Pioneer

The Electric Theatre. Mr. Mathesoh Lang, perhaps the most versa- tile of the doyens of the British legitimate stage, is playing the lead in > picturisation of the great dramatic success, The Ware Case," which tops a splendid bill at the Merthyr Elec- tric Theatre for the first three days of next week, and the caste also includes the Broadwest stars—Violet Hopson and Ivy Close. Other big features in the programme include a gripping two-part instalment of the serial Pearl of the Army," and the first of a series of Louis Rae- maker's cartoons. Raemaker's work needs no boost." For depicting by a few strokes of the pencil the grimness and horror of war in all its hideousness he stands supreme in black and white art. From Thursday onwards the big-reel fea- ture is a Fox drama, The Scarlet Letter," based upon Hawthorne's world-famous novel of that name, and a triumph in cinematographic and dramatic work. The fourth episode of Judex is the "Empty Sepulchre," an instal- ment which gives rise to a query, "Has Judex ceased to watch over Jacqueline? This week's programmes were top-notch throughout. Monday's show was incomparable for variety and charm. The Metro drama, "The Snow Bird," was a production of unusual beauty in staging. Oriental Love," the comedy fea- ture, was orowded with mirth-provoking situa- tions, played with the delightful "Triangle" touch. Then there were the cartoons of Captain Bainrsfather, the creator of those quaint philosophers in khaki, "Old Bill" and "Alf," and whose crayon has 'been devoted, contrary to Raema.ker, to depicting the lighter side of the war. The latter half of the week another Metro drama, "Playing with Fire," was featured and supported by a Chaplin comedy "The Floor- Walker, in which Charles of that ilk was the acme of absurdity, and a Paragon comedy, Splash me nicely. Each programme included, of course, the latest and best drama, news, educational and travel releases, all up to the unvarying high standard of the Electric Theatre's shows. The management also announce'a series of bookings for the winter months which will satisfy even the moat fastidious of their patrons.

Rhymney Valley Notes. Bedwellty Guardians. Mr. Moyle, of the Bedwellty Board of Guard- ians, in his report to the Aberbargoed Trades and Labour Council on Tuesday stated that the Guardians had decided to reassess the whole area. Bedwellty and Compulsory Rationing. Bedwellty Food Control Committee at last Monday's meeting decided to inform the Food Controller that they advocated compulsory ra- tioning in preference to the voluntary system. It was also agreed to form depots for the sale of condensed milk for children under five years of age. '———"

EVENING CLASSES. Evening classes in Merthyr are attended by 962 students, an increase of 242 on last year's membership.

PROPAGANDA, NOT PROFIT," is the motto of the "Pioneer Press." If you are alive to the tremendous social improve- ments that the Party the Pioneer" represents stands for, then it is your duty to all that all your Trades Union, Co-operative, and General Printing comes to Williams' Square, Merthyr, the Heme of the Pioneer."

The Hospital Impasse. THE decision of the General Hosprutal Board of Governors in turning down the proposals of the workmen to thoroughly democratise the Execu- tive control did not come as a surprise to those who have followed the long, sordid story of the autocrats' strenuous opposition to all who chal- lenged their power over that institution. What did come as a surprise was the unprincipled audacity of the circular letter, sent out with the specific purpose of asking the meeting to defeat the workmen. That letter will for ever remain the blackest blot on the black history of the whole period that has witnessed the. progress of this agitation. It illustrates clearly the un- reasoned prejudice that has all along been the immovable barrier against which the workers' representatives have striven; a prejudice that wilfully seeks its arguments in the distant past; that bases its rights mainly on the benevolence of thirty-five years ago; and, refusing to face the unsatisfactory present and the still more un- satisfactory future, is prepared that the institu- tion shall stand as a dead monument to that benevolence rather than that it shall be per- petuated as it was intended it should be per- petuated in an ever-increasing care for the sick and injured amongst the poor of the Borough. For some time the resources of the Hospital have been so severely crippled that its use has been seriously impaired. The unyielding atti- tude of the Executive—in our opinion an atti- tude dictated by the mandarins of the most sel- fish trades union in the nation: The British Medical Assoüia tion-häs so far resulted in the closing down of beds, and the transference of accident patients, in many cases contributors for years to the Hospital funds, to the Work- house Infirmary, where they are pauperised, and for their treatment where, we believe, they are liable. These are facts of the moment, facts which have to be faced, and facts which the workers lay entirely at the door of the reaction- ary executive of the Hospital. Compromise has been made impossible all along; the same in- tolerance that characterises the circular letter of last week, has resolved the problem into one of acute conflict; and Labour is determined that that conflict shall be decided in the favour of democratic control. It looks at the moment as though we are only wasting our time and tempers in attempting to do anything with the men who savour petulance with sarcasm when they talk about our money, and organising ability, as a prelude to inviting us to build a? institution of our own. We believe that from mow forward the workers will best show their appreciation of the impossibility of the position, by instructing their Hospital Executive mem- bers and governors to abstain from participa- tion in the lop-sided management of that insti- tution, and utilise the time that would other- wise be wasted there in drawing up a scheme for a municipal, or workmen's hospital. It is not only that no valid criticism of the men's pro- posals have been forthcoming; it is that the whole attitude of the opposition is distinctly and dogmatically so anti-Democratic that nothing but a miracle could get us out of the present impasse.

A Hardie Memorial Hall MANY Socialists outside of the Merthyr Valley have wondered why no active scheme had been set on foot to adequately commemorate the as- sociation of Hardie with Merthyr during those last strenuous fifteen years that ended so dis- astrously for. Socialism in his death a little over two years ago; many more inside the Borough and its immediate environs have felt even more keenly that some such scheme should ere now have been reaching completion, and in this they have reflected a large mass of sympathetic un- attached opinion in the locality, as the enthu- siasm with which the stray references to such a scheme made time and again at our public meetings have attested. But it must be re- membered that keenly as the local oomrades de- sired to launch themselves on such a love-task as this they had to remember that the National body had instituted a National Memorial Fund in connection with which the N.A.O. pleaded for the united activity of every branch in the three kingdoms. Before we could shoulder the task that was nearest to our hearts we had to carry our share of the bigger load. That we did, and now that we have concluded our fair share in the bigger task we have returned with enthu- I siasm to that other task of building a shrine wherein we may preserve for a long time to come our appreciation, our admiration, nay, our reverance for the greatest man it was ever our privilege to know or work under, and wherein will meet those disciples from afar who oome to do homage in the Mecca of the great Prophet of Democracy., However hard we strive we can never give adequate outward representation to ,our inner feelings towards Hardie, but we are all determined that that outward appearance shall bear some testimony to the love with which the memory of Hardie is recalled by all true Socialists, trades unionists and the great band of spiritually allied Democrats who even to-day look back on Hardie as the great John the Bap- tist of our day and generation. To do that we shall have to ask the co-operation of all who knew and loved Hardie, and we feel that we shall not ask in vain. The initial step in the sinking of the fund for this purpose has been taken in the iiiauguration of a prize-drawing in the sale of tickets in eonneotion with which the alliance of every branch from Land's End to John 0'Groats will be sought. We bespeak it the reception it undoubtedly deserves.

National Memorial to Hardie. DR. LYNCH'S QUERY TO THE PRIME I MINISTER. j Whether, in view of the desire to create a democratic sentiment in this House, some steps will be taken to honour the memory of the late Mr. Keir Hardie, and to call attention not only to his parliamentary work but also to his devo- tion to democratic ideals throughout his life; and whether, accordingly, some fitting memorial will be erected in this House to typify the phase of national endeavour which he repre- sented." This is a question Dr. Lynch, the Nationalist member, will put to the Prime Minister at the House of Commons next Wednesday. There is time for all comrades to show their appreciation by writing to at least one Labour Member of Parliament* urging him to put a supplementary; question, as well as sending a letter of appreciation to Dr. Lynch. >

Mr. Whitley & His Report I CONSIDERATION OF A KUDDERSFIELD ADDRESS. IS IT UTOPIAN? I Mr. J. H. Whitley, lVLP;, the Chairman of the recent Commission on Industrial Unrest, whose name is now so frequently on the lips of the thinking men in Trades Unionism, that he has developed into a rival of the more ornate officers of the Crown, was the speaker at the weekly Reorganisation meeting at Huddersfield last Saturday. Mr. Whitley very aptly chose to speak on an analysis of the now famed Report that bears his name. Unfortunately, Mr. Whit- ley, if the reports of his speech do him justice, has not elucidated in any degree the complexity of the problem upon which his Commission sat and a brief analysis of his speech leaves one in considerable doubt as to the working of the sug- gestive palliative set forth by that Commission. For instance, Mr. Whitley told his audience that it was to the building on the basis of freedom that they must look if they were to apply them- selves courageously and thoughtfully to the prob- lems of the future. A fine sentiment truly, but one that depends entirely on the individual or class interpretation of the universal freedom. If we imagine as part of his audience a classical economist and follower of Herbert Spencer, and a. Socialist, and consider their interpretations of this word we shall see how nebulous is this foun- dation. Freedom to the former means an unre- stricted freedom to compete a freedom theore- tically opposed to any and every kind of ham- pering co-operation whether of the men on the industrial plain, or the citizens exercising i-e- strictive legislation through the political ma- chine. On the other hand, the Socialist will en- tirely reverse this conception. He will read freedom as unrestricted co-operation for the elimination of competition; and he will seek to destroy competition in industry by the fullest and freest uses of the combined strength of in- dustrial and political repression, a repression ever accentuating until it culminates in the com- plete socialisation of industry and administra- tion. Now, Mr. Whitley himself rules himself out of the laissez faire school of our first example by his desire for a coalition of Labour and Capital; but still more is he divergent from the Socialist view as we shall'see. His next point is that it is essential that our industries should be in a position to turn out far more in quantity and quality than they ever did before the war. Pass- ing over the inherence of the sentence, and as- suming that Mr. (Whitley means that there should be an absolute augmented output; we find in this sentence Mr. Whitley's unsuccess- ful attempt to grasp the problem of unrest. An examination of the statistics of pre-war days exhibits the fact that production, inherent and absolute, had reached such a high stage of de- velopment by the introduction of machinery and the huge factory system that. the problem of production had ceased to exist as a concrete problem, and what was and is and will be at the base of all the unrest was the unjust and inequit- able system of distribution that was allied to the new methods of production. Industry could have supplied the whole of the world's wants easily and expeditiously, had it been profitable, but it was not, owing to the system which neces- sitated production for profit and not for utility. The rate of return on capital determined our distributive want of system, and augmented pro- duction cannot solve anything so long as a legitimate" rate of return is insisted upon. I believe that that rate of return will be higher in the future than in the past by reason of the operation of economic pressures outeoming from this war, and I cannot, therefore, see where Mr. Whitley's point would lead us. That Mr. Whit- ley does not anticipate any alteration, in the basis of the relationships of Capital and Labour he clearly demonstrates in his next sentence: If after the war, having abolished, as they hoped, warfare in Europe for the rest of human days, they turned to warfare amongst them- selves, then that was probably the end of old England." We may from this infer that Mr. Whitley wants the old system, plus an acceler- ated output, plus fairer conditions and better wages for Labour. But his three points are mutually exclusive. He seeks apparently to meet the increased costs of Labour power by an enhanced output, but the output will increase "supply," and an excess supply over deifymd will operate to bring down prices, which will still further elevate real wages, and correspond- ingly depress the real rate of return on Capital, and new Capital will refuse to be drawn unless the return is satisfactory. Capital will seek better returns in fields where Mr. WhItley has not been a factor. Mr. Whitley and the Com- mission seem to have realised slightly the trend of their proposals by their insistence that no solution to the industrial problem would be fouiid if our eyes are fixed on the cash basis alone. But it is on the cash basis that a man enters business; and that Labour bids to be al- lowed to utilise its powers of production. If this criticism is in the main true then the Whitley report is utoplian. So far as its general theory of allowing Labour a larger hand in the management of industry We cannot quarrel; though we might differ on the question of cen- tralisation or decentralisation of appointment as a detail of management, but those are details of organisation to be settled by the industries w hether the Whitley report is given a trial or not. But, as I say, this is not a cri ticism of Mr. Whitley's scheme, and his remarks upon it may stand in his own words — The Committee of which he was chairman re- commended that both employers and workmen should have really representative organisations which could speak in the name of the whole of their members. They could not, properly meet the future with-every business considering itself as if it were situated in a concrete "pill-box" shut off from everything else. It was essential that Labour should be brought into a frank co-operation with those who were leaders in industry. The underlying idea of the Whitley Report was that of industry as an in- dustry. Persons employed in industry must have not only a possibility but a surety of de- cent conditions of life, so that they might be willing and ready to apply themselves as full co-operators in the progress of industry. The report of the Commission stated with con- siderable emphasis that a solution of the indus- trial problem could not be found if they kept their eyes fixed on a cash basis alone. However much they might raise wages or improve housing conditions, they had to recognise the human fac- tor as supreme. There was in the ranks of the industrial workers an unknown and undeveloped power of contributing to the national well-being, and they would be foolish if they did not bring it to the service of the country in the fullest measure. The Committee's proposals had been met with a wonderful amount of interest and recognition in different parts of the country. At least five industries were already at, work putting the pro- posals into actual being, so that they might say thev had passed the merely theoretical stage. A.P.Y., I

j FACTS j I ABOUT I | NATIONAL j WAR BONOS I I T-L JlHE price of the Bonds is ?100 per I I i cent. There are four different I ? Series from which to choose those best 9 suited to your ? requirements—three of 9 2 them are repayaMe with a redemption 2 ? prem ium. 8 I ?5 per cent. Bonds, repayable 1st Oct., I9 B 1922, at 102 per cent. S ?5 per cent. Bonds, repayable 1st Oct., 5  1924, at 103 per cent. 2 £ 5 per cent. Bonds, repayable 1st Oct., II N 1927, at 105 per cent. tj B and | I" £ 4 per cent. Bends, repayable 1st Oct., 2I B 1927, at 100 per cent. (" Inoome Tax compounded.") 9 ?! Interest is payable on the 1st April and J IS 1st October. The first dividend pay- able 1st April, 1918, will be calculated 9 N from date of application. Bonds will 9 g be issued in denominations of £50 9 £ 100, £ 200, ?500, ?1,000 and £5,OOO j B Bonds can be to bearer or registered 8 at the Bank of England or Ireland at  your option—if registered they can be 9 I transferable by deed or transferable in 9 g the Bank transfer books as you may de- 9 Na sire. If Bonds are registered dividends 9 S will be paid to you without deduction ? w of income' tax; but if you are liable to J g income tax you must include such divi- 9 dends in your own return of income. 9 Im Bonds of this issue will be accepted 9 g (subjcet to certain provisions) by the 1 S Commissioners of Inland Revenue in • satisfaction of amounts due on account fl I at Death Duties, Excess Profits or 9 Munitions Exchequer payments. The 9 g Bonds carry the right of conversion 9 B into any future loans (except those is- | S sued abroad and short-dated securities) = I which may be issued by the Govern- B B ment for the purpose of carrying on 9 B the war. You will find full details, in- 9 cluding conversion and other rights, in 9 B the official prospectus, copies of whieh can be obtained at any Bank or Money = 9 Order Office-go at once and get a 9 9 copy and study carefully the W.'IM 99 in offered, or- ? Ask your Banker or i (Stockbroker; j j Your Local War j Savings Committee j 9 will adviae yo? in every way, I ? But Invest in National I ? War Bonds To-Day. j j ISSUED BY I I THE NATIONAL WAR SAVINGS j j COMMITTEE I- (Appointed by His Majesty's Treasury), 1 a SALISBURY SQUARE, LONDON, I B.C.4. j

Y.M.C.A. Organiser. DEFENDANT IN MERTHYR PETROL PROSECUTION. William Gordon Griffiths, organising secretary for the Y.M.C.A. £ 500 Hut Fund in the Bor- ough, and Edward Ascott, Penyard, were delen- dants in a case before the Merthyr Stipendiary (Mr. R. A. Griffiths ) on Tuesday arising from an alleged infringement of the Motor Spirit Re- striction Order, No. 2, 1917. Evidence was given to the effect that Griffiths was held up by the police at Troedyrhiw whilst being driven in Asoott's car to see the campaign ward-secretory in Treharris; similar calls being also made at Troedyrhiw, Aberfan and Merthyr Vale, and the defence was that like that of Red Cross and St. John's Ambulance Societies, Y.M.C.A. business by car would come within the exceptions allowed under the Order. Mr. F. S. Simons (for defendants) added Grif- fiths had a petrol license for his work from the Petrol Committee. The Stipendiary: Much as I sympathise with the useful work done by this organisation (Y.M.C.A.) I am unable to hold this journey eafne within the Order. I understand that the great object of this Order is to save petrol for purely military and naval purposes, and I think it would be absurd to say that the work upon which Mr. Griffiths and the other defendant' were engaged that day came within that cate- gory. Further, I think, in this district which is provided with a perfect network of railways the journey might have been easily performed by train. Each defendant was fined 10/ Mr. J. A. Wilson (chief-constable) prosecuted.

Prove Your Slanders MR. J. WINSTONE'S CHALLENGE TO M.P.'s. TO THE EDITOR. Dear Sir,-—I find that two Welsh M.P.s are still slandering the Welsh miners by charging them with receiving German gold. I think if they are in any way fair-minded they will either prove or withdraw the charges. I am prepared to pay £10 to any charitable object they Care to name if they can prove one case. I willtalso pay expenses up to £10 to en- able them to make ample investigation. It may be news to. them to know that Bolo spent his money in France on subsidising not the Pacifist, but the Jingo papers. Yours faithfully, J. WINSTON*. Pontnewynyckl, .J. WIN8TÖNB. Novem, ber 15th, 1917.