Papurau Newydd Cymru
Chwiliwch 15 miliwn o erthyglau papurau newydd Cymru
8 erthygl ar y dudalen hon
Majority of Seven to One.-
Majority of Seven to One. ACAINST SEPARATE PARTY IN POLITICS. l)]EP)iY, Friday. When Mr. H aveloek Wilson's motion, went. to the vote to-day it was defeated by just about seven to one majority that was expected— the figures being 3.M5.000 against, 567,000 for. And although much may he made of the use of the hlock vote, it is not to bo forgotten that it. is operating both ways here—for there is a minority of Wilson's own union against him just as there may be an insignificant minority amongst the railwaytnen and miners with him. The vote is a true reflex of Congress as ex- pressing itself all the week. It was obvious from his speech this morning t hat Mr. Wilson himself knew that the conversion of Congress was a hcrculean effort far beyond the powers of him- self and his followers, though he had shown good strategy*in reserving himself for HIe final stag's of the debate instead of leading it. off by moving the resolution. Indeed, right at the outset he iniimat-ed thar in view of what had happened on the previous day the unions identified in the re- solution were prepared to withdraw it if Con- gress would allow them to substitute a protest, which .lie proceeded to read. Jn ii the unions protested against what they considered to be unconstitutional action on the part of the La- bour Party in so widening the f?cope of its membership as to admit non-unionists and others who have no "genuine claim to represent Labour in Parliament or on local boards: they 'maintained that this innovation had been de- cided upon without any mandate from the mem- bers of the trade unions [a. sentence which pro- voked much derisive laughter i and they fur- ther asked for :1, ballot to bo taken without de- lay of the trade unions identified with the Con- gress as to whether the rank and file of „.the trade nniolls were prepared to accept as mem- bers of the Labour Party men who are not trade unionists, and who could not be classed as work- ing men. Two months ago, Mr. Wilson pro- ceeded, a colonel entere^Jiis office a.nd said he wanted to get into Parliament, that he was dis- gusted with having been kept waiting for four months by the new National party, although lie claimed to 1w. a. good speaker and organiser, and that he had determined now to join the Labour Partv. J DID N'T REMEMBER. At this poliit, there were loud cries for the iiadic, of the officer. Mr. Wilson said he did not remember it at the moment, but. would give it later to the secretary of the Labour Party whereupon Mr. John McGurk (Bolton, Miners' Federation), as chairman of jhe Labour Party, Executive asked that it should he given to him also. Continuing;, Mr. Wilson asserted that his short campaign in the last fortnight had conclusively proved that those with him had the solid sup- port of the fighting forces of the bulk of trade unionists up and down the country. He re- minded those who "for ever prat-ed" about democracy that democracy included all classes. .Now that his hand had been put to the pdough he should not turn back. This Congress was merely an incident of a campaign which, for the credit of the country, and the sake of its own existence, patriotic Labour was bound to fight to a finish and win. They were out for victory and for the final overt hrow of the military and commercial domination of Prussia. He attacked the practice and methods of the autocratic cau- cus. which controlled this Congress, though he was not. so sanguine as to expect that they would abandon the power they had voluntarily assumed. Those who controlled the block vote had it in their power on Thursday to defeat the Sailors' resolution, but after speaking against it they ran away. They had not the courage of their convictions, nor loyalty to the "alleged" instructions from their constituents to vote against the boycott. If any were needed, that was pronf of the artificial hollowness of this Congress—(interruptions),—but 'there was a wIder constituency outside to which he intended to appeal, maimed and crippled as be was. It was the under-dog he was fight.ing ior. (Deri- sive Laughter and voices: "Hughes.") It has been stated that: he had been adopted as Liberal candidate for South Shields. Well, he would set some of them a good example. He should refuse to be adopted as the Liberal candidate, and lie would stand as a patriotic candidate for South Shields. And he would give them a d- good run for their money every time. (Laugh- ter. ) A Delegate: 1 should like to ask Mr. Wilson if he Vants to confine the trade union Labour Party to trade unions? Mi-. Wilson: Yes. The Delegate: Then how can we support Sir Edward Xiclioll? (Laughter.) ) Mr. Wilson: Tie is running not at a trade unionist, hut as a Merchant/Seamen's League candidate. An attempt to close the discussion was: made by Mr. Herbert Smith (Yorkshire Miners) mov- ing the previous question, but failed hy a large majority. IN PRAISE OF I.L.P. Mr. lorn Shaw (Colne Weavers) said no one in t,tvk, was more disappointed and dis- gusted than he was with the action of a certain whig of the Labour Party which, in season and out of season, had worked against the decision of the party itself, and no one felt more keenly the unfairness of the rule suggested by the Executive of the Labour Party which, in the se- lection of candidates, weighed the scales so badly against the trade union organisations as to give 10 individuals four times the voting strength that was given to 20,000 organised trade, union- ists. (Hear, hear.) At the same time it was sheer, unqualified humbug for delegates to talk about the block vote. (Hear, Hear.) If there was anything wrong in it they had the power to alter it themselves without making a confession of impotence and incapacity by attempting to l set up a separate party every time they dis- agreed. (Cheers.) It was time they recognised that in the Labour Party there was a section every member of which was a worker. That was the whole secret of the business. If the major- ity of trade unionists who held different views would not take the trouble to work they de- served all they got. (Hear, hear.) He would remind them., too, that however disappointed some of them were with the action of the Inde- pendent Labour Party in tins war, in the past the I.L.P. had been the guiding spirit of the Labour movement. But for it and the old Social Democratic Federation there would have been no Labour Party to-day. ("Hear, hear.) Mr. G. Milligan (Liverpool Dockers) sup- ported the resolution for the fundamental rea- son that. lie and the, great majority of those he represented were not Socialists, and yet were now affiliated with what had become a Socialist organisation. He wanted Socialists themselves to ask whether this war right. There was room for a trade union Labour Party which could work side by side with the Socialists on all ques- tions upon which they agreed. He and those with him did not want to leave the party, but he did not see what else they could do unless the clause dealing with production, distribution, and exchange were deleted. The amendment of the London Society of Com- positors was then put to the vote and carried by 3.815,000 votes to 567,000. The Congress turned to discuss an amendment put forward by the Operative Printers and As- sistants' Society. This condemned any attempt to form a. separate trade union party, but pro- posed to safeguard bona-fide trade union politi- cal action that the unions affiliated to the Labour Party should constitute themselves a political federation within the party a.nd meet annually ill i-o d*l'- e l in conference to discuss political questions in the same manner as the I.L.P. and the B.S.P. In moving the amendment, Mr. G. A. Isaacs (London) said there was now an organised minority within the Labour Party. What lie wished to see was an organised majority. There was no intention of disrupting the party: his society would still.remain affiliated, but it could not be disguised that among tWe rank and file of the movement there was much grumbling at the influence the non-trade union elements exer- cised. Mr. J. Stokes (London, Olassblowors Society) said that while he had no objection to "intel- lectuals coming into the movement, they should c.ome in through^f]lf> organisations which had built up and were maintaining the Labour Party. But that was not so.eand elements of danger were created which might bring .disrup- tion. The trade unionists affMiated to the party should be on an equality with the B.S.P. and the I.L.P. in their opportunity of safeguarding their particular interests. Mr. J. B. Williams (Amalgamated Musicians) pointed out that at Aecrington in the selection of :1 Labour Party. Mr. McGurk of the Miners' Federation, had been passed over by a. two to one vote in favour of a non-unionist. Mr. C. Roden Buxton. WORKTNC-CLASS DUKES." [ Miss Bond fie Id (TVomen Workers' Federation), opposing the amendment, said it was time the movement dropped its humbug about the work- ing class. If they collid work with a body of artists like the members of Mr. Williams' union, why should they not work with poets, and painters, and scientific men. (Cheers.) If it suited Mr. Haveloek Wilson to work with work- ing-class dukes—(laughter and cheers),—why were they not to have the same privilege of working with Labour Party dukes if they were to be found? (Laughter.) She appealed for a decisive vote 10 end the halting policy which the Parliamentary Committee had been compelled to take since the Labour Party adopted its new constitution. Congress should declare it's inten- tion of loyal co-operation in carrying oUt La- hour's war aims. The hip; enemy was not the Socialist or the I.L.P., but the reactionary forces which had entrenched themselves during tho war and gained control of the administra- tive machinery of the country. Mr. W. J. Davies (Birmingham, Brass- workers), the mover of the original resolution. said the Congress had made a great mistake in rejecting his proposal, and prophesied that in the next twelve months a reaction would set which would justify his policy. The votes cast for the second amendment numbered 1,060,000, and there were 3,107.000 against. It was therefore rejected, and the amendment, of the London Society of Com- positor was adopted as the substantive motion.
«EAVY DEFEAT FOR HAVELOCK…
«EAVY DEFEAT FOR HAVELOCK WILSON! i ARTHUR HENDERSON'S CREAT SPEECH. I DJEHBT, Thur sday. Congress is progressing with leisurely gait through its agenda, and with only a day and a half left it has still 48 unconsidered resol u- tions to deal with, and emergency ones are suite To be introduced, one dealing with Mooney s case being already foreshadowed. This morn- ing was given over almost exclusively to the fra- ternal delegates, the. most- Jingo of whom was neither Gompers or Bowen representing th<» American Federation of Labour, but J. H. Ken- nedy, the Canadian Trades and Labour Congress delegate, who declared Canada was in the war to win and would not talk peace until the ac- cursed crimes of the Kaiser were obliterated for all time." Arthur Henderson was the most im- portant of the fi-ateritals, and his speech in con- veying the greetings of the Labour Party was a reasoned statesmanlike address to the American delegates as well a.s to tho Congress. He started off by pointing out. that the Congress pro- gramme and the ,we conference of the Labour Party alike N; (,i,e a challenge to the forces of pri- vilege and vested interests. Labour during the past year had left the bye-way of mere federa- tion to march along the highway as a real na- tional party, prepared and willing to champion and defend a national and an international policy; and particularly to apply La bour diplo- macy to the world crisis. (Cheers.) Labour was tired of the old diplomacy, at whose donr III IT st I be laid much of the responsibility for the suffer- ing occasioned by the war. The statement that Labour was prepared to surrender to German Imperialism was a lie and an insult to British Labour. (Cheers.) British Labour was at war with Imperialism, and had always so declared itself, and the only difference between Britain .And America in this was that Britain still had faith in the internationalism of the peoples—hut less faith in the internationalism ot kings. <Chccrs.) Our aim was to make the German people allies with us in our struggle against all forms of militarism. Labour still exercised faith in internationalism, and put at the very fore- front of its programme a League of Nations— < cheers),—which must he something more than a League of Governments. (Cheers..) Their policy was one of conciliation. Labour declared that the moment all the belligerents—that in- cluded Germany—were ready to substitute rea- son for force and international co-operation for Tia-tional aggression, thenar should cease. That policy did not mean any quarter for G^ erman- mititarism. "We have sought our opportunity to state our aims to the Germans and frankly "onverse with them, but unfortunately we are not to he trusted and facilities arc denied IHi. So. having failed in that direction, we will have to find some other way. 1 believe we will find some other when the nest meeting of the Intev- Allied Conference is held." (Cheers.) Mr. Gompers would then attend, and the difference as to method which now existed between them would become slighter. (Cheers.) INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM AC.AIN. On a card vote of 5^,162.000 to 1,955.000, Con- gress adopted a»resolution for the purpose of compromising the antagonism between Craft and Industrial Unionism, which Mrs. W. C. An- derson described as the first statesmanlike -effort to put into practice the idea of one union for all workers put forward by Mr. Ogdeti in his Presidential address." The resolution com- mitted Congress 10 the principle of Industrial Cnionism with the qualification ''that the or- ganisation of an industrial union, should allow for the maintenance in it of oipli district craft combination. A foretaste of the support which Mr. Have- lock Wilson is to receive in his" separate party resolution was forthcoming in the dis- cussion on a Seameu's resolution which con- demned the atrocities of the German submarine, and on this ground ruled out peace by negotia- tion as impossible, and declared that for a period of five years after the war there should be "no intercourse with the German nation un- less the people take full Parliamentary control over their .Kaiser and Government, and make full reparation for the crimes committed." The Congress was unanimous in its condemnation, and there was genuine regret in all sections that M, r. Wilson presented a' formal expression bv tackling two highly contentious articles to his resolution, one of which came near to contradict- ing a previous decision. THOMAS* SURPRISE PACKET. I There was a rather bitter debate, in winch one of the delegates—himself connected with a. seafarer's union, the Ships' Stewards-spoke of "political faking," arid declared that the dead bodies of the sailors were being used to play the "dirty low-down game of Tariff Reform. "I Mr. J. H. Thomas unexpectedly voiced a highly r, .J.. H. Thoma." un,t'xp(,(.tPdy :1. h¡gl,hJ damaging quotation from v> Inch it appeared that Mr. Wilson himself at a- conference of 1111" own union in 1916—after the sinking of the Lu- sitania—had deprecated a ^solution proposing a boycott of Germany, and had secured its with- drawal. "Why Mr. Wilson should have since bp- come the chief protagonist of the boycott was not explained. By carrying "thp previous question the Congress virtually rejected the resolution hy a. majority of to 493,000 block votes. THE CREAT THEME. J La.teinfhe i?t?!'?wnt.h?)nuc]i-ndk?({-oi n'-I solution in favour of "a <iIsHMct pohtical" J?. hour Party for the trad e union moveipent, based on the representation of and controlled by Congress," came up for discussion. It was submitted by the Sailors and Firenjen. with the support of the Amalgamated Musicians, the Metal Wire and Tube Workers, the Brass- workers and Metal Mechanics, the Operative Lace Makers, the Dock Labourers, the Bedstead Workmen, the Printing alHI" Paper Workers, the Glasgow Glass Bottle Workers, and the Card and Blowing Boom Operatives. *■ Mr. W. J. Davies (Birmingham, Brass- workers), in moving i1;, decanted against the ,P,a,se of entry of doctors and lawyers into the La- bour Party as against the experiences of the old La bour mem bers who had had to pass through the narrow gate. Brnins" were now to be im- ported into the Labour^movement. They did not want" brains imported—(laughter)—be- cause thoy had the common sense and intelli- gence to know that they could work out their own salvation without the help of outsiders. Now they wanted to unite the parlv—Slaughter) —to rehabilitate it. not to degti-ov it. Mr. Da- vis insisted that the Congress, from' which in the first instance the Labour Party sprang, had a right to question the alteration "in the consti- tution of that party, and to discuss whether it was on a basis which they approved. Mr. E. Cathery (London. Sailors and Fire- men) seconded the resolution, and protested against the way the Intellectuals. Bolshevists, and P?insts" had attempted to take posse?- sion of the Labour Parn". and were now at- tempting to gpt control of the trade unions. "COMPS-" INTERVENE. Mr. T. E. Xaylor (London. Compositors) moved an amendment to read: "This Congress declares in favour of loyal cooperation with the Labour Party, and deprecates any movement designed to secure separate political representa- tion." It was wrong to assume, he said, that I It, vi. -a.q ivroiig a.11 w ho opposed the resolution were Pacifists or 1. L. P.' ers. The Labour movement had gone too far to make distinctions as to a man's occupa- tion. Personally, he was prepared to work wit,b anyone who was prepared to work with him, Mr. T. Tin [tier lake (London, Compositors) de- nounced the resolution as an attempt to obtain the dismemberment of the Congress and of the Labour Party at a time when the solidarity of the whole Labour movement was more necessary than ever. Tliey had too many patties and com- mittees already. At. this juncture, on the motion of Mr. Ben Tillett, M.P., the debate was adjourned until this morning.
Clearing-Up Day.
Clearing-Up Day. DEKBT. Saturday. The closing day of Congress was a clear up day. and non contentious resolutions were rushed through with lightning speed. The most important. decision of the day was contained in the new educational programme to which Con- gress committed itself. The leading heads of the programme are the compulsory provision of nursery schools for ehildren.^jn.der six years the raising ,of the full-time age to 16: a. mainten- ance allowance for all children up to 14: the prohibition of out-of-school employment; higher salaries and compulsory university training for teachers; free secondary education; limitation of the hours of labour of young persons under 18 to 25 per week; physical training without mili- tary bias: State scholarships at the universities and a Royal Commission to inquire into the constitution and endowments of the universities; and the payment of 75 per cent. of the expendi- ture of local authorities on education by the State. There was no opposition to any of the proposals. Speaking for the Parliamentary Committee Miss Margaret Bondfield secured the assent of Congress to a. resolution in favour of complete adult suffrage for both Parliamentary and local government elections, the reduction of the quali- fying period to three months, the dosing of public-houses during polling hours, and the com- plete abolition of plural voting and the pauper disqualification. The Congress also accepted tie principle of minority representation and the application of P.R. to municipal elections.
A.U.C.E. SECRETARY A LABOUR…
A.U.C.E. SECRETARY A LABOUR CANDIDATE. 'Hie Labour Party of the Stretford division have adopted Mr. Joseph HqJlsworth, general secretary of- the Amalgamated Union of Co-, operative Eniplflyees. as their candidate, and have applied to the National Labour Party for endorsement.
■j I.L.P. MEETING.j --.-
I.L.P. MEETING. The weekly meeting of the I.L.P. last Tuesday would have been quiet and uneventful, but for the unexpected return of a comrade (Mr. G. Davies) whose speech of joyful return, detailing his experiences during his absence and the con- firmation of his beliefs that had resulted WJJS followed with interest and appreciation by the mem bers present.
I In Your Name and Behoof.
I In Your Name and Behoof. CUY ALDRED ACAIN SENTENCED TO IMPRISONMENT. ISHALL THE PERSECUTION CONTINUE? We reproduce below the statements of our Comrade Guy A. Aldred lioforo his recent court mal-tial-a repeated experience with him as with others—-not as an exceptional case, but as typi- cal of many that are to ho found in the country to-day—one on all fours with our own local Com- rade Kmrys Hughes, for instance; and also be- cause the Editor of the "Spur" shows in his statement the evasion of the actual legal posi- tion which is being practiced in these cases. Anyone acquainted with these cases in any de- tail at all must fed strongly about them, for they know how the continuous strain of the re- peated sentences are sapping the very life out of these heroic young men—though the weaken- ing of the body does but wm'to strengthen the resolve to suffer even death itself rather than yield the priceless right of their conscientious conviction. In this connection we are told that the robust health of Emrys Hughes has been sapper] away from him, and equally we learn .from two comrades who were in the guardroom with" Guy Aldred that after his return from prison to camp he had three nervous and mental relapses in one week of so serious a. nature that they were compelled to the opinion that nothing should be left undone to procure his immediate release if his life and his reason were to be saved. It is ironical that British Labour which justly boils with indignation and protest over the case of a Tom Mooney ih San Francisco, should sit so calmly by whilst some of its most promising recruits are thus broken upon the wheel of British militarism, under acts which specifically included safeguards for those with conscientious objection *to military service. The pretence that the only possessors of conscience arc those who subscribe to the 39 Articles. Bow the knee in adoration to' the God of an infallible Pope, or whisper the mumbo-jumbo of Noncon- formity, is a transparent pretence to. all who have read the history of freedom. It is out- side of those things that men have ever shown the willingness to guarantee their conscience by their immovable determination to suffer rather than yield—and in their sufferings have helped along the birth of the rational spirit and outlook -I iid effort that has been the real dynamic of pro- gression. But surely the time has arrived wlien martyrdom—long drawn out and horrible de- spite its pseudo-legality-—is unnecessary as the actuating motive behind progress. We live in the days of light and breadth and spaciousness —the days when right is stirred to war for transcendent ideals. Even the cynics preach that, even pessimism is conscious that man is bettm* and more rational than the middle ages showed his forebears to lie. But against that belief you have to place the brutal facts of the Guy Aldreds and the Emrys Httghess—and the result looks like negation. These cases are not mob outrages like unto that of last Saturday— they are deliberate legal crimes—and they who possess the franchise are responsible for the laws. It is in the name of the people of Britain that these things are done. Are they the deeds of British citizens in the Twentieth Century? If they are not. then what says the British  ? Democracy ? [ STATEMENT OF CUY ALFRED ALDRED Before District Court Martial, Blackdown. In Defence to a Charge of Disobeying a Lawful Command. Gentlemen of the Court,—I have the honour to hand in a written statement in support of my plea of "Not Guilty, in order to facilitate the proceedings. The points I wish to raise are identical with those that I have urged already, when questioning the jurisdiction of the Court. I claim that the circumstances under which the command was given renders it an unlawful command according to thø" terms of the Army Act. Section 68 of that Act, Sub-section 2 reads as follows:- An offender under this Act shall not be subject to imprisonment or detention for more than two consecutive years, whether by one or more sentences/' My military record shows that I have been imprisoned since May 17th, 1916, without inter- mission. Therefore, this command is either an unlawful command, since it is calculated to se- cure my further imprisonment after I have been already continually imprisoned for OVEn two years: or else it is a charge, for which I should I be recommended for General Court-Martial, un- less the sentence reads from the date of my first. court-martial, namely. May 17th. 1916. I LEGAL POINTS. That the sentences passed upon me as a CO. are continuous is evidenced by the treatment I recei ve when returned to civil gaol. Under the Churchill Rule, 243a. all soldiers pleading a con- scientious objection, who have served more than twelve months' imprisonment, are allowed some mitigation of their prison treatment. It is stipulated, expressly, that they may have served this imprisonment by one or more S(Ilitences- which means that their sentences are viewed as continuous. It is true that, owing to my position as a con- scientious objector, I am ordered civil imprison- ment instead of military detention. Rut the fact must not be lost sight of that, in the scale of sentences as defined by statute, impri- sonment is considered a higher sentence Than detention. P?-. 538, Sub-section VII. of the King's Re- gulations states on this point that the sentence of detention is loiter in the s(-il%of I)iiiii-,bineiit than imprisonment, and cannot be commuted", therefore, into one of imprisonment. In being sentenced, already, to over two years imprison- ment by District Court Martial, I have suffered the full penalty which can be awarded. As bearing on this point I would like to quote Par. 593. Sub-section IV" of the King's Regu- lations. which state :— "Detention has been introduced into the scale of punishments in order that soldiers, who are convicted of offences which do not warrant discharge, should not, as a rule. be subject to the stigma attached to imprison- ment. The latter punishment ought, as a rule, to be reserved for men convicted of serious offences, or of grave military offences, which, in the opinion of the Court, render their discharge with ignominy advisable." This means that a sentence of imprisonment entitled a man not to repeated sentences, but to discharge: whereas, one of. detention renders him liable to repeated sentences, not exceeding two years. This reading is confirmed by Sub- section VIII. of the same paragraph, which couples discharge with ignominy with sentence of imprisonment, not with detention. It re- ceives additional confirmation from Sub-section IX., same parngrahph, which reads:— "A soldier who is convicted by court-mar- tial of a purely military offence and who, at f t he expiration of his sentence, will rejoin the I colours, should not ordinarily be sentenced to I imprisonment." IN CONTRAVENTION OF RECULATION. I As a C.O.. I am ordinarily sentenced to im- prisonment and. therefore, my return to the colours directly from prison is in direct contra- vention of the King's Regulations, paragraph 583, the various sub-sections cited. Especially did it contravene sub-section VIII.. of para- graph 583, which I)rorides:- The addition of a discharge with ignominy to a sentence of imprisonment is, as a rule, advisable in the case of a persistent offender, e.g., who has been twice previously convicted of desertion or fraduient enlistment." I have been three times previously convicted of rein sing to obey alleged lawful commands. I am a persistent offender, and I was entitled, therefore, to my release after two years impri- sonment under the Army Act and the King's Regulations. T cannot be "unilty" of disobey- ing a lawful command, until or unless I am again handed over as an absentee under the Military Service Acts, 1910, by the Civil Courts. That this reading of the Army Act and the Military Service Acts, is correct, is shoWn by the statement made by Lord Landhurst on be- .half of the Government, in the House of Lords, July 4tlf. 1916:— If the man will nor do National work, he will .complete Ins sentence of civil imprison- ment. and then be discharged from the Army. I have served tour months beyond the period of civil imprisonment to which am liable by law: and 1 ask that the Army Act. and the King's Regulations be respected in my treat- ment as a deemed soldier, apart altogether from my rights as a conscientious objector. I ask this Court ,to put an end to this persecution, and to throw the onus of my re-arrest under the Military Service Act. upon the civil power f I Aver f it 's decided to continue with this persecution. Gentlemen, J ask you to do your duty accord- ing to the regulations tinder which this Court is convened. Confidently, I ask. therefore, for my acquittal. Statement Made by Cuy Alfred Aldred, Before D.C.M., Blackdown, August 29th, 1918. On Question of Sentence. Gentlemen of the Court.—\ou have decided to find me guilty, to pass sentence upon me. 1:1 sk that you shall inspect Section US, Army Act, Regulations, cited in my defence, by ordering me two years' impri- sonment to date from the time of my first con- viction by Court-Martial, namely, May 17th, 1916, and. my discharge from the -ki-liiv. You will thus have the honour of putting an end to a useless persecution, and allowing my- self and others like me to render useful service to the community compatible with our con- science. And you will have respected alike the full spirit and the letter of the law. as re- quired by the Army Act, the King's Regula- tions, and the-Military Service Acts. 0
I A Glasgow Protest. !
A Glasgow Protest. TO THE EDITOR. Knowing that all cases of unnecessary suffering finds room in your columns, we. the undersigned, submit to you for publication the tollowing:— The press of the 3rd ult. reports the fourth imprisonment of Guy A. Aldred, a C.O., for re- fusing to obey military orders a.nd thus violate his conscience. The terms of imprisonment have lasted from April, 1916, until August 31st, 1918. when he was sentenced once again for the same offence to two years further imprisonment. He, has already suffered two years and four months, not for interfering with the Liberty of others but simply j'or claiming liberty of con- science. Aldred's case but illustrates that of hundreds of others. We always believed that every Britisher had a code of morals admitting freedom of conscience and we are assured by the political lights of the day that the A]iied armies are symhoHeal of the If the national conscience of Britain revolts lU?ht versus Might. Britain revolts against the violation of the rights of small co- pies, then surely this continued persecution must be the mote that is in our own national eye. 1* it necessary that the Empire upon which the sun never sets should go out of its way to needles si ly crush "the bodies and souls of a few hundred men whose only crime is that they non- sistently believe what every Britisher professes to be fighting for? We are assured in the House of Commons that no man with a proven conscientious objec- tion would be persecuted, yet we know that men are receiving successive sentences for the repeated failure to stifle conscience. I lie seriousness of the case of the ('.ON cannot be exaggerated for many of those in prison and m Home Office have gone mad through the pres- sure of the prison system. The condition of Guy Aldred is one of mental relapse. An active mental worker, a jonnlàlist by profession, the bare prison wall with its blank suggestion is fast bringinp: about in him a serious conditions of mind.—Yours, etc.. THE GLASGOW ANARCHIST GROUP. I 13 Burnbank Gardens. Glasgow.
Parents' Petition,
Parents' Petition, SCHOOLS AS WAR HOSPITAL. MERTHYR EDUCATIONISTS PROTEST. Merthyr Education Authority on Wednesday received a petition from 1-17 people, whose chil- dren attend the Queen' s-road Elementary Schools, Tliomastown. against the handing over of the schools to the Order of St. John a.s a hospital for wounded- soldiers. Mr. H. M. Moyd claimed on authority of a statement which he attributed to Major F. T James (Merthyr) that —such a hospital was not at the present time necessary in Merthyr. The Merthyr and A herd are Red Cross II ospitn 1 was only thinly occupied and the other military hos- pitals in South Wales and in the country gener- ally v, ere not fully accommodated. The objec- tion of these parents was tb the unrhlC incon- venience to their children and the possibility of their health being affected. As there was no re- quest from the War Office for the premises for hospital purposes he suggested that the agree- ment with the Order of St. John should not he concluded. Mi-. E. Morrell (Chairman) remarked that an arrangement to hand over the schools had been agreed to by the Authority already and unless that resolution were rescinded nothing further could be done. In face of the national situa- tion he would be sorry to see the Authority fail in doing its share. The matter then dropped and no action was taken on the petition.