about to the Duke of Bassano.) You see what this senseless babler must ever he, (such es are the delicate expressions-which his Majesty uses ) You know not my strength, my re- sources and because I have found it necessary to fall back to myoid positions, you begin al ready to think that my throne totters. III consequence of such hopes, which have not the slightest foundation in probability, you slumber in the midst of danger, and are blind to my power. M. Bubna have 1 abandoned Spain ? No I have even sent reinforcements there. Would I not have entirely given up the war in the Peninsula, or at least have li- mited it to a plan of defence, if I had not possessed most powerful means for the vigo- rous prosecution of this ? Well, speak." Count Von BuBNa was about to reply, but Napoleon said to him rather warmly, no, no, I don't require your opinion on that, I know atready what you think. I know that you will write Bulletins a la Mark off to your Court, in which you paint me as if f no longer knew where my head stands; as surrounded by wretched people, a,l(^ "lreateneued with insurrertions. Thus So\ereign8 are deceived 0 11 by those who should enlighten them. Thus a false security and foolish hopes are cherish. ed. But know, M. Bubna, that I was never more master in France than I am now. At- tempts are indeed made-there are mutinies, but, no one will venture on the hazardous game of insurrection. I readily comprehend I that if you take the conversation ofthe saloons for the barometer of pwbhc op\njon> you must write extraordinary things concerning me but what care I for the complaints of courte xans, or some eunuchs ? For them I employ the lash to discipline them when their clatter fatigues me. But go to the markets, to the exchange, mix in all the assemblages of the people, and see whether every thing is not as tranquil as if there had been twenty years of peace ?" BUBNA-" Sire, it becomes not me to judge of the opinion of the people of France." BUONAPARTE.—" You do it, however, and you fulfil very quietly, in the heart of my capital, your mission as a spy." BUBNA-" Sire, I am of no use here except that of being an object for spies." BUONAPARTE-" For these two years all the Ministers your Court has sent to me have had no other employment, except that of spying my actions, and detailing the most frivolous circumstances respecting me. This IS not the wayin which Sovereigns ought to treat y 11 each other, especially when they are united by the ties of blood. I am candid. What 1 wish to be known, I speak openly. What I desire to know, I ask without any circumlo- cutions. I am too strong to seek refuge in deception. The Sovereigns of Europe are still in tutelage, and consequently can never stand in harmony with my Continental Sys tem, while they rely on tales fit only to amuse old women and children. I am not to be cheated, and I cheat no one, I nave never yet, pursued any plan which I had not previ- ously announced and I have announced none which I have not executed," BUUNA-" Ah I Sire the ruin of Russia." BUONAPARTE-" I would have been in Pe- tershurgfi had it not been for the unreasonable cold which n.y army had to sustain. I was however overcome by the elements only. The weather deranged all my calculations; every thing else however has happened just as I foresaw it. If your Emperor had supported me, he would have saved me much blood and many tears. If your Master will sincerely unite with me, we still can restore tranquility to the world, and realize the project of a ge- neral peace, which is the object of all my me- ditations. the end of all my efforts 1 It is supposed that 1 love war that is a mistake. The evil which it produces makes my heart bleed. Before the commencement of a cam- paign 1 have always offered peace, and have always again bestowed it on my vanquished enemies. In a week I shall have 300,000 men. i will go to Magdeburgh. Your Emperor may, on his part, give me his hand at Erfurt, make a flaulc movement with two hundred thousand men, and assist me in delivering the North of Europe from the Barbarians that rit- vage it. We must unite the chain of civili- zation. Should he deny me his assistance, I will perform the great work without him It will of course cost me more lime, and I shall have to sacrifice more men, which will wring my hearl: but this time I will put the old Dynasties out of condition to give me farther uneasiness. I have been too long indulgent with them. I have replaced them when 1 had cast them down.—There must bean end of that—Your Master must either be ray enemy or my confederate." BiiBN\ — Well, Sire-" BUONAPARTE—Ah I I understand you, Mr, Ambassador—You unroll your flag, and shew us war with ail its horrors. Well, you shall have war." RtJBNA-" Sire, we fear it not. I shall write to my Court to prepare for it." [NApoticoN cast a Iwokof astonishment, and after some moments of profound silence, pro- ceeded.] Bt'ONAPARTF.—" No Humanity has suf- fered enough, I wish for peace, I wish for it sincerely. It depends on your Court to give it to Europe. Let only my enemies cease to reiv on your neutrality, or your co-operation. Let hot your Court permit English emissaries to sow divisions on the Continent.—Lord Walpoie—-his presence in the slates of a So- vereign, who is my father-in-law and ally, is a scandal which astonishes all E, iii-oi)e-wliicii France reluctantly sees. That Lord Walpole must he publicly dismissed. The Express participates in my sentiments. Go to her, she expects you; then write to your Court."
AGRICULTURE. Farming has not yet made :hat progress which might have been expected. It has how- ever for these 10 years past been making some advances. In order to promote, the proprie- tors have contributed a 1 if Lie. Besides their own example, which seldom fails to produce ill the end the best effects, they have laid out in many places the grounds in such divisions as are best soiled to their respective farms.- Farmers, and indeed men ofevery description, overcome with difficulty prejudices which they have early imbibed. These prejudices operate as a second nature, and for along; time bid defiance to the soundest arguments. It is a practice in this parish of many never begin- ning to plough till the 10th day of March- However inviting the season may he prior to this period, it matters nothing; they adhere to the custom of their fathers. To begin sooner it is thought would prove detrimental to the soil, and injurious to the ensuing crop. This late ploughing occasions a late seed time and of course a late harvest, and a circum- stance which is for the most part, accompanicd with many disadvantages. This prejudice, however, is beginning gradually to lose its influence, and in a short time, it is hoped, it will be effectually removed. Few of the farmers in this parish are pos- sessed of a capital sufficient for carying on ex- tensive improvements. They with difficulty stock their farms—they embrace the readiest methods in their power of raising articles to pay their rents, and cannot afford to wait those distant, though ilure returns, with which the improving farmer must lay his account.— Before this parish can be improved, a large capital must be employed in draining. The climate is wet. I" consequence of the heavy and almost incessant rains which fall in the harvest and winter months, the lands are for a long time dreucjied in water, and of course rendered much less valuable both to the pro- prietor and tenant. Nothing but draining can remove this inconvenience, and facilitate improvements and as the proprietors are chiefly interested in this, their exertions, it is hoped, will every day be more and more em- ployed to promote so important an end.- Great praise cannot be bestowed on the cross or parish roads. But as the cons must be sensible of the necessity of cross roads- for the improvement of the country, no ex ertion we are convinced, will be wanting on el their part to promote so laudable an end. Pysgwern. F LOTA. -6
PAMPHLETS. An ingenius writer says, -1 however foreign the word Pamphlet may appear, it is a genuine English word, rarely known or adopted in any other language; its pedigree cannot well be traced higher than the latter end of Queen Elizabeth's reign. In its first state wretched must have been its appearance, since the great linguist John Minshew, in h\s Guide into Tongues,' printed 1617, gives it the most mi- serable character of which any libel can be be capable, "Mr. Minshew says (and his words were quoted by Lord Chief Justice Holt) A Pamphlet, that is Opusculum Slolidorum; the diminutive performance of fools. According to the vtilg-tr saying, all things are full of fools, or foolish things; for such multitudes of pamphlets, unworthy of the very name of libels, being more vile than common shores and the filth of beggars, and being flying papers daubed over and besmeared with the foams of drunkards, are tossed fait^.d near into the mouths and hands of scoundrels neither will the sham oracles of Apollo be es- teemed so mercenary as a pamphlet." The second idea of the t adix of the word, Pamphlet, is, that it takes its derivation from the Greek of the words all," and I loz)e," signifying a thing beloved by all for a Pam- plet being of a small portable bulk, and of no. great price, is adapted to every one's under- standing and reading. The third original interpretation of the word Pamphlet may be that of the learned Dr. Skinner, in his Etymologican Linguae Angli- cance, that it is derived from the Belgic word Pampier, signifying a little paper, or libel. Thefourth radical signification of the word Pamphlet is that homogencal acceptation of it. viz. as it imports any little book or small volume whatever, whether stitched or bound, whether good or bad, whether serious or ludi- crous. The only proper Latin term for a pam- phlet is Libellus, or little book This word indeed signifies in English an abusive paper or little book, and is generally taken in the worst sense. After all this display of curious literature, the reader may smile at the guesses of Etymo- logists particularly, when he is reminded that the derivation of the Pamphlet is drawn from quite another meaning to any of the present, by Johnson, which 1 shall give for immediate gratification. Pamphlet [par un filet, Fr. Whence this word is written anciently; and by Caxton, pazinflet] a small book properly a book sold unbound, and only stitched. The French have borrowed the word Panf phlet from us, and have the goodness of not disfiguring its orthography. 11 oast Beef is also in the same predicament. I conclude that Pamphlets and Roast Beef have, therefore, their origin in this country. -a.-
At the Middlesex Adjourned Sessions, on Mon- day, the following curious case of bigamy and pauperism was (fecided :-The parishes of Har- row and lsleworih, disputed which should main- tain the wife and five etiiidrenof a fellow who had deerled, them some months since, and has not been heard of. It appeared that the father, who is a labourer, had intermarried in the year 1793 with a decent young woman, whom he soon de- serted, and in the year 1806, married another, with whom he had previously lived three years, pretending the whole time to be a widower. The first wife discovering the second connection, as- sailed him, and took up her quarters in the same house with the second wife, and the whole three lived quietly together for many months. At length the" gay Lotl/atio," getting tired of both, fled the country, leaving the last married woman ilt the care and possession of the five children.— To-day both wives appeared, and each of .them gave testimony of his infidelity and insiticei-ity but they both agreed that" he could be good tn either if he pleased.Tlie scene altogether was truly dramatic The women, entertaining for each other a mutual sympathy, and towards the man one uniform principle ofaffection, gave their evidence respecting him, and themselves, in a strain manifestly expressive of their indignation that the parish oflicers should give themselves any trouble about the matter. The Court, how- ever, thought otherwise, and by their decision one child was directed to be given up to, and to he provided for by one of the parishes and the rest by the other.
¡ TIDE TAnt tdft THE ENSUING WEEK s i o 7i n « LAtAs *g £ H ° 2 o < O ° a — <5 *<3* gf§ Sa2 Maybe crossed 3 £ >• 3 ffl 5 5 63 w hours after high < w 5 ° g z a « '« water, and conti- Bo nuesafe 4 hours. n High I High High 1 High High ay~' Water Wnler | Water Water | Water ( Water Holidays. JUNE. H. M. H. M. H. M. | H. M. t N. M. | H. M. Thursday 10 5 « 6 6 6 46 7 36 j 7 56 i 8 36 Friday, 11 5 M 6 54 7 34 8 24 8 44 j 9 24 Saturday 12 6 42 7 42 8 24 9 12 j 9 32,10 12 Trinity Sunday. ■Sunday' 13 7 3> S 30 9 10 10 0 I 10 20 111 0 Monday 14 8 18 9 18 9 58 10 48.11 8 11 48 Tuesday. 15 9 6 10 6 10 46 II 36 11 Se 12 36 Wednesday.13 i 9 54 j 10 54 II 34(12 24 | 12 44 j 1 24 BANGOR: I printed and Published by J. Brostev. I Orders, for this paper, are received in londoB, I hj Tayler and Newton, Warwick-squasH:—ace I j. White, 33, Fleet-street. I