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Industrial Unionism in theI…
Industrial Unionism in the Mines. 'S THE DEVOLUTION OF EXECUTIVE POWER DESIRABLE. BY "GWILLAUME LE MAITRE." Av"lltei" does not ctaim to have a practical U(mce the present conditions in the mines of the d W '1"C"' ??- thanks to ?e C.L.C. provincial ■cla"ufte\, is greatly interested in the conditions that obtxa^ in in the mines and in the methods of >organisation adopted by the miners in their federation. This interest has led to observation, ;and the search for knowledge and guidance, as to the principles of Industrial Unionism and their Application to the mining industry. In the following remarks an attempt will be 'M'ade to state some of these principles, together 'trvVth u an endeavour to apply them to the mining ir *str-v• It' may be that the attempt will be nlde and theoretic, but if it evokes an interest *n the matter, and stimulates someone who has ;a firmer grip on the theoretic principles than tle writer, with an accompanying greater prac- tical experience, to state the Industrial Unionist- in relation to mining, then the purpose of "hese observations will have been achieved. It will be readily granted that the aim of In- dustrial Unionism is that the workers in an in- dustry shall own and control that industry. The objective is fundamentally different from that of the Trades Union. A Trades Union is mainly de- lusive in its tactics, and even when aggressive only aggressive within the sphere of the pre- sent- Capitalistic System. Its vision is narrowly ^irouiijscribed, and its methods conciliatory and dilatory. It takes for granted the bourgeoise tenets of morality, tacitly admits the right of Private property, and at best only mitigates the vevil effects of the worker's divorcement from the means of production. Industrial Unionism has revolutionary moral code, and envisages a con- dition of society differing radically from the pre- sent. It recognises the inherent antagonisms of the present society and boldly declares that there "Oan be no industrial peace until the eauseg of these antagonisms are removed. This control of the means of production con- fiot be obtained by diverting the attention of the workers to extraneous political questions. It "an only come by intelligent attention to the con- crete and immediate situations that confront the "workers in the industry. The first necessity II therefore is unblushing, partial education, which has for its object the scientific understanding of ttiodern Capitalist production. This scientific un- derstanding, this theoretic education, must be tested and supplemented by workshop action. Every colliery dispute, every individual griev- ance, must be related to its true cause, and Must form the basis of subsequent activity. The vision of the colliery worker must be enlightened ::a.nd made more comprehensive; his insight into fundamental causes clarified, and his faich in revolutionary remedies intensified, by fierce fights upon any and every concrete case, of in- justfee. The battle of the individual must be- come the battle of the elass. Now individual or sectional grievances cannot be related to and regarded from the class strug- gle point of view, if they are fought upon the basis of securing or maintaining special treat- ment for the possessors of skill. Necessary work is social work, and all workers in the industry must be reduced to the level of unskilled yorkers The skilled collier is an industrial •*nou o and gets higher wages than the unskilled _aoourer. He has a vested interest in 'snob- belY, and is apt to put a higher value upon his work than that of the labourer. Piece work, which is the fruitful eause of disunion, petty spites and jealousies, amongst colliers them- selves, and also between colliers and other sec- tions of the workers, must be abolished. The workers who are at present termed unskilled must have their grievances brought oftener within the focus of the union's attention, and they must be made to realise that their- work is socially neces- sary and as such is worthy of the remuneration •*ind dignity which is bestowed upon supposedly higher skilled labour. The method of organisation within the Federa- tion must be based upon the principle of a greater division of labour in the work of each Lodge increased responsibility must be thrown upon smaller and therefore more numerous units, consequently involving more individuals in the 'Work of Government. The workers themselves must work out their own salvation. The Lodge "Committees at present deal with disputes tha,t •occur in all seams and with all sections of those Employed at the Colliery. Under the present "system it is quite conceivable that committee members have to deal with seams in which they ave not worked and of which they know very little. Industrial Unionism places emphasis upon the fact that the man who knows his conditions hest is the man who has to work under the con- ditions the man. who realises the grievances most acutely is the man who experiences the grievances. Surely the obvious thing to do then 18 to set up "Seam Committees," Haulier Committees," "Labourers' Committees," etc., as a method for securing devolution of control, and an intensifying of interest in industrial "raatters. These committees would allow the full commit- tee, if needed, more time to deal with matters of general concern. It might, indeed, be advis- able to abolish the full Committee as at present Constituted and allow the Seam Committees," tc., to receive their final mandate from a gen- eral meeting of the workers engaged at the col- Iery, thus ensuring devolution of executive powers to smaller units and mandatory power ? the general meeting. Here would be the be- littlings of centralisation of power of control by the workers themselves. In order that these committees shall become ?ore conscious of their objective—the emancipa- ,'thon of the workers from wage slavery; in order ?a.t they may become more effective, by securing ?ore might, to attain that objective, it will be ?'?sa'ry to link up with other workers in other ^njUstries, who have adopted or are prepared to a^ ^t similar metho d s of organisation for the t siniilax methods of organisation for the ? ,? Impose. The Shop Steward's Committees ?Rki ?-S.E. are already in existence. %ch a  ? could do many things which the aea-7a spend a profitable hour in speculating ^Pon rpj' ?? leaders recognised as official and -Sen in Industrial Unionism are the workers themselves. Here the voice of the people is thevoi.ce of (?? Miners' agents must be *m™dated. Agency" involves concilia- firm ignores the inherent antagonisms of the te oci«+ °Cla^ ?rm; delegates power to the offi- ciaf m d^lows the workers to escape the re- ,6Ponsibilit? I of "working out their own salva- turn J ?o?thes over the antagonisms be- twe?? nuapit.al?n? Labour, which is the business of Tnri, S ?onism to intensify and make *Th + conflict, and conflict alone, will arise o i oo °°llsc".>"tls:riess. No delegation must be allowed f 1• ,1fr ? executives, miners' agents or "'Pe"t*rs- Experts in the art of concHia- tion, demigads that sit on cushioned seats in the, cham ber of reconciliation, are the leaders that take the workers to the desert. They must go. The South Wales miners are credited with a deal of revolutionary fervour; with having scant respect for established authority ,and a disposi- tion, demigods that sit on cushioned seats in the of the workers, and even many of the intelligent lodge leaders, are far from *ealismg the true nature and cause of the struggles in which they have engaged. The objective of class emanci- pation, even if it has, on rare occasions, been clearly discerned, has become blurred and dimmed in the process of immersion iN Lodge details. Patriotism still counts its adherents in great numbers, and is still á virile force. The Government has exploited this Patriotism in its Comb-Out"; has divided the workers bv its "1914." and "Surfacemen" schemes; and suc- cessfully recruited thousands, even from Ú revq- lutionary" South Wales'. Miners' Agents—the expert vendors of Governmental wares—have rushed hither and thither to persuade the men ■feo accept the recommendations of the Executive. One of their strongest pleas has been, that a re- fusal on the part of South Wales to accept the recommendation of the M.F.G.B. would split-the Federation.; but the recommendations did far more than this; they split the working-class; they struck at the root of class-consciousness. If an organisation such as has been suggested here is attempted and secured, this will no longer be possible. I believe that such an organisation is possible, and the objective aimed at realisable, at the present juncture. There is undoubtedly unrest and vaguspirations existent in the coalfield. The need of the situation is for clearness and definition on the part of those who realise the tremendous issues at stake. Courage and the larger vision will find their disciples in sufficient numbers in South Wales to achieve the economic emancipation of the workers. This, then, is the objective: to translate every grievance possible into a class grievance; every petty tyranny, every sectional struggle, must be the focussing point of mass industrial action. The wheels of the present society are creaking, and creaking loudly, friction is being generated over a wider area and in a more intense manner than ever before. Let the rank and file arise in its might let it realise that its power is com- modity power, and that as commodity producers they are one indivisible whole, suffering the same wrongs, subject to the same oppression.
" Impressions."
Impressions." ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING, LONOON 1917. By T. C. MORRIS, E.C. Member (N.U.R.). [This article was unavoidably held over last wee.,Ii.-Ed. I. The- annual general meeting of the N. U .R. which is held in June of each year is always looked upon by railwaymen, as an event in con- nection with their Union, with a great amount; of interest. I venture to aseert that it is ques- tionable whether any other Union s annual con- ference receives the same attention by its mem- bers as that of the N.U .R. For months ahead the, members in the branches are keenly inter- ested in the class of delegate they intend to snipport for this important position. If his cre- dentials are not sound in his attitude towards the future development of the movement, more than often it will determine his election or other- wise. Democratic Constitution. One thing stands to the credit of the N.U.R., and that is, that it possesses a democratic con- stitution. Its Executive Committee consists of all working railwaymen who sit for three years, one third of which retires every three years. They are not eligible for re-election during the next three years. This gives an opportunity for new blood to be introduced on the E.G., besides giving an opportunity for others to share in the honour of administering the affairs of the Union, besides having the advantage of preventing the tendency of developing an autocratic spirit through a long tenure of office. Wer allow no permanent paid officials to sit upon our Execu- tive Council, either organisers or Head Office officials, neither are they eligible for president- oi^ it is open to the humblest railwaymar). I can- not conceive of a Trade Union countenancing a form of constitution that permits officials to sit upon an Executive Council which determines policy and instructions. It appears to adopt the role of persons adopting the position both as legislators and administrators. Further, it makes officials both masters and servants, thus creating a position where the rank and file lose the power of control over their Union. Still I am told that this kind of thing is permitted in at least one of our large Trades Unions even in South Wales. At any rate, we are not having this kind "f thing in the N.U.R. This must, then, be ac- counted one of the reasons why the members of the N.U.R. take such a great interest in their E.C. and A.G.M. proceedings. It must be fur- ther noted that the minutes of our Executive Ct mmittee are issued after every quarterly meeting with the record of the doings of that body, with the motions printed, and also how each member voted. Copies are issued to the members at a charge of 3d., and thus it is seen at once that the members are brought directly into contact with what is being done in their name. Powers of E.C. and A.G.M. Powers of the Executive Committee are fairly wide. It administers the affairs of the Union and governs the Union subject to the A.G.M. It has power to inaugurate and conduct trade movements and to declare strikes. The whole government of the Union is centralised at Uni y House, London. The A.G.M. is the governing body of the Union. Every member who feels aggrieved at any decisiom of his branch can ap- peal right to the General Secretary to the A.G.M. branches have the right to appeal against any decision of the E.C. to the annual meeting, which all goes to confirm my conten- tion that we have a democratic constitution which, as members of the N.U.R., we are proud of. Hence, as the result of this close relation- ship existing between the members and the gov- erning bodies, is one of the reasons why such a keen interest is taken in the doings of these two bodies. Delegates to the A.G.M. are elected from 60 groups throughout the United Kingdom and the E.C. from six, the latter electing four from each according to department. It is in- teresting to point out, when the merits of Proportional Representation is now being lIis- cussed in connection with the Reform Bill now going through the House of Commons, that all the elections in the N.U.R. are conducted upon these lines and have bepn so for the last few years, which hM certainly the advantage of electing the man that really respects the views of the members. London A.G.M., June, 1917. The annual general meeting this year was held in London for the whole week. It is a moveable 1 conference and is held in various parts of the country. Next year it will be held in Edin- burgh. Some of the matters engaging its atten- tion centred around the combing-out of Railway- men, E.G. recommendation to remove Messrs. Hudson and Wardle, M.P/s, from the list of Parliamentary Candidates, also to increase our number. Conciliation Scheme E.C. decision to recommend to A.G.M. the reversal of the Bath A.G.M. to rescind the powers decided then to allow the A.G.M. to determine and ratify set- tlements, and a number of public resolutions. On the whole the Conference did not appear to me to be up to the standard of previous years. This may be accounted for because of war conditions but nevertheless I should like to have seen more vim put into the resolutions and more militancy displayed by the delegates. The real danger to me appears at such conferences to be an kesi- tar-cy on part of the delegates to affront the platioriii, whether from sheer want of grit or nervousness I cannot say, or from want of ability to express oneself. At any rate I have seen greater grit shown and the adoption of a more militant attitude. i" Railway Comb-out." Upon the combing-out of railwaymen it was certainly expected that the congress would back up the E.C. As an Union we have taken up a strong attitude upon the whole question of con- scription. I have sa,id upon more than one, oc- casion that had the other National Unions taken a similar stand, Conscript-ion would have never been placed upon the Staftite Book. The con- gress empowers the Executive Committee to use every means to secure the safe working of the railways. Since my article upon this matter in the" Pioneer we have had interviews with the companies and argued for a voice in the re- leasing of men, and sought to set up a joint com- mittee whose terms of reference should be the Maintenance and efficiency of the railways, sup- ply of data upon which the companies based their grounds for the further releasing of 21,000 and also if any more are to go, to determine the grounds. To all these proposals they offered strong opposition, maintaining the right of con- trol and management in their own hands. Now the purport of the congress resolution gives added power to our demand in this direction. At the same time I would have liked to have seen the congress bringing us against what is, after all, the real issue, viz., the "continuance of the war or seek for "peace by negotiation." The want of courage is apparently one of the reasons w l' so many Trade Ujjion leaders hesitate over this course, which is, they must know, the only honest course to pursue. There must in the very nature of things be a further release of men for the Army if the war continues. With th<- ircieasing number of casualities every week, and i.rciea,swiii ?'i I continue to increase, must mean draw- more more men, from the various industries, e" en to the extent of jeopardising those indus- tries. We must face this issue sooner or later; may it be soon is the, wish of the writer. The congress decided by resolution that at the Peace Conference to deci.de peace terms, representa- tives of Labour must be present. This is cer- tainly an epoch resolution, for so .far as I know the N.U.R. is the only Trades Union that has voiced such a demand. Messrs. Hudson and Wardle, M.P.s. At present there are three representatives d railwaymen in Parliament, namely, Messrs. Hudson, Wardle and Thomas. Several branches reported to the E.C. the non-attendance of Wardle and Hudson at the second and third reading of the Military Service (No. 2 Act) Amendment Bill. In the September sitting, 1916, of the E.C. they had the matter under con- sideration, when both the metabers concerned were invited to appear before the Committee. As the result of their explanation the E.C. decided to refer their conduct to the A.G.M., with a. recommendation to that body to remove their names irom thJi Union's list of Parliamentary Candidates. The A.G.M. considered the matter at their meeting a few weeks back, when by a small majority they accepted their explanation. There is no mistaking the feeling amongst rail- waymen at the actions of Wardle, whd has proved (to be more amendable to the feelings and wishes of the Government than that of the men whom he is supposed to represent. His attitude towards Conscription (military and industrial), besides his signature to the proposals of the economic Committee and his many other votes upon vital matters of concern to the working class, has long ago shown that he has ceased to represent us and oijighf. to have been removed. having failed to. justify himself as a working- class representative. "The Railway Review," which he edits, has-time,after time been pro-war and oftentimes it is found difficult to have ac- cess to its pages if any sentiments are expressed adopting a contrary attitude. The sneers and gibes cast at men like Macdonald, Snowdon, and others who are similarly inclined is an insult to railwaymen. The whole conduct and policy of the "Review" is to be considered after the war. Although the congress has decided to accept the explanation of both members, there is no mistaking the fact that it had a salutary effect upon both, and especially Wardle. Whilst he appealed to the congress upon the grounds of his political existence, one delegate asked him What about the existence of my wife and chil- dren? I am proud of the fact that our Exe- cutive had the courage to act as they did, and whilst the congress acted magnimously, still it wa3 not out of agreement with them but to gire them another chance. It will be a bad day for Trades Unionism and the Labour Movement if we lack the courage to call to account our re- presentatives whether they be Trade Union leaders of Parliament representatives when they misrepresent us. I am hoping that some steps will be taken in future to more effectively con- trol the actions of our Parliamentary represen- tatives, so as to bring them into line with the view of faithfully and honestly giving expression to Labour's true mission in politics. [TO BE CQNTINTTED. ]
I Inelegible for a Conscience.
Inelegible for a Conscience. "TEST" CASE AT YSTRADGYNLAIS. The Military Representative at xstradgynlais in South Wales recently appealed, as a test case, against the exemption granted to W. Cart- wright, a conscientious objector, who has just reached the age of eighteen. The M.R. con- tended that no boy of that age could possibly have a conscientious objection, and he won his case. The point for the general public to decide is whether it is willing for the Army Authorities to decide who is and who s not capable of hold- ing convictions of any sort. A military Dicta- torship could hardly go further. Not only will the Army tell us what to think, it will tell us whether we are capable of having any opinion at all. Eventually we shall probably learn that ncne of us, whatever our age, is competent to hold an opinion which the Army does not -en- dorse. It is to be hoped that friction between the Commatider-in-Chief and the Pope will be avoided. A I —
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A Scandal which cannot be…
A Scandal which cannot be Contradicted. I FURTHtER DETAILS OF BRIGHTMORE'S I TORTURES. The scandal about James Brightmore, the con- scientious objector who has been given deten- tion in a pit at Cleethorpes Camp, 12ft. deep with water at the bottom, and a little more than the width of the man's shoulders in diameter, has been the subject of more than one question in the House of Commons. On Thursday-- July 5—Mr. Macpherson, in reply to Mr. White- house, said that he had received a report on this case, but as regards Private Brightmore the matter yet remains somewhat obscure," and that the case calls for further investigation." Anyone who has studied the Parliamentary method of answering questions will be aware that if one point in an accusation of this sort can be met with a denial or with proof that it is an exaggeration it is eagerly seized upon and the general mIsmformatlOll of the hon. mem- ber asking the question is implied. The fact that the War Office was unable to adopt these tactics on thlsaccaslon leads OiRe to believe that the charges must be substantially true without further evidence. Two letters have, however, been recewed from Brightmore—one by his aunt and one by a friend —in which the graphic descriptions of his treat- ment themselves carry conviction — I was standing ankle deep in mud and W^ater fair four days in a hole 12ft. deep. Then they gave me two strips of wood- a coupie of inches broad to stand oil and there was con- stantly a foot of water, at least, below me. If ever I missed my footing in climbing down the damp clay walls the consequence was— well, it is obvious. Everything came to grief in that hole. Beetles fell in it, wasps and bees visited me, a mouse fell in and was drowned. I left it there until I found the smell, offensive. Howhomble it was you may guess. The beetles swimming about fighting for life as I was fighting, climbing the slippery walls and falling into the water again. Everything seemed doomed to death." "I was told definitely by high non-commis- sioned officers that the five lads had all been shot. (These were the five sent over to France from Cleethorpes on June 9th. The informa- tion was not, of course, correct). On Mon- rtav morning I was taken up before the Com- pany officer for kit inspection for the draft. While waiting I had to stand about an hour's persuasion from the Company-Sergeant-Major, who told me I would be shot like a dog when I got to France; I believed him-in fact, two soldiers going over with the draft had pro- mised to 'see me off when we got over there, so that between the soldiers, the Germans, and the military law I was pretty certain of it." Brightmore was left under the impression-that ho was to be taken to France until the draft was actually moving off. In spite of his belief that ha was being taken to his death he did not give in, and he is now in the detention barracks awaiting the District Court-Martial which he ought legally to have been awarded in the first instance when he refused all military orders.
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Ammanford Notes.
Ammanford Notes. Caerbryn Strike. f It will interest those of your readers who read the account of the miners demonstration at Ammanford to learn that the strike has now been settled. The men won on every point, and the dispute ended sfcitirely in their favour. They are to be congratulated on the fine stand they made. The result shows how effective the De- monstration was. It is to be hoped the lesson of solidarity will not be lost.
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