Papurau Newydd Cymru
Chwiliwch 15 miliwn o erthyglau papurau newydd Cymru
11 erthygl ar y dudalen hon
Lessons from Russia. ;jj '…
Lessons from Russi a. ;jj essons rom USSla. ií 1 BY MARK STARR. I From the recent happennings in Russia differ- ent people draw conflicting different lessons. Look at the chaos in Russia and profit by its awful warning," says the conservative person. To some people no denunciations are too strong, no execrations too deep to heap upon the heads of the traitorous Bolsheviks. Even in an Aca- ,ven in an A c -i. demy picture an artist has given expression to his hate for these villains, and in leading ar- ticles and cartoons in the capitalist press of -every land, in its heavy quarterlies as well as its evening newsheets, there has flourished an •universal campaign ofJdaring m isroprosontation -and venomous vituperation. But we wage-workers who can well recall the magnificent inspiration, which we seemed to •share with the whole world, at the glorious Re- volution in 1917 cannot share in this hate or learn the lessons our rulers arc so willing to teach. In the first place we have a debt of gratitude to pay for the joy which was ours when we felt a. dark evil shadow had dis- appeared from the world. Our hearts were glad to know that the knout of a merciless autocracy ,-and the horrors of Siberian torture had been condemned to oblivion. The going of Tsardom we felt wrfs but a token of the toppling of tho might of other tyrants. Surely things could never be the same again. We felt and shared -to some degree "an universal spiritual uplift" with the new Russia. In his « R.ussian Revolu- tion and the War Michael Farbman cite the description of Mr. Harold Williams of the feel- ing in Russia itself: "Life is flawing in a heal- ing purifying torrent. Never was any country in the world so interesting as Russia is now. Old mien are paying Nunc Dimittis young men ringing in the dawn and I have met many men -and women who seemed walking in a hushed I sense of benediction." STILL IN THE BIRTH PANGS. Besides this sensa of gratitude for benefit* re- ceived, we owe it to our Russian fellow-workers especially now to turn a sympathetic eye and -an understanding ear to their endeavours to .solve the social problems which are ours as well vas theirs. Perhaps about much even yet we shall be forced to suspend our judg- Tments the subject is vast; our know- ledge is limited; the revolution is not, made but In the making; and the problem of tactics and reorganisation and the comiccting of principle to practice is involved in the material and men- tal development of the country and its people. This, too, as we shaU later see, will be greatly -affected roy the state of the other sections of the working-class in other lands. However, when the future historian sets out to chronicle the travail and triumph of the workers we c-an be sure the attempts of our Russian comrades will then receive their nieed of praise he will bo -able to answer fully questions which we have now to set aside. Yet, already certain lessons should be drawn. Did not. a well-known Socialist once say: 4, Proletarian revolutions criticise them- solves constantly; constantly interrupt them- selves in their own course; come back to what ■seems to have been accomplished, in order to start over anew; aocrn with cruel thoroughness the half-measuree and meannesses of their first attempts; seem to throw down their adversary only in order to enable him to draw fresh strength from the earth, and again to rise up against them in more gigantic stature. So; to the lessons. NECESSITY THE CAUSE OF REVOLUTION. This lesson needs little empnaws. YarbmaDS little pamphlet, already referred to. contains full details of the crazy mismanagement, the preva.lent corruption and the widespread short- age of materials for peace and war existing in the Tsarist Russia. The oppression of the rulers bad earlier produced the outburst of 1905 from which sprang up the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies. This revolution by the timely aid of external finance the Government suppressed, and the organisation was driven un- vderground. The war hastened the breaking up of the old regime, and when the C.W.S.D. ap- peared again it was powerful enough to at first influence and later supersede the Provisional Government; local councils sprang up like mush- rooms, followed later by Councils of Peasants •ateo. The Revolution name, therefore, because the majority of the people were completely fed, np" with their conditions and were willing to make a change. It should, however, be clearly understood that the impoverished workers and so ldiers of Russia did not make the Revolution unaided. The Imperialist section of the Rus- sians, the Cadets, headed by Milyukoff, too were in favour of a. revolution so thnt the knock- "out blow poliey" might be more efficiently car- ried out. We are all familiar with the down- fall of the Coalition Government, with the hos- tile attitude of all the Imperialist powers, the failure of the Stockholm proposals ^the support given to Milyukoff by the Allied Ambassadors and the breakdown of the offensive. Reconcilia- tion of Socialist land proposals and insistence upon the retention of Constantinople as a secret war-aim was impossible. Keremky fell between the two stools. The coram unity of interest in making the Revolution quickly vanished. On Novomlier 6 th, 1917 the Bolsheviks by "an and bloodless triumph took hold of the reins of power and still retain them. They had a powerful secret organisation. Even in a huge country whore 80 per cent, of the people are ^aid to be illiterate and possessing 104 nationali- ties, the power of a resolute clear-thinking Tninority was great. Lenin and his colleagues fituveeded in snatching the fruits of the Revolu- tion from the Imperialists if a minority can do so-much, what will a majority do? The indus- trial organisations wore most advanced in the towns, but the old communal spirit of the mir revived in the North and Centre, while in ilm South where private property had been longer in existence the anti-Bolshevik spirit wns stronger. After all, illiteracy, while Capitalism controls the press, LS not without advantages. THE POSSIBILITY OF A BLOODLESS REVOLUTION. I From the cause of the Revolution we can turn to its character. Revolution, like the term "Bolshevik" has often been used to frighten timid souls. GTÍm associations make many I people connect it with bloodshed and conflict. It calls up a vision of barricades in the Rtrcets and blood in the gutters." But whether this necessary culmination of evolution results in bloody conflict depends always upon the strength of the reactionary for?es. In Russia it depended upon the strength of the White Gua.rds. Yet, while learning this lesson, the fact that the Bol- sheviks use armed. force to enforce their will and secure their power, to retain the dictator- ship of the proletariat," and are arming and training themselves in preparation for the a.n- ticipated future war against the forces of world-capital"—these things challenge us to think out the place of armed force in our Socialist philosophy. To the historical material- ist the use of armed force or of non-resistance cannot be attacked or advocated as principles apart from definite circumstances. It is not un- likely that in a transitory period such force could well be utilised. Those who advocate a League of Nations at the present time contem- plate using military as well as economic force against a recalcitrant nation. The Secretary of the Labour Party, while being hopeful that in effecting the expected transformation that no drop of blood will be spilt, is aware of the con- sequences of war in liabit-,ii,ting the thoughts of men to violence" and fears what may hap- pen if the demands of Labour are not acceded. Mr. Macdonald has also pointed out that the differences between the British people and their European neighbours in the matter of military institutions are practically gone for ever. To some minds the idea of using the Army to make the Revolution is attractive; but experience has proved this to be a foolish hope. Just as the Bolsheviks because they could not meet the Ger- man Junkers in a military contest were forced to employ the power of the idea instead of the sword, so the workei-s of the world will be un- able to beat Capitalism with its own weapons at its own game, and wH- have to rely upon purer if slower and le-s showy methods. If the Em- pires of the West settled their internal squab- bles, then from a military point of view the Bol- sheviks would be as helpless as the Sinn Feiners. But. does this condemn them or us to inacti- vity? By no means, for other factors are pre- sent; offensives are needed in other spheres. \fany politicians after tho failure of tho vote think of the rifle as a means of accomplishing their ends. Yet a new factor is increasingly being developed, and that is the factor of in- dustrial organisation and the might it can exer- cise. OUI^puoceas rests not upon the power of the sword, out the idea; our real work is to put clear conceptions into "heads, not blow them off. rise. Where, after ill, is the centre of tho Our non-resistance to armed force rests upon confidence in a resistance of a more effective sort. We are anti-militarist—apart from hu- manitarian reasons—because we know upon what militarism rests and wish to remove it and help on the day when neither politician, police- man, general, soldier or sailor will be wanted. Because, as soon as we understand, we can en- force political demand s and rights by industrial might; a bloodless revolution, given the educa- tion of the workers, is not only possible but probable. THE REAL WAR AIMS OF IMPERIALISM. I This lesson is much more obvious than the last. The Russian Revolution made known to us the secret treaties. Who will evu forget the soul stirring appeals made to the world by Trotsky at Brest Litovsk f Away with secrecy, said the spirit of the Revolution, the workers have no aim to seize spheres of influence and concessions in the unexploited parts of the earth. They do not wish to carve out schemes for their own aggrandisement. They have no surplus product which they must dispose of to realise the surplus value it contains. They have no capital, i.e., accumulated unpaid labour, to invest abroad. They are not jealously eager to snatch from i!beir rivals the raw materials for modern industry. Let the vegetable and mineral wealth of the world be used for tNe pleasures of all. In place of the "balance of power," with its huge threatening alliances and its "precari- ous equipoise, the workers adopt a foreign policy based upon Workers of the world unite." Domination of the world by ownership of coal and iron is not sought. Though appar- ently it failed, Brest Latovsk can never be with- out. effect. We know how our own Imperialists —the same people who forced an offensive upon a war-weary nation and paevented any British co-operation at Stockholm or at Brest—rejoiced at the unveiling of the barbarous German Im- perialists at the inevitable patched-up peace. But no section of Imperialism has been left shrouded in this unveiling—there it stands in all its horrible nakedness of brutality—and de- spite all obstacles, more and more people see the real reason behind modern war. In this con- nexion one need only refer to the April 'Social- ist," the "Herald" (May 11th, 1918), and I Newbold's" Capitalism and War t' among other books making public these disclosures. THE REALITY OF THE CLASS STRUGGLE. I This is a lesson which need not detain us long. The working-class in Russia Bought for the social ownership of the means of production; their owners did not givo them up without a struggle. When the land was worked by the peasants and the workshops were controlled by the organised workers, the appropriation of sur- plus value was ended. Russian establishments had no profits to declare. Following upon a realisation of this struggle and what it is about, i hould oome a willingness to take our part in bringing about the next step forward. Let us be, not pro-Britiah or pro-German, but pro- working-olass. The former titles Are often given by men who do not understand to those who oppose militarism in their own country. Per- haps the failure of the Socialist International is to be largely explained because many Socialists have never clearly thought out the relation be- tween class and nation. Trotsky (one of the men strangely accused of traitorously selling his fatherland( 1) to Germany) wrote in 1917 in one of his books in explanation of the downfall of the German Socialists: They fell because of their espousal of opportunism or minimalism. Instead of holding resolutely to their rvolu- tionary purpose—maximalism or Bolshevikisre— they sought to gain for tho working class con- cessions hero and now. They devoted their energies to building up a powerful and varied organisation, to Seating a rich and varied press, to organising co-operative effort, to working for labour legislation. Thus they acquired great vested interests which they were unwilling to jeopardise by placing themselves in opposition to the government in a time of national crisis. Nor-War, this the worst consequence of mini- malism. By working for their class advance- ment within the Capitalistic organisation, they unconsciously merged their interests with those of Capitalism. So long as Capitalism remained nationalistic, this did not bring them into con- II flict with the ideal of internationalism. But when German Capitalism burst the national shell and went forth into the world under the banner of Imperialism, minimalist Socialism was forced to tacitly accept Imperialism. Thus the German Socialists have become part of the sys- tem which produced this war and will lead to other wars unless it is overthrown by revolu- tion. Ponder well this lesson. Let us be aware of the danger of repeating previous mis- takes. I I THE END OF THE STATE. Whatever temporary compromiseo may have I to be made in attaining the Bolshevik ideal, and however many apparent, defeats may attend their efforts and baulk them of full success, we are bound to admire their attempts and do out- part to help them. Liberty is not something others can win for us but means complete con- trol over the conditions of our livelihood. The tool users become tool controllers through their own strivingr, and industrial organisations. No- thing is more sure than that the spirit behind (Continued at foot of next column).
[No title]
Correspondents are requested to condense I their letters as much as possible. I
A REQUEST FOR THE YEAR BOOK.…
A REQUEST FOR THE YEAR BOOK. I TO THE EDITOR. -&• I SjT-An attempt is being made, in connec- tion with the Labour Year Book, to keep a complete and up-to-date record of the names and addresses of the Secretaries of the Trade Unions and Fedeiations of Trfldes, Trades Councils and Local Labour Parties of the coun- try. A full directory will appear in the issue of the Year Boole which is now in the press, and supplementary lists, showing alterations and additions, will be issued in future at regular in- tervals. The directories also show what Trade Unions are affiliated to the British, Scottish and Irish Trades Union Congresses and the General Federation of Trade Unions, and the affiliations of Trade Unions, Trades Councils and Local La- bour Parties to the National Labour Party. May we appeal through your columns for ag- sistance in this very necessary task ? We would urge all Secretaries who have reason to believe that their organisations are omitted or incor- rectly described to notify us at once, and par- ticularly to keep us informed of any change in the particulars enumerated a.bove. The Secre- taries of Federations of Trade Unions or Trades Councils and Divisional Labour Parties are also requested to inform us of any changes and of new societies which come to their notice. We should be particularly grateful for notification of any errors or omissions in the Year Book when it has appeared. All communications on this subject should be addressed to the Fabian Research Department, 25 Tothill Street, Lon- don. S. W.I.—Yours faithfully, J. S. MIDDLETON, G. D. H. C?LR, N-L-ly, HH8. (Joint FAitor-).I ?f?y, 1918.
"DAISY DAY" RESULT. I
"DAISY DAY" RESULT. I TO THE EDITOR. I Sir,— ill you kindly give us the opportunity of publicly thanking all the ladies and gentle- men who so freply gave their services Ia.st Satur- day (Daisy Day) for the ationaI Children's Homes. We have also to thank the general public for eo handsomely responding to the call to buy the flowers. The results are as follows: Town Ward, £ 19 2s. 4jd. Park Ward, tl4 I Js. Cyfarthfa Ward, £7 10s. 2d.; Cefn, £ 8 13s. OJd. Total, £ o< 14s. 3d. Your readers will be inter- ested to know that a number of orphans and oldi('r' cljldren from Merthyr and Cefn are cared for in t-lio etc., E. GoonFKLiyOW. Local Hon. Secretary. F. THACKERAY, Local Hon. Treasurer. May 22nd. 1018.
Theatre Royal
Theatre Royal The "Lion and the Mouse, held by many to be the finest play in the Armitage and Leigh repertoire, is easily playing to record houses at the Royal this week The greatest of all the American plays makes an ideal holiday pro- gramme, and its outspoken commentary fits so naturally into the democratic atmosphere of Merthyr's political opinions that it ceases to be a. play for the nonce and becomes just so many intense pages out. of real life. The handling of the work is as perfect as we have all learned to expect from this olever company, and the play- ing of Louis Hector an the multo-millionaire Ryder is a triumph of stage art eKcelling his histrionic work in Luoky Durham and the Hypocrites," great as that was. But Klein has done better than either Jones --or Barrett, he lias created a tttrong female lead in "Shirley Rossmore," tha.t lifts Jessie Belmore on a pin- nacle of art quite as exalted as that upon which Louis Hector is firmly stood in the opinion of Merthvr theatre patrons. William Clayton has an easier piece of work than in either of- the preceding plays, but such work as calls for his superb artistry is done perfectly. Henry Nunn takes the part of Jefferson Ryder with consider- able skill, and Kate Froude, Alice M. Maude and Noelle Worcester are as natural as only trained born actresses can be. For the closing two days of this week Rex Reach's The Barrier," an old favourite in the company's repertoire, is to be played. I know that this is being looked forward to with great pleasure by our local theatre goers. Next week's programme from Monday to Thursday is Doctor Wake's Patient," another plav that will live for all time, and one redolent with strong situations; whilst on Friday and Saturday the company will close their session with that old favourite "Find the Woman." Next week is in my opinion the U best yet." PLAYGOER. I
Dora .Again !
Dora Again DERBY TOWN COUNCILLOR SENTENCED I TO FOUR MONTHS' IMPRISONMENT. Reuben Farrow. a railway clerk. and member of the Derby Town Council, was sentenced at .V,an,qfield on We d iie-,( ] aT Mansfield on Wednesday to four months' impri- sonment on two counts (the sentences *lo nm concurrently) for making statements in Mans- field Market Place intended to cause disaffection and to prejudice recruiting. Evidence wa given that defendant said one of the reasons for which this war was being con- tinued was to swell the dividends of the capital- ists, and that he could take any six men from any British crowd and they could not make a, greater muddle than the Cabinet had done. Fur- ther, he was alleged to have said, "Your sons are giving their lives for the benefit of the capitalists." The defence was that it was an anachronism to say that the statement prejudiced recruiting, because there was no recruiting to-dny. In re- gard to the part capitalists were playing in the war, defendant pleaded that his statements were to some extent, true, because we were anxious to maintain our eommewial supremacy. Notice of appeal was given.
Liberalism's Local Problem…
Liberalism's Local Problem FOUR "POSSIBLES" FOR MERTHYR'S .1 SINGLE SEAT. A LUOICRUOUS POLITICAL SITUATION. The communicatior in the local daily press last week announcing the arrangement mutually come to between Sir Edgar Jones, M.P., and Air. Sbanton, M.P., whereby the former is to have a free hand in Merthyr and the latter is to be left in undisturbed possession of the new Aberdare constituency at the next election, al- lied to the news of the recent reorganisation of the Liberal Association here, the peculiar poli- tical rumours that are current., and the proba- ble fact of a General Election this year, makes the time opportune for a consideration of the position of our local political foes. I am going to pass over for the moment the audacity of the titled senior member for Merthyr in regarding the Borough as a personal possession to be ap- propriated to himself without the invitation of his constituents or Party organisation in the new area, for as this article unfolds it will ap- pear that Sir Edgar does not appear to be persona grata with his Liberal and Radical con- freres in Merthyr. Whatever underlying rea- son there may be for this neod not. concern us at all, for, after all, a Party's p-ei-onal relation- ships with its candidates are matters of domes- tic revelance alone and should not concern that Papty's opponents beyond the natural curiosity of frail human nature. If I were to exercise that curiosity I should prooably come to the conclusion that Edgar Jones' social elevation from a plain mister to a political prefix of more euphony and honour was looked upon by his local partisans as certain to carry an appoint- ment that would remove him from the dusty arena of Merthyr politics, but, that is mere speculation, and it should be treated as such. CARPET BAGGER AND PHILANTHROPIST. At all events, it. is as positive as an open secret can well be that before the recent meet- ing which gave the basis of re-organisation to the Liberal Association locally, one section had already approached a carpet-bagger with a ten- tative offer of support in his candidature in the Liberal interest and that this barrister found it so convincing, that he. eouldi approach persons with a request for support in his fight It is equally positive that a second section looked upon this choice with eye. of distrust, not, presuma bly, because they questioned the ability of the man named, but Ijecause they themselves believed they could field as good a man, and one with bo iter claims to recognition at the hands of the electorate in the person of a local magnate who is also by way of being a philanthropist. Now, neither of these gentlemen have previous- ly twe-I put before the electorate of Merthyr in solicitation of the vote* and support of the Borough, so that if we look at the position from an outside Liberal point of view we shall find the situation humourously complex by reason of the four possible candidates likely to appeal to us-first. the-rc is Sir Edgar Jones, who a/Õ sitting memljer, seems to regard the eonstitu- ency as n. personal possession, a. view possibly j strengthened in the opinion of Sir Edgar and the unsophisticated elector not in the councils of his party executive by the recognition of his political orthodoxy in the conferring of a de- partmental -position and the added groce of a title; second there is Mr. Artomus Jones, who has contested the seat at previo.is elections un- officially as zlie second Liberal candidate, who was expected to lie adopted as the .second offi- oial liberal candidate at the next election hid the seat remained a double one, and who might ordinarily be said to have a moral right to the refusal of the constituency on the retirement for any reason of Sir Edgar from the portion; third, we find a new face being introduced into the constituency by an undoubtedly powerful section of the Association in the person of a barrister with a Welsh name, an approaching marital relationship with one of the dominant political families of the town, and, I think, some semblance of local attachment to the Borough; and, fourthly, there i", the factor of the local magnate, which will command a. fair Iv domin- ant prosit ion in tho case of a fight for priority inside the ranks of, the A-ssoeiation itself, though I should make it clear that his own position is not believed to be ambitious for political place. Yet a strong body will press him, and he i" cer-; tainly a "possible starter." THE FOUR-FOLD PROBLEM. We thus find that the Liberal camp í. in its essentials faced with the problem of selection as botweer. four candidates for the one seat, or,' if we rule out Mr. Art-emus Jones, whose claim being largely a moral one might be overlooked as moral claims so often are in the political arena or who may be diplomatically sent over to Aberdare to complicate the position for Mr. Stanton, tJle-U we still have three effectives left. Even if Sir Edgar should get a political job that will remove him from the hurly-burly of local politics, the position as between the riyal groups supporting the two political "strangers in our midst leaves an awkward corner which, however skilfully negotiated, will still have set the nerves of the Party on edge, even if it has not engendered a feeling of resentment that will seriously weaken the ligJiting potencies of the Party in the fielo. But the latter solution depends upon circumstances that lie wholly in the imagination, and which apparently don't promise to come to fruition so liopefullv as to make Sir Edgar himself regard himself%s out of the fight. With Sir Edgar in the fight, then the situation is a pretty bird one for the Liberals, for though some .semblance of unity may be fo-und in uniting the forces behind him, the sections that have Fo conspicuously over- looked him as to have approached outsiders with promises of the seat will resent being compelled, under the impulse of expediency, to eat their promises, whilst the supporters of "Sir Edgar must to some extent regard this section with somewhat of suspicion. LABOUR UNITY AND PURPOSE. Personally, I feel sorry for any Party that finds itself in this position. It is an accident j that might happen to any party under cireum-l stances of clique manipulation such as we find universally in the of the two ortho- dox parties. Of course, if these divisions were allowed to develop until they reached aT,[ acute stage, then the Liberals would automatically extinguish their political ohances, but- experi- ence of similar occurrences in, other constitu- encies leads me to anticipation of a compromise that will hide from the general public the skele- ton in the cupboard of Merthyr Liberalism; and so far as Labour is concerned, we shall press forward iv-r-hind Mr. James Winstcne with the unity and enthusiasm and thoroughness that we should have exhibited had the rift in the lute of Liberalism been completely unknown to us. If that rift should develop into a fracture it will leave the situation easier for the straight-cut issue between ConsQrvative Imperialism and Social Democratic economic and political solu- tions of the nations difficulties, but I anticipate (Continued at foot of next column).
I C.O.'s Attacked.
C.O. 's Attacked. RINGLEADERS OF DISGRACEFUL MOB BOUND OVER. MEN TO BE REMOVED FROM KNUTSFORO CENTRE. As a result of the attacks on the C.O.'s at Knutsford Work Centre, last Sunday week, ten young men were summoned on Friday at the local court for committing a breach of the peace. The Knutsford Traders' Association briefed counsel for the defence. Inspector Kennerley said that about 9 p.m. some of the objectors were carrying an appar- ently injured man on their shoulders, and were followed by a large hostile crowd, which was kept in check by the police. Sticks and stones were freely used. Witness saw several of the defendants commit assaults. Answering Judge Mellor, witness said there had been several quar- rels with the conscientious objectors previous to. Sunday. In reply to Superintendent Sutherland, wit- ness said he had seen some of the conscientious objectors who were injured, and they refused to take proceedings. Answering the Chairman, witnesR said he did not see any of the conscientious objectors strike anyone, either in self-defence or otherwise. He had heard of two townspeople being injured. He understood that about fifty conscientious objec- tors came out* of the gaol together on Sunday. About half of them were armed with walking- sticks; he thought it was a show of "armed force," and it looked like seeking for trouble. The Chairman said that considering the state of tension in the town it was literally trailing their coats before the townspeople. Cross-examined by Mr. Keogh, witness said he did not hear a conscientious objector say the country was not worth fighting for There had been complaints about the aggressiveness of the ?conscientious objectora. a.nd also allegations of insulting ladies and jostling ladies and wounded I soldiers off the footpath. } PARASITES. Mr. Keogh, for the defence, said that he quite appreciated the efforts of the police to maintain order, and it was out of no sympathy for those parasites Judge Mellor (interrupting) said he did not think they should call them names. The magis- trates wore there t.o administer justice to para- sites as well as to anyone else Proceeding, Counsel said that one of the de- fendants, who was SRi j In be the ringleader, had been wounded in the war and discharged, and the objectors had jeered at his gold stripe and silver badge, and had even molested his mother and sister. He understood that the objectors were t-o be removed from the town. Whilst not excusing the conduct of the defendants, counsel suggested they deserved the thanks of the com- munity because their methods had resulted in the cause of the disturbances JX'mg removed. LEAVING KNUTSFORD. Judge Mellor, one of the ma?st.raM? ?rnd the Bench had no knowledge of that, but Mr. Hunt, manager of the Works Centre, Rtared that the whole oi the objectors were leaving Knutsford. Judge Mellor. in giving the decision of the Bench, said there ivas no doubt the conscien- tious objectors had eo behaved themselves as to create resentment amongst the population. Nearly every family had some relative at the front doing his duty, and they saw these men lolting ahollt and allowed to go about the town (until 9.30 at night-a thing which British sol- Idiom- were not, allowed to do. Still they could ) not allow a repetition of such a disturbance, and ¡ they would bind over each of the defendants in his own recognisances to keep the peace for six montli- Ha added that he hoped "these un- welcome visitors would soon be sent to the right- about." WHAT ACTUALLY HAPPENED. The "Daily News and Leader" on Saturday contained a half-hearted leader on, the occur- rence in which the removal of the men from the town was applauded as pnobablv practical wisdom," and in which what actually did hap- pen was represented by Sir Geo. Cave's answer to a question in the House on Thursday, in which the Home Secretary stated: "On the authority of the Chief Constable that a. serief of attacks had been made on the conscientious objectors culminating in an attack on fifty OJ sixty of them outside the work centre. Some of these had sticks, but only two or three were seen to defend themselves, and these used their fists and not the sticks.' The men,' added the Home Secretary, were rushed by the crowd, who took possession of the sticks, and used them.' That is the official account of the cir- cumstance* from which the elaborate tales of a conscientious objectors' riot' were evolved. The, public mischief of such campaigns of slander is i evident. There is no unpopular class whatever .which might not be made the victim of an un- scrupulous jehad of this description," concludes the writer.
The State and -Industry
The State and Industry I FIRST OF SIX CONFERENCES HELD IN LONDON. I The first of the six Conferences on Stat*' ?intei-N-t?nt.ioji in Industry During &nd After the War which have been arranged by the Fabian Research Department, was held at 2'5 Tothill- Street. Westminster, on Thursday, May 16th, with Air. George Bernard Shaw in the clitir. The conference, which dealt with the question of the control of the food supply and the work of the Ministry of Food, was opened, by two mem- bers of the Consumers' Counell-Dr. Marioli Phillips (of the Women's Labour League) and Mr. Duncan Garmiehael (Secretary of the Lon- don Trades Council). The second conference, which is to be held on -)I:iv 30th, will deal with the State Control of the Railways and will be opened by tÀ0 General Secretary of the Railway Clerics' Association, Mr. A. G. Walk den, who has been closely in touch with the work of th.' Railway Executive Committee throughout the war.
Liberalism's Local Problem…
no such fracture, and in this I am at one with my party. I am positive that. for a few more elections we sh-dl have to fight the Liberals as a middle party hanging between the strajghk: issues of onrselves and the Conservatives, thoiwii ultimately the inexorable pressure of eoonomie conditions will compel a sharper political ""gr- city in the masses of the people, that in turn will make for the elimination of the Ji r; r Party with its outworn doctrines, and its absorp- tion in two directions—a Radical right wing to Labour; and a Liberal left in Conservative poli- ties. We shall prove that the Mert-hyr Borough recognises this at the next election hy taking I the seat from the Liberals; and beating th j Tories ha mis down. A.P.Y.
Lessons from Russia. ;jj '…
the Russian Revolution can never die. It will find expression in every land. Violent persecu- tion and death itself can never finally o'erwhelm i t,. The world-wide capitalist class may peacefully exploit the world and avoid for its own sake the ever increasing debacle arising from the class of rival empires. But even this relative step forward will not suffice or end the workers' problem. We have each a part to play in the forward march of the worlcers to fit our- sel ves for the control of the tool of the world.