Papurau Newydd Cymru
Chwiliwch 15 miliwn o erthyglau papurau newydd Cymru
9 erthygl ar y dudalen hon
n Outlines of Industrial History…
n Outlines of Industrial History [CONCLUSION. ] lU THE :MARXIAN THEORIES. I THE MARXIAN THEORIES.   the men to their message. The Marxian ?M heories can be well compared to a triangle with th 6 Laoour Theory of Value, the Theory of Sur- is-laboiir and the Materialist Conception of His itory as its three sides. In our lesson Session, We have had chiefly to do with the latter though the two former are bound up with it and would :also repay investigation and test. The M.C.H. 'Was first formulated in the Communist Mani- festo The history of all hitherto existing societ T (i.e., all written history) is the history •of cla. S8 struggles." And in later works, the theory was enlarged and applied to the history of difft 'rent nations. The historic mission of the "working class, the true nature of the State, and working, underlying factor beneath all changes in ideas we re all perceived even when the Manifesto was peni ied in 1848. (ó History for the first time," w rrote Engels, "was placed en its real foundation n; the obvious fact, hitherto totally ne- glected, t hat first of all men must eat, drink, have sheJ ter and clothing, and therefore must work, bef ore they can struggle far supremacy and devot e themselves to politics, religion, philo- ,sophy, etc .-this obvious fact at last found his- torical rec ognition. As we h aye already dealt with the logic of the machine ai ad seen how social relations are based upon tool-' ownership and that the class which owns the t ools is very different from the other class that i s forced to use those tools in order to get a living > besides having consistently used this theory right throughout our lessons, there is no need to dwell upon it further. Though the "expectations and prophesies of the historic mani- festo were r; fulfilled, yet the theory explains in a, scientifi manner its own mistakes and as a method of L king upon society and explaining its evolution is Unparalleled. There is on other matter that should be men- tioned before our final conclusion. When giving particulars c( mcerlling the lives of Marx and Engels, we fr ound that botli took up the study <of philosophy in which branch of learning at that time Hegel w as the leading light. It is some- times alleged that the work of Marx is vitiated £ ty this Hegeli an influence and that he lacked the insight in to society which Darwinism later brought. Apa rt from this mixing up, in an "organic" vie w of society, of biology and socio- logy, this mi sconception of Hegelianism (for it taught evolut ion in general before Darwin gave it individual f specific proof in biology) .and this false assumpti on that Marx did not know and "appreciate Dai 'win's work, there is also a sad ^neglect of the A Tital difference between the philo- sophy of Hegel and Historical Nlaterialism. There is roon t. here only for a brief reference to that diffgrenc D. Hegel, living in revolutionary times, with his "dialectic method" saw move- ment through ir Iherent struggle. But he was misled by the ide, ological form which the contest took. To him it was the Absolute Idea" coming to recegnit ion in the minds of men. For example, feudalism broke down, because the feu- dal ideas became 0, bsolete in the face of new; Socialism from the Hegelian viewpoint will come because old ideas ale displaced by new. In later reactionary times I legel's tame political conclu- sions and hisglerific ation of the State, made him IPopular with the rul ing powers. Bernstein in his Ferdinand Lassallt 1 as Social Reformer shows how the works of La ssalle-"the man who forged the sword of Social Democracy in Germany"— "vitiated by his adherence to the Hegelian "idea" « as a cause of progress. The mysticism of H egel over the" Absolute Idea was attacked 1 lY the Left wing of his school, which accepted his method but rejected his conclusions. W1 ith 3 clegel the world stood on .its head, i.e., on the idc a. Marx stood it on its feet and showed that 1 deas were generated in material conditions. With me," wrote he Kp. 30 "Capital"), "-the ideal is nothing else than the material worl d reflected by the human mind and transformed into forms of thought." The relations between ideas and the conditions which genera/fee them ws more fully explained in -the, Preface of "The critique (1859). THE FUTURE. I What of it? Will orrr twenty Lessons help us to face it? If they do not they have failed. The sole object of our meeti ng is to get a knowledge of past events and of theories which truly ex- -plain the facts of our working life and which will guide us in future practice. Our classes are. con- nected with an insbitutlon which had its birth in the Industrial Uni-eiit. The C.L.C. was -founded in 1909 out of th,'e most unique strike on record. It aims to sprea.d independent working- -class education and upon its curriculwrn figure the truths arrived at by these two German thinkers, who gave themselves so wholehearted- ly and" wholeheadedly" to the workers' cause. 1, The good they did was not interred with the bones of Marx at Highgate, nor lost in the sea into which the dust of Engels was thrown, but lives on and fertilizes in the conquering army of •an intellectual Labour Movement, by the side of whose cradle Marx and Engels stood at the dawn of a new day." Vain are the hopes of ari industrial peace. Like snow upon the mountain side they will vanish before the sun of economic heat. In every country capitalism begets its gravediggers. In its endeavour to increase its profits it will force the workers to take up a militant attitude upon the industrial, political and educational fields and progress will accelerate until the workers of the world will unite and their emancipation be accomplished. To the Day! IIEADING.-—" Karl Marx Biographical Memoirs," Leibnecht. Karl Marx," Spargo. Books and pamphlets by Mar x/ and Engels are too numerous to list and are obtainable at cheap ? -^tes. Ramsay Macdonald's "Socialism and Society" and The Socialist Movement contain good accounts of the Utopians, though somewhat spoilt by the" organic" view of society above- mentioned. Other general and particular histories of 'S oc i Socialism are available. [THE ED.]-HARK TARR. I II [THE FND- 1 MARK 6TARR. I
,Shoplifting at Pontlottyn.…
Shoplifting at Pontlottyn. I "I didn't steal it, you know; I didn't know 1. had it," a Bargoed woman, Mary Ann Mor- gan, protested at the Merthyr Polices-court on Friday when charged with the theft of a black feather ruffle, valued 14/11, from a shop kept hy a draper, James Price, at Merchant-street, Pontlottyn. Evidence was given that the defendant was at the shop on Monday purchasing a bonnet, and the ruffle was missed after she left. Traced by •P-C. Simpkins she was seen at Pontlottyn the same day in a railway carriage wearing the ar- ticle taken from the shop. Defendant said her husband was a shoemaker aild they had five children. Mr. ft. A. Griffith (stipendiary) said no one their senses would believe the woman's story. Defendant was bound over for 12 months. lr
An Open Letter to Mr. William…
An Open Letter to Mr. William Brace. Sir,—I hope you will pardon my presumption in addressing a letter to you ths publicly. You wiM grant me the favour the more readily per- haps when I assure you that the words I pro- pose to write are prompted by no feeling of bit- terness or hatred. On the contrary, I hold it unworthy of the movement to which I belong if any spirit were exhibited by me other than that of patient tolerance and forbearance towards those with whom I disagree. You, sir, occupy and have occupied for many years, a position of great responsibility and in- fluence. You have in past years led with great credit to yourself and to your class that impor- tant section of the Labour movement-the South Wales Miners. It was, by reason of that singular influence which you wielded in the Trade Union world that you were invited in common with other of your Labour colleagues, to join the Coalition Government. It was the strongest argument used by your sympathisers in defence of your action, that by so doing you best safeguarded the interests of the workers and were most loyal to their ideals. It is not necessary for the purposes of my letter to enter into an inquiry as to whether that claim has been fully justified by the available facts. I would merely urge in passing that your standard of success must not be decided by those who fawn upon you and applaud you while they find you use ful. Yon are a Labour man, and I think you will agree with me that it is your first duty to see to it that the working class is not betrayed in your person. Serving the nation as a whole need not be inconsistent with devotion to that class. If that class starve, the nation can- not be prosperous, if the workers' children die, England cannot live. I think this present moment would be a con- venient one for taking stock of the present posi- tion. There are men elected by the workers to do such stocktaking periodically in the industrial sphere in South Wales. Whether such men do that work efficiently, I am not able to say at th emoment and so I do not presume to discuss that aspect of our common affairs. My ooncerrn in this letter which I propose to address to you is with the political situation and with your re- lation to it. We are still in the throes of the most destruc- tive war in all history. Already the ground is littered with corpses, the bones of millions are bleaching in the sun. The land is drenched with blood and in the homes of the common people sorrow and starvation do their terrible work. The Labour movement the world over, should soon celebrate its May-day festival. Youths and maidens should presently be dancing upon the green; the laughter of merry children should re- sound in the meadows. Old men and old women should vie with each other in happy recital of events of earlier days. A happy democracy should herald the coming of better and brighter days. But what a time, for high festival! The youths of Europe pass in an unending procession into the furnace of war. There is no dance but the Dance of Death. Humanity has descended into Hell! There is,* however, a matter to which I would draw your special attention. There are thou- sands of men in the country who have refused to participate in this work on the ground of conscientious objection to warfare. They have had to suffer grievously for their decision to op- pose the forces of Hate. Their homes have been broken, their prospects in life ruined irretrieva- bly, and they have been branded for ever as gaolbirds. You, on the other hand, preside over a Committee whose very existence is a flagrant violation of an Act of Parliament, which dealt with those men. Your committee was called into being to avoid giving obedience to the re- quirements of the Government's own laws. Your colleagues in the Government,' in common with yourself, have sought to vindicate the right of the State to secure obedience to its law by pun- ishing those conscientious objectors and others. If that attitude towards them was correct on your part, what punishment do you suppose to be deserved by legislators who refuse to carry out their own laws? You are aware that over 50 men have become mentally deranged on account of this persecu-. tion. You probably know as well as I do, that there is at this moment an earnest Christian young man of South Wales who has been thus afflicted. Others have found this terrible prison system similarly affect them. I assure you, sir, from bitter personal experience that to spend five or six months iia gaol is not exactly compar- able to a joy ride, however kindly one may be treated. You know, too, that over 800 equally honest and sincere men still linger in dismal prison cells because your Government refuses to obey its own law. Many, many hundreds more are in- sulted by being put upon work that is largely useless, under conditions little removed from slavery. Is it quite to the point to assure the House of Commons that these men are not all angels," as you did recently. Is that a new crime. To my finite mind, that only shows these men to possess one quality, at least, in common with Cabinet ministers. But let that little jest pass! What is serious in regard to this matter is this—and it is the precise reason why I address you thereon: — These young men, whose minds rankle with an acute sense of injustice, were Trade Unionists, many of whom were destined by their gifts and abilities to lead the movement in their respective localities. Thousands who have not been called upon, as yet, to suffer in a similar way are in entire sym- pathy with them. Rightly or wrongly, they all regard you as their gaoler. It may be unjust to you in some measure. But this is true—a firm demand from you and your Labour colleagues could stop this baiting of earnest men. Earnest men, I say. You, maybe, do not believe it. You judge from certain reports which deceive you. I judge from what I have seen and heard during my association with them. That they tend more and more to become intractible must be attri- buted to those who rely, very foolishly, upon methods of coercion. I make bold to assert that, in my humble judgment, you and your colleagues are slowly but surely planting seeds that will grow into a plentiful harvest of bitterness and discontent hereafter. The outlook for the Labour movement there- fore, is serious. When these men return to their homes, they are hardly likely to show any ex- cessive zeal for "law" and "order, nor, for that matter, for leadership. How that will affect the industrial world, I leave you to judge. The much vaunted justice of British Courts—and of the High Court of Parliament. in particularis dead-at least, for them..Four, eight, and twelve months with hard labour, after the scan- dalous maltreatment suffered in military camps, soon cures men of any affection for justice from above. You talk in the House of Commons of the efficacy of disciplinary measures. Per- mit me to remind you that justice is a better virtue to practise. And until that is done, I fear that the resentment will only grow stronger. May I further invite your attention-in the spirit of May-Day to a graver matter ? Twice already has this festival come—and the hope of Peace has been deferred. And for what? That designing diplomats and despots might be thwarted and, punished. Our statesmen and poli- ticians are at pains to assure the world that they have no quarrel with the German people. And yet it is the peoples who have to face the brunt of the battle, it is they who participate in the charge. They enter the valley of the shadow cf death while monarchs and their sons rejoice in the security afforded by positions on General Staffs. Can the spirit of the International live while this crime continues. Is this spectacle in keeping with the sentiments associated with May Day. You, sir, know it is not. For the moment, it is popular. But in its heart of hearts, man- kind asks in agony whether, indeed, there be no other way. Must your working class comrades fly at each other's throats to destroy and to kill ? Must Europe's youth set forth in obedience to the behests of the Moloch of war ? Must Labour remain impotent while civilisation perishes and Europe rattles into barbarism? Must posterity be impoverished that continents may be con- verted into graveyards? Surely Something greater far must enter Into life's majestic span, Fitted to create and centre True nobility in man." Can there be no return to reason? In these terrible days when sorrow and anguish are the common experience of mankind—and in that re- spect the working class to which you and I be- long are special sufferers- it behoves us all to inquire whether we are doing our utmost, each in his own sphere, to lift this awful burden from the shoulders of those whose usual lot it is to suffer in silence. If I may say so, you have a special respon- sibility m this inattter. Can you assure us that you are keeping a vigilant eye upon the activi- ties of those who plot to perpetuate war. Can you comfort us with the knowledge that you keep your hands free to labour in Humanity's Cause. You are a member of the Government, it is true. You are more. You are the special am- bassador therein—so your apologist's claim—of Labour. And according to the measure of your fidelity to those ideals which you used to enun- ciate so eloquently in the piping times of peace, so will you be judged. Let me recall a portion of a speech which you delivered in May, 1913, during Labour week, at the Browning Settle- ment. Here it is — "War is a iiolation of the Gospel of Jesus. It is, indeed, too silly to talk about the idea, that because there is a, dispute between nationalities, thousands of men have to be thrust against each other who have no quarrel is indefensible. Here we are spending our national resources, not in assisting and helping the poor but in building enormous engines for the destruction of human life. How are you going to solve this problem? Only through the medium of organised Labour and organised Religion. My own Federation have more than 20 years been meeting in international congresses with our brothers from Germany and from Austria and France and Belgium and America. When I sit down to do business with my Continental col- leages, until I hear them speak, I can hardly tell whether they are Britishers, or Germans, or Austrians or Americans. Every argument goes to show that democracy ought to find a common ground for the settling of their disputes with- out the arbitrament of the sword. And where will you find that common ground apart from the Gospel of Jesus Christ ? It recognises no line of geographical demarcation, no line of colour, no lines of language and ne lines of nationality. Whether you be German, or British, or Russian, or Austrian, here is the common ground upon wliieh all nationalities may meet. Here are the principles according to which they may settle their disputes and their differences by argument and negotiation and arrangement and concilia- tion rather than by the arbitrament of the sword. What an appalling waste in the use of national wealth do-we see going on around us! Those words, sir, were uttered four years ago. They were ture then. "Are they less true now? They so clearly express my own faith at this very hour that I venture to quote them at such length. In forgetting the sentiment they express, you undertake a terrible responsibility indeed. Again, I ask, can there be no return to rea- son ?-Yours faithfully. MORGAN JONES. I
National Amalgamated Labourers'I…
National Amalgamated Labourers' I Union. ALLIANCE OF EMPLOYERS & EMPLOYED. The Executive Committee of the National Amalgamated Labourers' Union held its quar- terly meeting at Swansea on Monday and Tues- day last, under the presidency of Councillor T. J. Wilson. The General Secretary, Mr. John Twomey, reported an increase of 82 members. It was decided to send delegates to the annual council meeting of the National Transport Workers Federation. Reference was made to the sinister move of some trade union leaders, to form an alliance of employers and employed, and it was resolved to advise, all members to have nothing to do with same, but depend upon their own and the strength of the Triple Industrial Alliance. It was resolved to send a protest against the imprisonment of Dan Griffiths, Llanelly; to the Minister of Education: the Under Secretary of State for War; and the local M.P.'s. The General Secretary and Mr. Robert Wil- liams were elected delegates to the next Trade Union Congress. Arrangements were made for holding the annual meeting of the Union at Cardiff.
Tubucular Patients. !
Tubucular Patients. MERTHYR GUARDIANS AND SANATORIAI TREATMENT. The Merthyr Guardians were told on Satur- day there were still 24 cases of tuberculosis being trea-ten at the workhouse infirmary. Mr. T. T. Jenkins was very dissatisfied with this state of affairs. All phthisical people, he said, should be examined by the Welsh Memor- ial specialist (Dr. Johnson) before they were ad- mitted to the infirmary, because once there there they would remain. The guardians in this way were doing- the work of the Welsh National Memorial Association. That all these people came into the infirmary in face of the existence of the Welsh Memorial was inexplicable to him. Mrs. M. A. Edmunds said there were empty beds at the Mardy Hospital and the Pontsarn Sanatorium. She thought tubercular patients were sent to the infirmary because of parish doc- tors not knowing the procedure with regard to obtaining sanatorium benefit. It was decided that fortnightly returns in de- tail of such cases fit the infirmary should be placed before the board.
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Mond Nickel Strike Sequel.…
Mond Nickel Strike Sequel. ) WEEK'S WAGES AND LETTER OF THANKSI TO LOYAL WORKERS. The following is a copy of a letter delivered to all men that did not come out during the re- cent strike at the Mond Nickel Works: — Messrs. The Mond Nickel Co., Ltd., Cyldaeh. Dear Sirs,—The Directors have been informed of the loyal co-operation and the energetic ac- tion of all the works staff and foremen, labora- tory assistants, testers, and returned soldiers in the sudden emergency caused by the recent strike of certain employees at Clydach. The directors greatly appreciate, the efforts of all concerned and wish to convey to them their sin- cere thanks for the interest shown by them in the welfare of the Company Works.—Yours faithfully (for the Mond Nickel Co., Ltd.), (Signed) D. O. EVANS, Secretary. With the above letter it is stated one week's wages was enclosed to all concerned. At the Mond Works acute unrest prevails owing to the unsatisfactory award of Mr. McKenzie, and the men concerned complain that their case was not put fairly. The men's griev- ances are many, and on Monday night at a mass meeting the following resolution was carried with marked unanimity: — "That we do not accept Mr. McKenzie's award. Therefore we emphatically request a fair and impartial re-arbitration of our grievances, and unless the name of arbitrator and date of arbitration with full settlement be given before May 28th, 1917, we, the Branch Committee, can- not hold ourselves responsible for what action the men may take."
The Electric Theatre. I
The Electric Theatre. I Shakespeare's immortal love story, Romeo and Juliet," shown at the Merthyr Electric Theatre during the early part of the week drew crowded houses, and was a triumph in film-craft by the famous William Fox firm. Theda Bara was surprisingly fine as the ill-fated heroine. The Surf Girl of the Triangle comedy people was refreshingly farcical—a medley of fantastic situations and mirth provoking denouements, with the Long Beach at Los Angelos as the scene. The change-over at mid-week saw an adapta- tion of Marie Oorrelli's popular novel The Treasure of Heaven" featured. ".Fatty" (Roscoe Arbuckle) returns in a boisterous sketch The Waiter's Ball." Particularly attractive are next weeks pro- grammes. A visualisation of "Mr. Meeson's Will," adapted from Rider Haggard's well- known story heads the first programme, which includes one of the now regularly looked for Triangle comedies—"Ambrose's Cup of Woe." On Thursday the star picture is A Tortured Heart," a romance, of South America. "Poor Papa is the Triangle picture. Little need be said about the serials-" Liberty and Mary Page they have earned well deserved popular- ity. Current news on the screen, educational and travel pictures, interlaced with short comedy and drama films go to make up capital bills.
Advertising
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