Papurau Newydd Cymru

Chwiliwch 15 miliwn o erthyglau papurau newydd Cymru

Cuddio Rhestr Erthyglau

27 erthygl ar y dudalen hon

The Question of French Neutrality.

Newyddion
Dyfynnu
Rhannu

The Question of French Neutrality. When the Frauco-Kussian alliance was completed there was a possibility that it might be of very great advantage te both parties, The prospects of a sustained peace were not so marked as to remove all solici- tude, and it seemed probable that, in the event of an European war, the two nations would be fighting on the same sido. The Powers comprised in the Triple Alliance were understood to have arranged a com- mon plan of campaign, and it was obvious that any force which might be less carefully organized would be at a great disadvantage in contending against them. Happily, such a contest as was then contemplated has been averted, and we may hope that the danger of an European conflagration, al- though by no means altogether removed, is not at present so insistent as to afford any very extreme ground for alarm. Fur- ther, the position of both parties to the Dual Alliance has undergone a very con- siderable change. Russia, hitherto sup- posed to be almost invincible, has been defeated and humiliated by an Oriental nation which she has despised, and at the present moment an alliance with her, while it certainly involves some dangers, can scarcely be said to be a thing that any y n Power would court. On the other hand, .France has found A NEW FBIEND IN BRITAIN, the great Naval Power which is an un- known quantity in war, the problem of her exact strength being one which no other nation is likely to be in a hurry to solve. 'Voltaire has told us that self-interest is the father of all crimes, but it is not likely to impel a brave and chivalrous nation like the French to desert its ally in the hour of its extremity, and we cannot be surprised if some honourable punctiliousness in this direction has induced our friends to exceed in some degree the limits of a benevolent neutrality. C) The Russian fleet were cer- tainly a long time off the coast of Madagas- car, and they do not appear to have been in any particular hurry to leave Kamranh Bay. Of course, it does not follow from the presence of a fleet near any particular territory that the Power responsi- ble for that territory has extended to it any undue hospitality; but we can readily understand the desire of France to err-if ahe must err at all-on the side of loyalty to her ally, rather than afford to that ally any reason for supposing that she regarded her misfortunes with icy coldness. Had Russia been victorious, the way of France would have been plainer, but, as it was, we can quite conceive that she was anxious not to do anything short of the permissible maximum to assist a fleet which was con- fronted by such difficulties as have rarely presented themselves to the mind of a naval commander. That is one side of the ques- tion. On the other side we find the opinion expressed—and expressed, too, by the rress of Tokio with a good deal of emphasis and feeling that sentimental considerations must not be regarded in interpreting 0 THE DUTIES OF NEUTRALS, and that it is incumbent upon France to follow the recognised rule that the neutral authority must adopt all precautions to pre- vent any favour being shown to the bellig- erent ships of one side or the other. There is, however, a much larger question than any of these, viz., that of the uncertainty which attaches to the provisions of public international law, and particularly to the incidence of maritime law. For example, it is said that every State is responsible for To* acts of infringement of neutrality by y those within its jurisdiction, but, although the question does not arise in this case, it may be asked what is to be dene if the re- sponsible State possesses no machinery for repressing the acts complained of. Again, we have seen in the eourse of the present war that international law with repect to contraband traffic is in a condition of the most perilous confusion. From time to time questions have arisen as to the right "of a belligerent Power to search vessels such as mail steamers, which are engaged partly in private traffic and partly on pub- lic service. Then, on the subject of what is or is not contraband, there seems to be no definite rules which will prevent a bel- ligerent making laws for itself. These and many other points have long been awaiting settlement, and it is to be hoped that some progress will be made in the direction of adjusting them at the Hague Conference which is to be summoned at the suggestion of the President of the United States. The whole subject of the duties of neutrals is clearly in need of attention, and until they are more distinctly defined a Power in the delicate position which France at present occupies can never be free from embarrass- ment.

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