The North Wales Express

CATTLE. to-day""11fol"0 beasts in to -day's market,, ii-ic-li-idin- 350 foreign, at from 4a 6d to 5s 10d 2,320 sheen, at from 5s 6d to 7,s 2d 60 calves, froni 5s to Gs ')d 10 pigs, from 3s Gd to 4s 6d per eight pounds; 60 English milch cow", from to per head.

BUTTER. A 3 £ ms;w&. s- tots, 14?: of firkins in market, 242. Number

POTATOES. aad°?S SYowdat'Th?°f0odl]oSUpPlieS -at market' regents, 160s to loo, Pnces:-Kent rocks, 80s to 128s French 'snft^Vi 2°^t0 200s '> to 90s per ton. Eor?S' Dutch> 60s reds, 4s to 6s per bag. ° dneys' 03 to 5s 6d;

DEAD MEAT. trade moderately Active a^a^out1^ °U °ffer' and Beef, 2s 8dto 5s 'M- Tnjl' 0proviou* rates. veal, 5s to 5s 8d; larVnSk + o'1 to 6s0d: ditto, 4s 0d to 4s 4d per stone? 6d; smaU

COAL. coals at ^market" to dav ^wl"^ ° of house last quotations n™ "■ ryac^ly taken off at 17s; Hettons, Tees 16s 'iri V+1 ^f^epool, Caradoc, 17s Od Vanes Lvou's ?^' l8s; Kel1 South Hartlepool Hartlepool 17s^S p • jt^ylam, 16s; Bebside — £ ?»•; IS, ^5 5^' 16S' Sh^U

PROVISIONS. rai^inquirv' "Beef stfady,with a mode- uiquiry. fork unchanged in value R™n tioS" Hamsm firVC the'rcd'lc«l quota- Choic'e Qualities f1 v!1 i" Shoulders quiet, onaiifir i of cheese firmly held Where &t&Lflwtt»d con<li'ion good'tou prioes 010 LONDON, Monday,-Butter market dull except for Kiel and Danish, the former being quoted up 156s to lee. for choice qualities, and the letter 15ös to ICO. i riesland lower at 134sto 128 Normandy TV :n moderaw business in best descriptions of Irish and Americam. Bacon slow trade, and prices tending lower. Hams very dull. Lard inactive. Cheese: American unchanged.

DISXiijLOX J&AJfcCKETS. CARNARVON, SATURDAY. 7^he^ll0Wil^s is alist of to-day's prices • TWf 7dto 9d Per lb; mutton, 9d to lOd v^f' J°4; Pork> 8d to 9d; bacon, 7d to 9d Pi to 9d per lb. Fresh buttpr on i + ^eesei 7d pot ditto, 14d. Fowls Sead^ t \22d Per lb 5 oatmeal, 36s Od to 37s 0d per 240 lbs d;

DENBIGH, Wednesday. Io^e^vVheat°Tf'atn r+dlfcS Were as Eo1" ley, n8 0dt> It o'l < Per llobbet; bar- Wte,, 18d to 21 rf i 1 °ifd' !L0dto 83 0d" Fresh 21d Ptv lb d"'tto pot, 14d to 16d.

BANvtOR, Friday.- barley, 29s^0d't0 46s 0d Per quarter P^eal, 35s ot\ t 21s to 23s; oat- to4s0perewt. prJ^Pk"f lb'. Pot;,t°es, 3s 6d Beef, 9d to ll^ j bll«-ter, 1G1 to 18d per lb. 7d to 8d; bacon 7h t \,1Jlu^on) lOd to lid veal, lid to 12d. °-d; best home-curedhams,

CONWAY, S\tuhday Wheat, 15s Od to 16, n, f 10s Od to 12s 6d per hohw P°r lol,bet! barley, per hobbet; beans, 15s Oh 1 °^S' 8s 0d t0 8s Cd oatmeal, 36s Od to 38s 0d per°24inbs h°bbt!t;

Th OSWESTRY, WELES,1 The following were the quotations: ^eat, 7s 9d; oats 3s 6d to 4s fid h > 6-s to per lb eggs 7 to i w ? J -,vUtter' ls 6d to Is 8d *3 6d per couple dnol-> r n!i"" 3s 6d to Seese, 4s Odto 9s' Od eaoh ,to 6s 6(i per couple Od each • ua < ach turkeys Gs 1(Vi LLA^0^' C0 Ibs t012 Ibs

Who« W1MEM!. '»32s0ij'; oat, 00..tl 0 Per T1* barley, 29i cwt4stdper 24olbs. p°t2iS 0d;,oatmeal, 33s Od 0S 0d + resh butter *20rl t ^0^' 1)8 ^d to Per to iodto 0s od. Sf 'S 0 per lb; p;,t ditt°, 12d per 7val> °d to 0d 1 Per lb' mutton- 9d Udperib> wod, home-curedhams, lid to

Very few farm ^HT!iisday. ♦AU sorts of su^^nded the market to-day. »io»

Th, T. White wheat, lfsto ios .[^ot ^ere as follows; — 10s Od per bushel of 75 Per measure red do 120 lbs. Fresh butter, l9d 1 fpotatoes, 5s 6d per 12d to 13d. Beef, 9d to l0(i pl°d Per lb pot do., to lid; veal, 7d to 8d. FoiJ r0lb' mutton, 9d Couple. oS "d to 4s 6d per

Jle death of :\Iichael <f removed from the If the South Dublin last, VIaLs conclu locl uary 11th. The jury ;d by consumptJon, and 33T3a?tp snoiSBiuoo tuoxjJ1' as a deck passenger to ^00 gmpupm 'e5 -November.' T3 paux; 'ABpUOlt uo

MR BRIGHT ATBIRMINGHAM On Saturday last Mr John Rright, Mr Muntz, and Mr Chamberlain were present at a meeting of the Birmingham Liberal Association, held in the Town Hall, over which the Mayor presided. After a short address from the Chairman, and a resolu- tion of thanks to the three members for the ability and zeal in serving their constituents, and adopt- ing a vote of confidence, Mr Bright, who was received with loud and long continued cheering, said—Mr Mayor and gentle- men, this meeting, as you know, has been called some days earlier than was some time ago intended, and you know al-o that Parliament has been sum- moned about three weeks before the usual time. It is because Parliament has been summoned o early that this meeting has been called so early (hear, hear). In ordinary times the summoning of Parliament creates considerable interest in the country, but, on the whole, I think it is an interest of rather a pleas arable, kind (hear, hear). On this occasion, however, the. announcement that Parliament was to meet on the 17th of January had the effect of creating great anxiety—in some cases I have heard it described as consternation and in all the centres of trade it has caused a certain depression, which has been sensibly felt (hear, hear). I am driven to the conclusion to which, I think, a large portion of people have arrived—that the cause of all this is not the fear of Parliament, but a want of confidence in the administration (hear, hear, and cheers). We have been passing through something like a crisis, and we have had no decisive voice from the Government (hear, hear). In point of fact, if one body of men has said that the Government has spoken in a particular way, the next body that you met would tell you that the Government intended something entirely different (cheers). Of one thing, however, we may be quite sure, and that is that the question which fills the mind of the people at this hour, and which has filled it for a long time back, is the great and solemn question of peace or war—(hear, hear) —and I doubt whether it be possible to submit to any people a greater question than that (hear, hear). There are many in thfs hall who remember the period, about twenty-three years ago, when the same question was submitted to the people. In 1854 the same question was put to the nation which the nation at this moment is considering, and that is whether peace or war is the true policy and the true interest of the people (hear, hear). At that time the conclusion to which the people came was a conclusion in favour of war. They followed a Government that, unwisely as I thought then, and as most people think now—(cheers)—drew them into war. I read a short time ago, in a very influ- ential newspaper, which had supported the war of 1854, that it was a pity to go back at all to that question-that circumstances had entirely changed, and that men who were in favour of that war might very justly and properly be against a repetition of it now. For my part, I believe the arguments at this moment for war are as strong as they were in 1854—(hear, hear)-and, in point of fact, as I believed that the war then had no just argument in its support, so I think now that there is no sound argument that can be. brought forward to induce this people to countenance any entrance into the existing conflict (applause). As to not going back, nothing is more common, and nothing is more wise, than to look back to our past hours. How does a man become wiser as he grows older, but by look- ing back upon the past, and by learning by the mistakes that he has made in his earlier years? (applause). And that which is true of an indivi dual must surely be true of a nation in regard to its foreign policy. At that time the public mind was filled with falsehoods, and it was in a state which one might describe by saying that it became almost drunk with passion (applause). With regard to Russia, many of you recollect what was said of her °l her designs, of the despotism which ruled in Russia, of the danger which hung over all trfr of Europe. And the error was not cotta-e to alF?' Ur Xt 8Pread from the smrXw S,' 68 ab?ve'andit did not even thW lt wM V the PTCd^ts of the England nllv K tv ^Sy of the Church of worth while to utter an ar^SentorT' 8cnf cJf a fact against it. Well we Tvul to briJig forth years and we know what was iS result"^ something of it. We know +w fc~~we know of Sebasto'nol wn o i naval arsenal the RusStTfw a e*tmt desfcl'°yed, that uit, nusbian fleet was sunk m the harbour of S^ins- n^otiated6 ^he'V^ th° treaty came to be negotiated—the treaty of peace of 1856—Russia was forced to consent to a limitation of her fleet*in the Black Sea, m order that she might never in of TurteT" Zet HVat 00uld men,,c« the 01 lurKcy. Now, there was a certain co^t tint we paid for these things. Some people considS that cost when they are going into a war, or when ,i^ar0 T 18 not of muc!l consequence. I take a different view I think the loss of 40,000 men in the prime of life, with their full powers 40 000 men killed in battle, dying from wounds dvino- from horrible maladies, in horrible hospitals—I think that something and I think that the pav- mentof £ 100,000,000 sterling—and that war cost us far more—is a serious thing to a country where there are so many poor people—(hear, hear)—and so many millions who live only to-day on the pro- duce of yesterday (applause). But, then, the loss which we suffered was a very small loss compared to the whole loss. I saw the other day a note in a work to which I will refer by and by, which said that 90,000 Russians wer3 buried on the north side of the city of Sebastopol during the siege, and it was stated in the House of Lords, I think by Lord Lansdowne, during the war, that up to the time of the death of the Emperor of Russia, the Emperor Nicholas, 240,000 Russians had died or been killed. It is stated upon good authority that the whole loss in men to the Russians during that two years' war was not less than half a million and then, if I add our loss, and the French loss, and the Turkish loss, and the Sardinian loss, Mr Ivinglnke reckons that the whole loss of the two years of that war was a little over, not less than, one million of human lives. Now, it cannot be wrong and it cannot be unwise that we should look back and see what that war cost and what it gained. Well, the result of it was that Russia for the time, and in that parti- cular part of her empire in the Crimea, was van- quished, and a treaty of peace was agreed to ht Paris in the year 1856. Now, I want to show you just for a moment how mistaken were some of the opinions that were expressed at that time. I will only give you two little extracts. In February of 1854 the Times newspaper, which may be taken to be a great representation—a fair representation— of a vast amount of opinion in this country—the Times stated that to destroy Sebastopol was nothing less than to demolish the entire fabric of Rftssian ambition in those very regions where it was danger- ous to Europe, and this would only have promoted the solid and durable obj ects of the war. Now, Sebastopol was destroyed, and the Russian fleet then existing was sunk, and Russia was so crippled for the future that she could never have a fleet, and could be of no menace or danger to Turkey. Well, the Times was not the only authority who made a statement of that kind. There was a book pub- lished lately, to which I will for a moment refer- the third volume of "The Life of the Prince Consort." This is a book which I have read with intense interest—many parts of it with a painful interest. It is a book which gives you an exalted and a true picture of the gentleness and nobleness of character of the late Prince Consort (applause). It is a book to which, no doubt, her Majesty the Queen has contributed the main portion of the facts, and in the contents of the work she has built up a monument, which probably will last as long as our language, to the greatness and noble- ness of the prince. I doubt not it will last longer Probably than any of those monuments of bronze or marble by which it has been sought to comrac- w^te his name and his character (applause). VV ell, in tins book there were opinions, I have said, of painful interest. I have seen criticisms upon it which go the whole length of saying that they think the book had better not have been published now, as it is calculated to excite unfriendly feelings towards Russia. I have learned rather a different lesson from it (applause). I think it is impossible for anybody of intelligent and impartial judgment to read the book through without coming to the conclusion that the occurrence of that war was an enormous blot on our times, and that we were bound now by regard to our country utterly to condemn it. Now, the Prince himself-I will give you an extract, just one paragraph, from one of his letters, or rather from a memorandum I think that was submitted to the Government in 1851. He was referring to certain expectations held out to the House of Commons by Lord John Russell as to what the war should result in, and he said-" I find that the impossibility of allowing Russia to retain her threatening armaments in the Crimea was one of th e most prominent of the expectations offered to'the House by Lord John Russell, and the one which gave most satisfaction to the House. Now that vast treasures and the best English blood have been profusely expended towards obtaining that object, the nation has a right to expect that any peace contemplated by Government should fully and completely realise it." Well, he admits afterwards, during the negotiations, that the peace was not such a peace as they would have wished to have, but it was a peace much better than continu- ing a war with the complication there was in Europe. But, now, what happened after you destroyed Sebastopol and sunk the Russian fleet, or caused it to be sunk, and limited their fleet ill future, in the rear 1856, by the Treaty of Paris? If you will just step over fifteen years -to the year 1871—you will* find that the main article of the treaty, the limitation of the Russian fleet in the Black Sea-the article to which the Russians, I suppose, were more opposed than to any other in the treaty, because they considered it to be more humiliating—that article was surrendered by our Government and the other Governments in Europe, I will not say actually without remonstrance, though I think I may almost say so, but without any serious remonstrance, and without anything like a blow, so that everything has failed. You destroyed lives, you spent money, you disturbed Europe, and the end ot it was that nothing what- soever was gained, because fifteen years afterwards everything was relinquished for which the war had been waged, or nearly euerything. Thus the fleet is no longer limited in the Black Sea Turkey, for which you made war, is not only not safe, but is in much greater danger than she ever was in before and it is obvious, from what we have seen, that, in comparison with Turkey, Russia is just as power- ful as if the war in 1854 had never taken place, and at that time we had, you recollect, a great ally in the Emperor of the French. Now, I should like to tell you what sort of an ally he was; fortunately we have not an ally of that kind now (laughter). France never was in favour of the war. The Emperor went into war, not because he cared about Turkey or Russia, but because he wanted to associate himself with respectable old monarchial institutions-(laughter)-with a respectable old monarchially-governed country—and lie thought something that had taken place in his career might be forgotten, and that he would come out able to enter the.very highest society of the sovereigns of Europe. Now, what' the Prince says about this. Writing to his uncle Leopold, the late King of the Belgians, in December, 1855, he says—"I really believe there is not a single soul in France who ever gave himself the smallest concern about the maintenance of the Turkish empire" (laughter). And he says further, in the year 185G. in February —"We know that England is hated all over the continent; that even in France it is the Emperor, and the Emperor alone, who is with us body and soul." And he says our position in the conference -the conference preceding the treaty of peace- will be one. of extreme difficulty, for, except the Emperor Napoleon, we have no one on our side. Therefore, white we were fighting the despotism of the Emperor Nicholas we had as our principal ally the despotism of the Emperor Napoleon, and we had none of the sympathy of that great nation France, more than 40,000 of whose men laid down their lives in the Crimea, in alliance with us, for a cause in which they had no interest and for which their country had no sympathy. At that time Europe was not with us, and. as YfYli know, Europe is not with us now. In 1855, in May, in another note, the Prince Consort says this—"The Crimea was chosen bv France and England, forsaken by the rest of Europe, as the only vulnerable point of attack." And he says that if there had been a Germany, and a German sovereign in Berlin, this calamity of the war would never have happened. There is now a Germany, and there is a German Emperor in Berlin—(applause)—and yet the war has not been prevented. Tou will see, therefore, from this slight sketch, that there is nothing but failure, nothing but disappointment in this page of the history of our country; and I want to ask all those of my countrymen who may condescend to read what I sav-I want to ask them whether they are willing to read such another page in our history as—what shall I say i shockingly terrible and bloody, and as surely fruitless ("No"). Now, Germany is not with us, Austria is not with us, Italy is not with us, France is nob with us—we are alone. AVe only are constantly meddling or saying something, which is supposed to be a bless- ing to the Turk, and which it is hoped—some people say it is hope—will be unpleasant to the Emperor of Russia. Now, I ask you why it is ? Consider for a moment why it is that we are in this position, so different from the other nations of Europe. What interest have we in the East which the other nations of Europe have noV We have only one point of interest in a greater degree, and that is the constant maintenance of the passage of the Suez Canal. We have vast dependencies in India, and, therefore, in regard to a military passage, and also in regard to trade-we, I suppose, furnish three-fourths of all the shipping which passes through the canal—we have greater interests inthe canal than any other country in Europe has. That, of course, I admit; and what a strange history is that canal! It is enough to teach us that we ought to examine carefully the declarations of great statesmen and prime ministers—(hear, hear, and applause)—before we adopt a policy which they recommend to us (cheers). We recollect hearing Lord Palmer-ton denounce that canal-he con- demned it as a thing not only of no advantage but rather to be disliked by England, and he did not believe, if it ever was made, that it could be kept open, and he quoted, I think, the opinion of a very distinguished railway engineer with the view of strengthening his argument, and we know that the consequence of that was that the canal was made entirely by French money, through the agency of M. De Lesseps, who is a very eminent Frenchman, and I am not sure whether a single share of that company was held originally, or has been held from the beginning, by any native in this country (hear, hear). But I maintain that all Europe is interested in the canal, and all Europe would protest against any povvp—be it the Khedive of Egypt or the Sultan of Turkey, or, perhaps, what is most un- likely of all, the Czar of Russia—who should attempt for one moment to take any steps for the purpose of preventing the free passage of the canal (hear, hear). It is, I believe, well known that all the powers of Europe would be willing to combine with us and with the French company, and with France, for the purpose of declaring the canal not only a great national, not only a great European, but a great world's work— (ehccrs)--anel that under no conceivable circumstances should any power, or combination of powers, be permitted to interfere with it (renewed cheers). M. De Lessees the great French promoter of the canal, has over and over again made suggestions of this kind. They have been made to our Government, and I think it a great misfortune, and have always thought .-o, that the plan was not adopted, and' the canal put in a condition of safety. I think it is in a condi- tion of safety, but I mean of safety so clear asd distinct and unquestionable that no one can ever make it the political object which some have sought to make it of late (cheers). Now, why is it°we can't do this ? Why is it that at this moment we talk about the canal in connection with Russia ? Why is it that Mr Cross in the House of Commons, among the interests he specified as those which England must maintain, specified the interest we have in the canal ? We have heard of one very eminent person, a colleague of his, who said to me, speaking of the canal, I think that the question is whether the canal is in more danger from the Turk than it is from the Russian" (hear, hear, and laughter). All this arises from an ignorant and, in some quarters, a malignant jealousy of Russia- (hear, hear)-and this ignorant jealousy has ex- isted in this country, "not of late years grown," but grown until of late years, for forty years past. I was reading the other daya bookto me of singular interest—"The Memoirs and Correspondence of the Late Charles Sumner," senator for Massa- chusetts, in the United States. Charles Sumner was a personal friend of mine, and he corresponded with me for many years. In looking over his memoirs I came on what I thought a remarkable passage, which you will permit me to read. It is in one of his letters from England in 1839. It just previous to the time there had been so much excitement in this country about Russia and some people had really as nearly approached to a condi- tion fit for "Bedlam" that they believed the Russians were likely to come through the Baltic, and to invade the east costs of England—and they persuaded the Government of that day, always too ready to be persuaded on thingE of that kind—to add 5000 men to the navv. in order that the .panic might be put an end to-like putting a plaister on a sore. When people get into a panic of this kind they vote two millions or five millions or 5000 men to the navy, or 10,000 men to the army. and then people go to their beds and sleep quietly—(laughter) -and the next morning they h ave the tax gatherer, and they pay. Well, now, at that time there was living in England a very eminent man, the late Lord Durham, who was a member of the Reform Cabinet. He was one of those members of the committee of that Cabinet who drew up the first Reform Bill. He was a man of very liberal views at that time, and wished the Cabinet of Lord Grey not to give us a £ 10 franchise but a household franchise, and to accompany it with the ballot. I tell you what sort of amanhewns. but he had been minister at the court of the Czar at St. Petersburg, and Mr Sumner says this of him, "I ventured to ask him what truth there was in the present reports with regard to the hostile intentions of Russia towards England." "Not a word of truth." said he; "I'll give you leave to call me idiot if there is a word of truth." He also said that Russia was full of friendly regard for England, and he pro- nounced Urquhart—the late Mr Urquhart died during the last autumn somewhere in the south of France-he pronounced Urquhart, who was then going about the kingdom preaching against Russia, a madman. Well, I have known Mr Urquhart in the House of Commons. I would not like to say a word against him now that he is not hear to answer for himself—(hear, hear)—but this I may say with- out wrong, that he was a man so possessed of cer- tain notions that it was scarcely possible to believe him in a condition for fairly reasoning upon them. He believed that the Czar Nicholas managed the whole world by his diplomacy; he believed that Lord Palmerston was bribed by the Russian Govern- ment to sell the liberties of Europe, and the interests of this country to Russia; he believed, and I have heard him say it in the most positive manner, that the war in the Crimea was undertaken not to save Turkey, but to place Turkey in the hands of Rus da, and that if we would leave Turkey alone, and leave her to fight Russia alone, Turkey was perfectly safe, and that Russia would be easily and finally vanquished. Now, these were the views of Mr Urquhart, which I believe he held per- fectly honestly, for he devoted years of his life to preaching them, and Lord Durham stated that Air Urquhart, in preaching these views, was quite like a madman, and was utterly ignorant of the true state of things in Russia. Now, no nation, I believe, has been, in its position, more friendly to this nation than Russia. There is no nation on the continent of Europe that is less able to do any harm to England—(hear, hear)-and there is no nation on the continent of Europe to whom we are less able to do darm than we are to Russia. We are so separated that it seems 'impossible that the two nations, by thp use of reason or common sense at all, could possibly be brought into conflict. We have India, and men tell you that India is in jeopardy from Russia. Well, I recollect a speech made last session by Mr Laing, who had been out in India as financial minister there, that was con elusive upon the point, but there is one thing that Russia can do in India, and that may be trouble- some to us, not in the way of war or of conquest, but in the way of certain irritation and trouble. You persuade the people of India by the writings of the press and the speeches of public men in this country that we run great hazard from the advance of Russia. If you have enemies in India, of course you feed their enmity by this language, and you make them (hear, hear). If they wish to escape from the Government of England, you make them turn naturally and inevitably to Russia as the powcrthat can help them (hear, hear, and applause). The history of this country with regard to Russia in connection with India i=; of unbroken amity, and I am sure that that unbroken amity might be secured if we could get rid of the miserable jealousy that affects us (applause). I thought. sometime ago that we were approaching, and I trust still we are approaching a better time. The present Emperor of Russia is not the one with whom we made the war. He is a man not given to military display. He is a man whose reign before this war was signalised chiefly by a good act—the liberation of 20,000,000 of his people. He at least was willing to forget the unfortunate past: he consented that his only daughter, the loved child of his heart, should marry a son of the English Queen—(applause)—and I thought then That, now, is a great sign of a permanent reconciliation, and a very blessed promise of a pro- longed peace and although that has not borne in this political respect all the fruit one could have wished for, still I am delighted to believe that there is a very great change growing, and a change for the better, and a change, which, I believe will be accelerated by what will take place when this unfortunate war comes to an end. There are still the traditions of the Foreign Office. I once ex- pressed—with ver.' great irreverence of such an aged institution — (laughter)—a wish that the Foreign Office might some day be burned down- (laughter)-and corrected myself that if it should happen to be burned down, that I hoped all its mad, and foolish, and wicked traditions would be burned .with it (laughter). But those traditions still linger in the Foreign Office, and Lord Derby, to whom they are foreign—(laughter and cheers)—■ Lord Derby himself, endeavouring to fill that emi- nent office, I believe with a true intention to serve his country and to do right—(applause)—Lord Derby has been made the victim of the traditions he finds in the office which he has filled for the last four or five years (No, no, and applause). I sav the heart of the nation is greatly changed. I met at a dinner at a friend's house in Manchester, only the night before last—or rather in Salford, the night before last—an old friend of mine, who came up to me and said, "Do you recollect me twenty- three or twenty-four years ago? I wa'ked down Market-street with you when you came out of the town hall, where you had been hissed and hooted and maltreated, where you were not allowed to speak to the constituency you were endeavouring to serve, and where you were not allowed to pass down the street without gross insult. Well, now, a man might have no opinion in favour of peace' and the dogs of war will scarcely bark at him- (loud and prolonged cheers, which were several times renewed)—but we cannot disguise from our- selves the fact that there is something of a war party in this country—(hear, hear)—and that it has full access and free access to some, and, indeed, to not a few—of the newspapers of the London press (hisses and cries of "turn him out," "order, order," and applause). Now, if there is any man here who thinks the question doubtful as to our policy, if there is any man in the country who shall read what I say now, and who has any doubt, I ask him to look back to the policy of twenty-three years ago, and see how it was then tried, and how it succeeded, or how it failed. The arguments were the same then exactly as they are now, the false- hoods were the same( -hear, hear)—the screechings and howlings of a portion of the press were just about the same (applause). But the nation now— if nations learn nothing, how long could they be sustained ?—the nation now has learnt something, and it has arisen above this, because I am per- suaded that, although there may be a great differ- ence of opinion as to Russian policy in the main, or Turkish policy in this war, and men may pity especially the sufferings on one side or on the other -for my part'I pity the sufferings on both sides- (hear, hear)—but, whatever may be our differences of opinion, I think this is conclusively proved- that the vast bulk of the opinion that is influential in this country on this question leads to this, that the nation is for a strict and rigid neutrality throughout this war (applause). It is a painful and terrible thing to think how easy it is to stir up a nation to war. Take up any decent history of this country, from the time of William III. until now—over two centuries, or nearly so—and you will find that the wars were always stirred up by a class of arguments which, after the war was over, the people found were arguments they should not have listened to. It is just so now; but, unfortun- ately, there remains the disposition to be excited on this que -tion. Some poet has said— Helitjion, freedom, vengeance—what you will, A word's enough to raise mankind to kill; Some cunning phrase by faction caught and spread, That guilt may reign, and wolves and worms be fed. Some cunning phrase by faction caught and spread," like the cunning phrase of the balance of power"—(hear, hear)—which has been as a ghastly phantom'' which the Government of this country has been pursuing for two centuries, and z, has never overtaken—(laughter)—some cunning phrase like that we have heard of "British in- terests (hisses and cheers). Lord Derby said the wisest thing that has been uttered by any member of this administration during the discussion of this war when he said that the greatest of British interests is peace—(applause)—and a hundred, and far more than a hundred, public meetings have saM the same-(renewed applause)—and in millions of households men and women have thought the same. To-night we shall say "Amen!" to this wise declaiation (loud applause). I am delighted to see this grand meeting in this noble hall. This build- ing is consecrated to peace and freedom (loud applause). You are, in your thousands, represent- ing the countless multitudes outsides. May we not to-night join our voices in this resolution that so far as we are concerned, the sanguinary record of the history of our country shall be closed, and that we will open a new page, on which shall be in- scribed the blessed message of mercy and peace ? —Mr Bright resumed his seat amidst loud ap- plause. Mr Muntz then spoke, and, in reference to the' Prisons Bill, said he considered it a step in the wrong direction. He blamed the action of the Government in regard to the Eastern Question, and said there had been a great deal of barking and snarling on its part, without daring to bite, the result of which was we had left ourselves with- out a single ally. He had, however, strong hopes that the great powers of Europe might be able to come to an amicable conclusion, and make a peace which, besides being a settlement for the moment, would not result in another war twenty years hence. Mr Chamberlain followed, and was very warmly received. He remarked that those who thought there was danger in the presence of the Russians at Constantinople were bound to suggest some alternative less monstrous than the maintenance of the integrity of the Turkish Empire. On the proposition of Mr Dale, a resolution in favour of neutrality was adopted.

The Lancet, referring to the efforts which are being made in some of the large towns to plant trees in the streets where practicable, says that the movement is highly sound and commendable, and should be encouraged in every possible manner. The hygienic value of trees in towns must, without doubt, be great. Considerable care should be exercise in the process of planting; the old soil should be removed and fresh soil brought from the country for the reception of the young trees. The Queen is having experimental, telephonic communications laid between Osborne House and the dockyards at Southampton and Portsmouth. She has directed Professor Bell to go down to Osborne to explain the details of the invention. A curious experiment was tried a week ago with the telephone. Seventeen persons joined hands in a room, the first and last each holding an end of the wires. A conversation then took place through the bodies of those seventeen gentlemen. ° Lord Beaconsfield (says the Spectator) has lighted another coloured fire to illumine India. The Gazette of Friday week contains a decree creating another Order, this time of women only. It is called the Imperial Order of the Crown of India," -by the way, is that crown made yet ? and con- fers certain insignia or decorations on certain English and native ladies. These insignia are un- described, but it is denied that they will consist of diamond nose-rings made in the 'highest Indian taste, and specially distinctive of the country. All the Princesses receive the Order; the Maharanee Dhuleep Singh, a Copt, we be]|eve, by birth seven great native ladies, chosen we do not know how, for Scindiah's wife and the wife of Holkar are both omitted, while the mother of the Guicowar is included; and eighteen English ladies, wives of past and existing Viceroys, Governors, Secretaries, and Under-Secretaries for India. The omissions even in this list are unintel- ligible, Lady Lawrence not being included; and the wives of all the Lieutenant-Governors, who are twice as powerful and independent as the Governors, are pointedly left out. No soldier's wife receives i^e distinction, and only one lady who could claim it on account of direct service to the people, the Maharanee Hai Nomoyee, who is, we believe, the Lady Burdett Coutts of Calcutta! She deserves it, but she is head of a family of Telis (oil-dealers by caste), and her name will not sweeten the gift to Indian Princesses. SPELLING REFORM MEMORIAL.-The Lord Presi- dent of the Committee of Council on Education has appointed to-day, the 18th instant, for receiv- ing the deputation on the subject of spelling reform. The object of the deputation is to ask that a royal commission be appointed to inquire into the subject of English spelling, with a view to its improvement in the intsrest of education. This request has been supported by over 130 school boards in England tiicl Waes, including the school boards for Louden. Liverpool, Birmingham, Brad- ford, Brighton, Hull, Cardiff, Swansea, &c.: by the Society of Arts, by the National Union of Elemen- tary Teachers of England and Wales, and bv a conference of philologists and friends of education held in the rooms of the Society of Aits in Mav ay last. The memorial adopted by the London and other school boards affirms that several of her Majesty's inspector of schools have attributed the poor results' obtained in primary schools, in a great measure, t) the difficulties of our present unsvs- tematic spelling; that Italy and other countries hnve long had very simple systems of spelling and H ill and and Spain have recently effected^reat reforms and in Germany the report of a confer- ence on spelling reform, convened by the Minister of Education, Dr i alk, is now under consideration It is not possible to estimate the money value of the time and enercy needlessly expended in master- ing the factitious diffieulties of English spellinrr A considerable number of words are mis-spelt through mistiken etymology, as "sovereig-n," "foreign," where the" g" is a clear blunder, with many others. About 2000 words are spelt differ- ently r y standard dictionaries. The memorial suggests that a royal commission might examine ,g the various schemes of reformed spelling proposed with a view to determine what system would secure the greatest amount of benefit with the least inconvenience. The deputation will consist of representatives of the principal school boards several members of Parliament, and some leading philologists. °

CROPS AND THE CORN TRADE. Tile Mark-Lane Express says:—" A lower temper- ature has prevailed during the past week, but very little frost has occurred, the weather having been damp, foggy, and unseasonable, to the restriction of business and the further detriment of freshly- threshed wheat. The wheat plant appears to be progressing favourably. But little progress has been made with thrashing of late. Much of tho. supply of home-grown grain has also been in poorr condition, and this has caused prices to be some what irregular. At Mark-lane there has been very- little business passing in English wheat; but irt tile provincial markets the tone has been rather. better, and a moderate amount of activity prevailed. The upward tendency of values for foreign wheat- has received a temporary check, owing to the un- usually heavy importations which has reached our shores. The market remains quiet but observant, and as the country milling demand has been pretty well satisfied, for the next few weeks it is unlikely that business will move in other than moderate limits. Prices at the moment are slightly in buyers' favour, although not quotably lower. Maize off coast has sold more freely, at 29s. 6d. to 29s. 9d. for eligible cargoes of mixed American."

Curiosities.—A fence made tr )iu a railin<* of a scolding w;fe. A plate of butter from tll;) c, eani oi a joke. The small coins in "-the change of the moon. The original brush used in paintin" the signs of the times. The hammer which broke up the meeting Buckle to fasten a laughing-stock. The animal that drew the inference. Egg from a nest of thieves. A bucket of water from"" all's Well." At a railway station two gentlemen belon«in" to the district were warming themselves fn °the waiting-room, when a son of the Emerald Isle, rather out at elbows," entered the room. One of the gentlemen, characteristically humerous, said to Pat: "I'll be after giving you my chair to warm yourself for a sixpence" "Will yon r" was the reply. "I'll be after letting you keep it for a shilling: and its meself that has much need of one just now." Josh Billings, talking of his experience in love matter says: "The golden rule iz, fill her above the brim with love of herself, what rins over she will give you. Thare iz a grate inenny rules also to make married life comfortable, but the golden oneiz this Go slow and giv each other haff of the road. This rule iz az simple and eisv az milking a cow on the right side, and will be found az use- phul az lie to avoid hot journal and dri axles." A well-regulated contemporary, in its chronicle of those interesting events, "Births," divide them into two classes, Of Sons," and of Daughters." We feel sure that if the idea were carried a step further, and under the head" Married," inform- ation was afforded the puplic whether the alliance was contrasted For Money," For Title," For Beauty," "For Position," "For Convenience," or -put it in small caps.—" FOR LOVE," the paper. must spec lily become "the observed of all observe ers." In the course of a trial a witness was askecC; whether he had not assisted at a funeral where thertS. WfS -^x° jx/ to blm'- 0n cross-examination hi* admitted that he had helped a friend in the fun era C trade, who, being anxious to impress his neighbour-* hood—a suburban one—with the ability with whicW lie could conduct funerals, and also to convey th(- idea that he had received a good order had hearse and mourning coaches, with twenty men, to leave his shop, and after an absence of some hours, returned as if from the cemetery. Dr Parr, the friend of William Hone, and an eccentric Libera], but not a bad churchmen-his times taken into consideration—was very proud of his peal of bells and his choir, and also encouraged to sing a long hymn or an anthem before the sermon, during which he used to steal into the vestry and get his pipe. When they had done the clerk informed him; and if the doctor had not finished, he would say "John, tell them to sing the last two verses over again; my people love singing and I love smoking."

The number of cerrificates in music issued by the Toiiic Sol fa College during 1877 was-elemen- trry, 6573; intermediate, 1667; members 234; and advanced, 40; besides others in composition, • conimissioners of inland revenue have iust issued an order for the immediate payment of the dog tax, which became due on the 1st instant. Last year the number licensed in Great Britain 30' and the gross revenue received £349,761 5s. The Lords of the Committee of the Privy Council have Lssved an order, subject to the approval of Parliament, to meet the difficulty complained of by the School Boards of procuring a certificate of birth of school children in accordance with the recent regulations of the Department. The order is as follows:—"The usual form of the child's school book will continue to be distributed by the Department, but in cases where the Local Autho- rity think fit to dispense with the registrar's cer- tificate of the date of a child's birth it shall be lawful for the Local Authority, on the production of such evidence as they may consider sufficient, to direct an entry to be made in the child's school book, under the hand of their clerk or other person specially deputed for the purpose, of the age of the child at the time when such entry is made." The printer of the famous Book of Mormon has been recently making some interesting revelations in the American press, from which we learn that; the book was a quarto of 580 pages, that t' > contents were subdivided into chapters brok. i into frequent paragraphs, but the verses were n r, numbered as in recent editions, and that upon z e title-page of the first edition the name of Smith appears as "author and proprietor t. r announcement being changed to "translator" n all recent editions. The "copy" which w brought to the printing office by 'Hiram Smith, was m the handwriting of Oliver Cowdery, to whom it was dedicated by Joshua Smith, and was without a punctuation mark in the whole manu- script the sentences being all written without capitals or other marks to show where one be-an and the other left off. All the copy was returned to Hiram Smith as soon as it was set up. Marshal MacMalioTt has given satisfaction to the Republicans by the firmness Vhicii he displayed in dealing with the case of General Ducrot. Having satisfied himself by protracted and minute inquiry that the General during the orisis contemplated an assault upon the existing institutions of the coun- try, he sent for him, and asked liini to resign his command Ducrot refused to do so without an inquiry into his conduct his refusal being prompted by the belief rather than compromise by this course other but less obnoxious offenders, the affair would be allowed to blow over The Mar- shal, however was not to be diverted from his purpose, and Ducrot was supeiseded on the spot. The Labour Representation League held a meet- ing in London on Saturday night, January 12tli, C all 1, and vigorously denwncfd the violent language \\Se ni V, 16 i^vof Sutherland with reference to "l y V e ilc St James' Hall meeting on Thur_dav January 10th. The Chairman observed that the Duke had forgotten the boast of his class -noblesse, oblige-for his speech had in it a want of decency and a depth of meanness which would, shame anyone in the humblest walk of life. The tmowing was the resolution passed:—"That this a uiidi declares the speech of the Duke of Suther- land on Mr Gladstone to be a gross attack v.! on our understandings, a travestio on the patent his- tory of the present time, as base in its conception as it is contrary to truth, and an unjustifiable attack on one of England's wise statemen—an attack that will surely recoil upon the head of him who uttered it." The Newport magistrates, cattle-dealer, named Butler Carriage of King for driving sheep suffering es by 308 votes along the highway. ,e to the Queen in was also agreed to. i voting. C