Pioneer

A Great Writer and Con- scription. GEO. GISSING SAYS CONQUEST BETTER. I George Gissing, the writer of the following thoughts on Conscription," was one of thw most tragic figures in Victorian literature, and one of its giants, though one who has not even yet come into his own. Though he knew the evil of poverty, he nevea- thought with the Socialists on the remedy for it. In the very book from which the following essay is taken The Private Papers of Henry iiyecroft," he sayss: "I am no friend of the people. EVeiry lnsti-nct of my being is anti-Democratic, and I dread to think what our England may become when Demos rules ir- resistibly," a sentiment which finds an echo below, and one which gives more weight to what he has written, perhaps, than would have been the, case had he taken his stand on the side of those who saw in the rule of Demos the salvation of the world. Soire one, I see, is lifting up his sweet voice in praise of Conscription. It is only at long intervals that one reads this kind of thing in our reviews or newspapers, and I am happy in believing that most English people are affected by it even as I am, with the sick- ness of dread and disgust. That the thing is impossible in England who would venture to say ? Everyone who can think at all sees how slight,re our safeguards against the bar- baric force in man which the privileged races have so slowly and painfully brought into check. Democracy is full of menace to all the finer hopes of eivilisation, and the revival, in not unnatural companionship with it, of monarchic power based on militarism, makes the prospects dubious enough. There has but to arise some Lord of Slaughter, and the nations will be tearing at each other's throats. Let England be imperilled, and Englishmen will fight1; in such extremity there is no choice. But what a dreary change must come upon our islanders if, without instant danger, they bend beneath the curse of universal soldiering! I like to think that they will guard the liberty of their manhood even beyond the point of prudence. "A lettered German, speaking to me once of his year of military service, told me that, had it last but a month or two longer, he must have sought relief in suicide. I know very well that my own courage would not have borne me to the end of a twelve-month. Hu- miliation, resentment, loathing would have goaded me to madness. At school we used to be drilled in the playground once a week,- I have but to think of it, even after 40 yeais, and there comes back upon me that tremor of passionate misery which, at the time, made me ill The senseless routine of mechanical exei- cise was in itself all but unendurable to me; I hated the standing in line, the thrusting out of airms and legs at a signal, the thud of feet stamping in constrained unison; the loos,'of individuality seemed to me sheer disgrace. And when, as often happened, the drill sergeant re- buked me for some inefficeney as I stood in bnd, when he addressed me as Number Seven' I burned with shame and rage. I was no lon- ger a human being; I had become part of a machine and my name was Number Seven 1 It used to astonish me when I had a neighbour who went through the drill with amusement; with zealous energy; I would gaze at the boy and ask myself how it was possible that he and I should feel so differently. To be sure nearly all my schoolfellows either enj oyed the thing, or at all events went through it with indifference; they made friends with the ser- geant, and some were proud of walking with him 'out of bounds.' Left, right; left, right. For my own part I think I have never hated man as I hated that broad-shouldered, hard- visaged, brassy-voiced fellow. Every word h< spoke to me I felt as an insult. Seeing him in the distance, I have turned and fled, to es- cape the necessity of saluting, and, still more, a quiver of the nerves which affected me so painfully. If ever a man did me harm, it was he: harm physical and moral. In all se- riousness I believe that something of the ner- vous instability from which I have suffered since boyhood, is traceable to those accursed hours of drill; and. I am very sure that I can date from these same wretched moments fierceness of personal pride which has been one of my most troublesome characteristics. The disposition, of course, was there; it should have been modified, not excerbated. "In younger manhood it would have flatter- ed me to think that I alone on the school drill-ground had sensibility enough to suffer acutely. Now I had much rather think that many of my schoolfellows were of the same mind of subdued revolt. Even of those who, boy like, enjoyed their drill, scarce one or two, I trust, would have welcomed in their prime of life the imposition of military servi- tude upon them and their countrymen. From a certain point of view it would. be better that England should bleed under conquest than that she should be saved by eager, or careless, aco- ceptance of Conscription. That view will not be held by the English people but it would be a very sorry day for England when no one of those who love her harboured such a. thought. —From the Private Papers of Henry Byecroft," by Geo. Gissmg.

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The Indifference of the Working Class. i By MAURICE FitzGxbbon. The indifference of the worki. ng class is the greatest stumbling block to all progressive thought, and the man with good intentions and noble ideals finds in it a hindrance to all he desires to see brought about. It is so appar- ent to all who work for a more humane system, and baulks them at every turn. When a person has devoted the biggest part of his or her life to try and educate that class, he or she finds that they are rarely reliable. Any- tkmg and almost everything that is brought in—merely as a red herring—is snapped up by thorn, and accepted as true and beneficial. They swallow any question but the right One, that members of another class bring before them. Intelligence in them seems to be lacking, because they believe that Lord No- body—merely because he is Lord Nobody ought to know what is best for them. If one among their own number happened to say exactly the same thing as My Lord, he would be laughed at and called a fool for his pains. It is a slavish way of looking at things. Brams are judged by the way a per- son's pocket is lined. Wearing the smock of a navvy, it is assumed that the wearer is brain- lese. Such assumption is a fallacy, a delu- sion and a snare. Navvies have proved time after time to be the possessore of more in their upper garret than all the persons of independent means in the land. Apparently, the fallacy of brains and money going to- gether will have to be broken down, before you can make Ac workers, as a class, un- derstand and believe it. Fallacies r Why tne workers feed on fallacies, and like them. State- ments of this kind are not meant to include every member of that class—but the working class as a whole. Many of them can be found who are upright, straightforward and true, and who work hard and honestly to try and bring nearer something approaching the ideal state. Yet they generally die in despair, and those who remain are amazed at the felly, ignorance and foolishness of their own kind. They are beaten to the wall long before their time, and because of expressing their opinions the; are victimised by the capitaiist class to such an extent that many of them end their days in the workhouse. The class that possess the means of life know how to deal with the man who is dependent on them for a living, if he gives utterance fa the truth. Capitalists know that the workmen ae a whole are not behind the individual who is out for the abolition of capitalism. They know that the great mass of the people are not interested in, nor do they desire a change. They are keen obse-i-vers, and they mark time. When they see the workers moving toward something that is likely to undermine their position. they know how to trick them, and they are easily tricked. Trust the exploiters to know the game, and we are not likely to be Received. Among the workers you will find, it is the trickster, crookeS runner and the believer in doublet-harness that succeeds in their midst. Mr.-facing-both-ways generally gets on in any movement that he, is connected with. EspeCIally is this the case among the class who live by the sweat of their brow. This may appear strange to anyone who has not had any experience of any working class movement, but those who have know that it is an absolute fact. Plain talking is necessary just now, and it's time the truth was known. Why is it that the '?Vh- "diddler" advances among them if it is not because of the indifference of the great body of those who labour, to their own interests? If they took an interest in' their own affairs, and were alive to their own needs, they would immediately spot such a person, and get rid of. him. We have men in our ranks whose presence is only seen when they fancy that they can gain something financially. Persons of this kind fail to gain four among the capi- talists; they remain and bleed the members of their own class. Paying anything to this stamp of man to carry out what a few of us think is simply asking to be, sold. We are sold with impunity, and we shall continue to be sold until the great awakening. Take any time af- ter a stoppage of work, and the employed de- sires any public position, he is put there without any hesitation by the men whom he previously fought. Very few of them remember what the attitude of the employer was while they were out on strike, and that accounts for the reason why so many of this "kidney" are on our public bodies. The employers are aware of the indifference of the workers, and it pleases them to know that they have such short memories. It enables them to get into positions in which they can stifle any active progressive agitation. Especially is this true if the object of the agitation is a lessening of the employer's pro- fit. There need be no fear that we are going to advance much when almost all positions of importance are filled by the opposite class. Seemingly, the more you fight the workers, the better they like you, Deceit, trickry and Seemingly, they like you. Deceit, trickery an d betrayal are to your credit, if you seek their suffrage. History teems with instances that go to prove that they put trust in the quarter that nearly always sidetracks them. Almost all legislation that has been in any way beneficial has had to be forced from the class that hold the multitude in the hollow of thoir hands. One would think that the sons of toil would by now have learnt their lesson; but no, they are indifferent to it all. While most of them are just able to rub along, what care they who sink or swim? Those deep down in the mire are not considered at all, and it is generally believed to be their own fault. When one is dowh, they seem to think he should be kicked because he could be up if he tried, Unequal division of wealth is not thought of by them, and the person who talks about it is looked upon as being up in the clouds. Talking about this fact and others in trying to prove to them that we are living under a. barbarous system makes them open the;r mouths, and wonder are you walking on thd water. Water may be good under foot, and it is essential to lire, but it is bad when in the head. After years of agitation on the part of the small thinking minority when any- one would think that the horny-handed indivi- duals desired a change, a month's active agita- tion in the press turns them completely round. Whenever capitalists and landlords see the men who keep them trying to gain something better, they create a scare, give it great 'publicity, and succeed in turning the tide. The press is a mighty factor, for good or ill, and the exploiteire monopolise it." By it the public can be bluffed into believing almost anything but the truth. When the press is under the influence of capitalism, we may rest assured that we are not going to be edu- cated in a way that will make us work for our emancipation. The workers' emancipation is the very thing that the larger part of the press is out to try and prevent. It shows f wisdom, ability and shrewdhess "on the part of the governing class, that they have such a controlling interest in the direction of forming the ideas of the people. But what can we say about the people who are not wise enough to possess a daily of their own? I am well aware that many attempts have been made to get one, and when got, to beep it; but they have alii failed. Even a paper that the miners had supported to the extent of thousands of pounds has lately failed, and is going to be resurrected as a weekly. Why do they fail? Simply because the people prefer what is written for them by the other side. The other- side gives them "Yankee yarns," etc., while the Socialist and Labour papers give them room for thought. Thinking ap- pears to be too hard, even though it is the one thing necessary to our advancement. Is it to be wondered at that men having spent years in trying to open tlleii-,ey.es, throw up the sponge, and do the best they can for themselves? The pity is that future genera tions will not enjoy the ease, comfort and safety that might exist if we as a body were alive and doing. Not being able to look to- wards the future-or not caring to—those who follow us must suffer. Let us hope that the future will bring forth wiser men and wo- men than those who are existing in the pre- sent In the event of the same apathy, indifference and lethargy prevailing, there is very little hope of this old and rotten system being kicked out. When the workers are led so easily by the capitalist class, the work of edu- cation is indeed great. It is necessary to get them into another kind of thought, 'before we can say that the work has commenced. Then, again one is apt to think that they are wage- slaves because they desire to be. Not making any effort, on the whole, to try and better their conditions, it seems they are content to rub along as they are. if this were true, it would be out of place to try and create dissat- isfaction where none existed; but it is not sat- isfaction, but indifference to their own welfare that accounts for the whole thing. An intelligent Democracy would not allow sweaters bleeders and shirkers to rule; they would rule themselves. They do not rule: it is is too much trouble. It is easier to let others rule, who can do it in a way -by which we can remain wage-slaves. When you talk to the great mass of the people about an ideal state, they don't take the trouble to think about it; the? simply say it is not practical. They say it is not practical because they have heard their masters say so, and therefore it must be true. Practicability is only understood by individuals who live on the labour of others. That being the case it shows how sympathetic they are for telling the workers what is best for them. This may suit the working class; it certainly pleases the people who exhibit such wisdom. The mys- terious part about the whole thing is, how is it possible for the workers to get into such a grove as to believe almost every word they say, and act on their adyioeP

| Trade Unionists! j II ra e nlOOIS S 1 _1- You are aware that, at this period of the year, your Fed- I Is erations and Lodges have a good | t deal of Printing Work to give I < out, and we would ask you to I ) KEEP IN MIND _1- The fact that every Penny of I ) Profit made in our JobbIng De- I Ipartment goes towards helping to I ) strengthen the" PIONEER." | I The Paper that is run by your I t FeUow Unionists in your Interests. 1 Fellow Unionists in your Interests. i  —- I The PIONEER imprint on your work is the I  in d ex  surest index to the vitality of your Trades ? Unionism and its absence will, in the future, I ¡:: be regarded as your failure to recognise your II I broader duties as Trades Umomsts. j LtMMUHHaiHHHMMHaMBIIHBBIIHIIIHillJ fry HelP THOSE WHO HELP YOUR PAPER I

Mr. Winstone and the I North Mon. Seat. I WITHDRAWAL OF CANDIDATURE. I MR. HARRIS AND THE TRIBUNALS. I The annual meeting of the North Monmouth- shire Labour Pairty was held on Saturday even- ing at the Waverley Hotel, Pontypool, Mr. E. ?%rle,s, Griffithstown, presiding. The dele- gates present represented 11,065 members. An official report supplied at the close stated that the chairman expressed a hope that the unity maintained throughout the year, despite a diver- gence of opinion among members on matters appertaining to the war, would be continued, as serious problems affecting the workers' wel- fare would have to be faced during and after the conflict. The Executive Committee reported the re- ceipt of a letter from Mr. James Winstone, J.P., prospective Labour candidate, withdraw- ing his candidature, and thanking the party for "many kindnesses during a very trying time." The resignation was accepted with regret, and the appointment of a fresh candidate was re- legated to the Executive. I Miners' Candidates. 1 Mr. William Harris, agent, reported on the difficult position in which the party was placed since the Miners' Federation of Great Britain had limited the number of Parliamentary can- didates for South Wales. He suggested that the S.W.M.F. should be communicated with so as to ascertain whether they still proposed to contest North Monmouthshire. If not, then some other affiliated societies should be invited to do so. Referring to recruiting tribunals, the Agent stated: "The action of the tribunals in ignoring the industrial needs of the nation and their treatment of the bona, fide conscien- tious objectors shows that neither Act of Parlia- ment nor any other interest but that of the militarists has any consideration at their hands, and this tendency to militarism is one of the most serous problems that the workers have to face at the present moment." He added that the various schemes that might be devised to deal with the problems of providing for the maimed soldiers and their dependants must be watched. A resolution was passed, on the motion of Mr. Tom Langley, seconded by Mr. Arthur Jenkins, urging upon the Labour members of Parliament the dire necessity of providing ade- quate all-owances to soldiers permanently in- capacitated and their dependants. Telegram from the Chancellor. A telegram was received from the Chancel- lor of the Exchequer stating that it was desira- ble, but not necessary, that all colliers of mili- tary age should attest, as their cases will be de- cided by the Colliery Recruiting Courts. The financial report (submitted bv the secre- tary. Mr. Zachariah Andrews) showed that the party was satisfactorily placed. The following officers were elected for the ensuing year: —- President, M». E. Charles; vice-presidents, Messrs. W. Bowen (Six Bells) and W. L. cooic (Blaenavon) treasurer, Mr. George Evans, Pontypool; secretary, Mr. Zachariah Andrews (re-elected)