Papurau Newydd Cymru

Chwiliwch 15 miliwn o erthyglau papurau newydd Cymru

Cuddio Rhestr Erthyglau

11 erthygl ar y dudalen hon

HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY.

Newyddion
Dyfynnu
Rhannu

HOUSE OF LORDS.—THURSDAY. The motion of Earl Fitzwilliam, for a return of all the unions in Ireland in which the board of Ruardians had been superseded and paid officers appointed, was agreed to. In answer to a question from Lord Stanley, the Marquis of Lansdowne stated that the Government intended, should the bill for opening diplomatic relations with the Court of Rome pass the second reading, to proceed with it with as little delay as possible. FRIDAY. The audit of Railway Accounts Bill was read a second time, after which their lordships adjourned.. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—THURSDAY. HEALTH OF TOWNS.—Lord Morpeth rose to move a second time for leave to bring in a bill for promoting the public health in cities and towns. He described the provi- sions of his present bill which had been drawn up by the Attorney-General in a shape which would render it little liable to objection. He intended to abide by the proposal of last year to appoint a central board of health constituted in the same manner as then appeared to be sanctioned by Parliament. It would consist of the members—of whom two would be paid, and would be presided over by some responsible member of the Government. He was aware that that proposal contained the principle of centralization, to which some gentlemen entertained so strong an objec- tion; but without some such means of applying the results of experience and of scientific control, he was of opinion that any measure of this kind would be a mere mockery. But whilst he echoed and acted on the principle of some regulated amount of state provision, he thought that the working of the measure should be committed to local bo- dies, responsible to their respective local communities. The state should evidently have the power of checking obvious abuses, but it should leave the repression of local abuses to local efforts. He therefore passed ou to the constitution of the local bodies which Government proposed to call into existence. On that point it was intended to adhere to the proposition of last year, which had been generally approved in the house and in the country. That proposition was, that these local boards should be connected with and not distinct from the town councils in places where municipal councils existed. Of that proposition the high authority of Sir n. I'eel was in favour. Two objections, however, had been urged again.t the employment of town councils for sanitary purposes. It was said, firstly, that these bodies were too numerous; and, secondly, that the difference of the muni- cipal boundary frolD that wanted for sanitary purposes would proye a perpetual source of difficulty. Now, he pro- posed to obviate the first objection by providing, that after A certain number of the inhabitants of a municipal town bad applied for the benefit of this act, and after a report had been received from the inspectors of the district on the local circumstances of the district, and on the expediency of applying the act to it, it should be lawful for the Executive Government, if it appeared fit that this act should be ap- plied to it, to define the number of persons who were to carry it into effect. He took it for granted that that num- ber would be less than the number of the town councillors; and therefore the Government proposed that parties should be selected from the town council by themselves, and that these parties should constitute the health committee. This plan he deemed moie advantageous than his plan of last year. As to the objection that the sanitary boundary would outstep and overlay the municipal boundary, he proposed to obviate it by providing that the same order in council which declared the act applicable to the outlying district, should define the nutn Jer of sanitary commissioners to serve for it, and that those commissioners should be elected by the rate- payers on the >ame principles as the guardians of the poor, and should be associated for sauitary purposes with the commissioners appointed by the town council. In places not municipal, the order in council would set forth the number of commissioners for the district, and they, too, would be elected in the same manner by the ratepayers. Government did not intend to make any exception in Eng- land and Wales to the operation of this act. Though he wished to have the same principles applied to Scotland and Ireland, be did not intend to encumber his bill with clauses, applying its provisions to those countries but if his bill should be adopted and approved in England and Wales he hoped that it would be applied for both by Scotland and Ireland. Government therefore did not professedly exclude the metropolis from the operation of this measure. But he did not wish to mislead his hearers. In the metropolis we were far advanced beyond the rest of the country by the constitution of the Commission of Sewers and of the pro- cesses which they had carried intI) effect. Government had also appointed a commission tn ilJqllire what measures it would be best to adopt for the sanitary regulation of the metropolis. That commission had already made some re- ports, and as far as they had reported Government Itad acted upon their recommendations. It would also ac £ *>n their future recommendations and he expected that in a few days he should be able to bring iu a bill to give legis- lative force to one of them. Having thus constituted the local bodies, he proceeded to enumerate the functions which they would (nve to perform. He ina !e a distinction between those functions which it would be imperative and obliga- tory on the commissioners to perform, and those which would only be permissive and discretionary. All functions relative to the public health would be imperative—other functions relative to iemulations which might be desirable in one locality and not in another, would b- only discretion- ary. He then specially enumerated the duties which it would be iiTiDerative on the local boards to discharge. They would hav to hold regular meetings for the performance of buoine-s, to ps>»int surveyors and inspectors of towns, to provide a map of their district, to make public sewers where thev did not exist, and to substitute better for defec- tive sewers, to cornpel the owners and occupiers of houses to supply house drains, to supply water for the cleansing of the affect, to appointscavpngers, to fill up offensive and unwhole- 80IDe ditches, and to provide sufficient water for draining and for public and private use..Among their permissive duties would be t) enlarg ■, over-arch, and otherwise alter, exist- ing sewers; to require new buildings to be constructed on a proper level for drainage; to alter drains, privies, &c.; to Jnake bye-laws fur the removal of filth; to require eertain furnaces to consume their own smoke; to remove slaughter- houses to alter buildings improperly built for ventilation to inspect lodging-houses of a certain description to pro- vide public grounds for recreation and amusement, and public baths and water-works. Purposes like these must be carried into elfect by a rate on the district; and he hoped that the provisions fur regulating the ratiug were as clearly and as c¡¡nei-ely drawn up as possible. They were so framed as to admit the rates to be levied only on the dis- trict specially benefited; and ill cases where large anti expensive improvements were to be made, a special proviso was introduced that the expense of them should be defrayed by small instalments spread over a number of years. He did not like to commit himself to an estimate of the ex- penses to which the ratepayers would be liable; but it hal been computed that for supplying the houses of tho poor with water, for giving them drains and privies, and for cleansing obnoxious thoroughfares, the expense wonld not be more than 4d. a week for each house. He did uot intend to include in this bill a clause for the removal of cemeteries from towns or for making cemeteries out of their walls. That "as a matter of sufficient importance to require a distinct bilL He intended, however, to propose that the Board of Health should be empowered, when any burying place appeared to it to be destructive of the health and life of the residents in its vicinity, to prohibit the use of that burying ground for interment in future. With regard to the subject of ventilation, he proposed to place it under the special supervision of the central board. These were the main provisions of the act which he had to submit to the house; but he could not conclude his task without endea- vouring to impress on the house a few of the reasons on which he thought that it was bound to adopt thiil or some otber better measure witilout delay, in its full, or it might be in improved, efficiency. He did not lay stress on the apprehended approach of the cholera, if that dreaded ma- lady ilhould arrive, it would be obligatory on us to provide means for its repression and prevention. Those means might be the appliCdtion of temporary remedies to a tem- porary evil. Government had not beeu inattentive to that subject. It had already revived in the laut session of Par- liament the Cholera Act of 1832, and all the means were already provided for appointing local boards under it in case the cholera approached. The house, however, was not then called upon to meet a formidable and extraordinary malady, but to meet the abiding nuisance of the country, the annual mist of epidemic doubling in our towns the (laughter of the bloodiest field of battle. He did not intend to rely on statistics entirely; they might be exaggerated or formed on inaccurate data. He would therefore discard the higher computations, and adopt the most reduced scale of disease and mortality which had been placed before the pnbic; and if it were true that in England and Wales there were 30,000 lives which we could annually save, an A 47,000,000 or £8,000,000 of money which we could annu- ally spare from our expenditure on the poor, and if we did not save the one and spare the other, our folly would only be less than our crime. He then took a rapid survey of the disease and mortality which prevailed in the various large towns of this country, and which, he contended, were attri- butable to causes which we could remove; and having illus- trated this part of his subject with a vast variety of local information and knowledge, he concluded by asking, whe- ther those towns which provided England and the world with iron, manufactures of every kind—those vast hives of industry, the soufces.of such comfort and civiliza- tion to mankind—ought to have their homes the seat of filth, disease, and degradation of the worst kind, and to be encircled with such deadly and demoralizing inftuencu? Be, therefore, asked for the labour of Great Britain and its various agents all the appliances which the advancing knowledge of the house could give. He did not ask the house to stifle British energy with over interference, but he did ask it to make its imperial skill and science available to point out to the clear heads and dexterous hands of our operatives the true and proper path of health in which they ought to walk, and from which they ought never to be allowed again to stray. Leave was given to bring in the bill. It was subsequently brought in and read a first time. TRADE WITH CHINA.—Mr. Card WELL moved for some consular returns connected with China, not so much with a view to their production as for the purpose of bringing under the notice of the house the report of the select com- mittee appointed in the year 18-17 to take into consideration the present state of our commercial relations with that coun- try. Everybody knew what extravagant expectations were entertained throughout the kingdom at the first opening of our commercial intercourse with China. From the brilliancy of our prospects at that time it was expected that by this time our exports to that country would have much exceeded XJ,400,000. Though we had not been gratified in that jespect, it was still consolatory to reflect that in the trade recently opened with China, by far the greater portion of jt had fallen to our share, and we, therefore, ought to do our best to encourage and support it. It had not, however, been carried on at a benefit to England; on the contrary, it had been carried on at a loss of 30 or 40 per cent. This had gone on for the last three or four years, but it could not go on much longer, for the trade would recede till it again rose up to a remunerating rate. Why bad we hitherto found the trade to China unprofitable ? Let them consider what tha returns were which we received from China. They were of three kinds, silver—of which £2,000,000 had been drained from China for some years past; silk—of which the export was gradually increasing; and tea. Now, it was impossible to conjecture how long China could sustain the drain of the precious metals but as the export of tea; could not be increased on the present system of the tea duties, a constant reduction of our trade must inevitably take place. It was, however, beyond calculation how far they would and could buy our cottons if we were to lower the tea duties. The house was not unprepared for the dis- covery of the committee, that the rate of the duty on tea )¡ ad been and was the cause of the retardation of the expor- tation of tea to Great Britain. It was in all cases 200 per ant. on the price of the article, and in some cases it was jea 1,000 per cent. Now, the Auericaoi were PUT ebief rivals in the Chinese markets and had nd upon tea. How, then, could we continue to compete witti tnSrti in the Chinese market in that branch of manufactured Iri, which they were our rivals ? One serious obstacle to the reduction of the duties on tea was that a revenue of £5,100,000 was derived from them. Yet, though this amount of revenue could not be relied on with the existing duties, it was so important an element in the income of the country, that in the present circumstances, it could not be entirely abolished. He entered into several statistical details to show, that if the duty were reduced from 2s. 3d. to Is. the probability was, that in the course of the next year the revenue, from the increased consumption of tea would amount to £3,500,000, if not to £ 3,900,000. There was but one limit to our trade with China, and that was the amount to which we took the exports of China; and-the limit to that amount depended upon our duties. The Chaucellor of the Exchequer observed, that on the opening of the trade with China the merchants increased their exports to that country to an enormous extent, and found it in consequence a losing concern. The fact was, that the markets of China became glutted with the quantity of goods imported from England, and that circumstance produced a depression of trade which in course of time would cure itself. He had no doubt that if we could afTord to reduce the duty on teas the revenue derived from that source would be made up again in the course of a few years. He had likewise no doubt that the quantity of goods which we sent to Chiuamust depend on the exports received from China; that an increase of those exports would be a great benefit to the English producer; and that in the long run the revenue would be benefitted by the advantage of the trade thus created. But he could not conceal from himself and the house, that if he gave up the duty on tea at present he must look for additional taxation in another quarter. The committee had rightly said that this was a matter uot to be lightly dealt with; for the revenue derived from it was near £ 5,000,000. Nevertheless, they recommended a reduction of the duty to Is., which would cause a diminution of £ 2,000,000 in the revenue. If he were to take off either the tea duties, or. as some gentlemen had that evening suggested, the window-tax, the country must submit to an additional income or property-tax, and he did not know how far that might be relished. Lord George Bentinck could not, when we were losing jE4,000,000 a year under the free-trade system, consent to take otf £ 1,500,000 of tea duties nor could he give his consent to the doctrine, that the best mode of diminishing a deficiency was to take off the burdens which pressed on the springs of industry. After a short reply from Mr. Cardwell the motion was granted. FRIDAY. JEWISH DISABILITIES BILL.—The adjourned debate on the second reading of this bill was resumed by Mr. C. Pear- son, who supported the measure on the broad principle of Civil and Religious Liberty. A tedious debate ensued, for an outline of which we have no room, and can, therefore, only give a brief summary of the speech of Sir Robert Peel, who voted for the proposition of Lord J. Russell. No part of his resolution was founded on his belief that religion had nothing to do with Government. He was impressed with the solemn conviction that the precepts and spirit of Christianity should influence our legislation, and that if our legislation were at variance with them we could not expect a blessing upon it. The conclu- sion to which he had come had been less influenced by political expediency than by religious obligation. There was between the tenets of Jew and the Christian a marked distinctioc-and no concurrence as to the historical accu- racy and divine character of the Old Testament could reconcile that discordance. If he had a mission to punish religious error, it would be his duty to punish t ie Jew; but he had no such mission. If the Jews had committed an inexpiable error 2,000 years ago, even if he could prove the descent of existing Jews from those who then offended, he had no commission to punish the children for the >ins of the father, not merely to the third and fourth, but also to the 300th and 400th g.meration. Vengeance is mine," saith the Lord, "and I will repay." Having then no such mission, he proceeded to argue that for religious error the house had no right to inflict any penalty. Now civil disa- bilities partook of the nature of a penalty. He admitted that if you could show that the religious error of the Jew made him unworthy of civil privileges, you had a right to disqualify him; but the assumption of unworthiness you must prove, and the onus of rejecting the claim of the Jew as a British subject to all the privileges of British subjects rested on those who rejected it. His claim was not answered by an) partial concessions; on the contrary, the responsi- bility of withholding the remainder from him was still the same, if, indeed, it were not considerably aggravated. The British Jew was a natural born subject, and, therefore, having a clear inchoate right, to every distinction, civil and political, attainable by any other British subject, because he believed it to be in conformity with the enlightened spirit of the British Constitution-because he rejoiced in the opportunity of making reparation for the great injuries which we had inflicted, because the Jews had fairly earned the indulgence which we were about to give them by their forbearance, fidelity. and loyalty under heavy wrongs, and, above all, because he was not indifferent to religion but proud of belonging to a Christian people and a Christian legislature, he would perform an act which was in strict conformity with the spirit and injunctions of the Christian religion. He concluded amid ioud and long continued cheering by giving his cordial support to the bill. The house divided, when the numbers were— For the second reading. 277 Againstit. 204 Majority in its favour.. 73 The house then adjourned.

[No title]

THE VICE-CHANCELLOR, SIR J.…

To the Editor of the Cardiff…

ITO ORDOVICIS.

[No title]

Advertising

FRIDAY'S LONDON GAZETTE —…

LONDON MARKETS.

[No title]

THE METAL TRADE.