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The French Labour Movement. (CONTINUED.) BY W. G. COVE. Foreign observers of the French Labour Move- ment have been inclined to lay too much empha- sis upon the influence of the intellectual theor- ists in fashioning the ideals of syndicalism and in suggesting its methods of working. This over- estimate of the work of such men as Sorel, La- gardelle and Berth has caused the movement to be misunderstood, for it is only possible to ap- preciate its significance when we realise that it is essentially a working-class movement—born out of the experience of ordinary class-conscious workers. Such a movement has bona-fide cre- dentials and is entitled by its pure working-class nature to our sympathetic study. This does not necessarily mean that we shall agree with the conception of the Syndicat as the cell of the future society, or that we shall share its faith in direct action and sabotage, but it does mean that we shall try to understand it and not re- gard it merely as the movement of fanatical cranks. Syndicalism is a virulent movement- thought provoking and stimulating to all who approach it with a desire to learn. SYNDICALISM AND THE CONSCIOUS MINORITY. Although Syndicalism is essentially a produce of the working-class movement in France, it must not be supposed that it embraces all, or even the majority of workers. The mass of French working-men, like every other large mass, is inert and lethargic, and it is the con- scious minority that has been its impelling force. The active spirits are impatient and contemptu- ous of majorities, and even go so far (at least in theory) as to deny that majority rule is the best for the workers. "Experience has shown that the general will is a fiction and that majority rule really becomes the domination of a minority, when determined to obtain its demands, the syn- dicat enters into a struggle, without at first find- ing out the general will. It assumes leadership and expects to lie followed because it comprises the more sensitive and intellectually more able workingmen." Democracy means universal suf- frage and an appeal to prejudice and ignorance, and is there fore unsuitable for true working- class development. I THE PROBLEM OF THE CONSCIOUS MINORITY. The problem which this conscious minority has had 10 solve is how to compel the mass of the workers to engage in the process of emancipa- tion, for the conscious minority can only act effectively by carrying with it the inert mass." The enlightened few in the Syndicate have ever before them the necessity of making the workers participate in the fight—of compelling them to do and achieve things for themselves. The problem is really an educational one, and if only from this point of view they have come to reject political aotion. The only form of organisation which has any prospects of uniting the workers! and of coinjxdling them to shoulder their own salvation j", that of the Trades Union. The Syndicat provides the means of applying a sound educational piiur-ipll-that of learning by doing themselves. The endeavour to solve this problem has led also to the formulation of the methods of Syndicalism, especially that or direct action and sabotage, because, by pursuing these methods in preference to those of parliamentary and eoncilatory ones--the workeiN are compelled to take a part. THE METHODS OF SYNDICALISM. .\ithough the syndicalists insist upon direct action as the only means of educating the workingmen and of preparing them for the final act of emancipation, it must not be assumed that this necessarily means violent action, though it may assume violent forms. As a mat- ter of fact, direct action has taken a number of forms in the history of the French Workers. The principal ones in their struggle against the em- ployers have ben the strike, the boycott, the label and sabotage. The strike is favoured be- cause it makes clear the deep antagonism which exists between workers and their employers. Strikes are undertaken without financial back- ing for the syndicate are always poor. This poverty is not deplored because the strikers are thus forced to dopend upon the solidarity and sympathy of other workers. Now means to ma ke up for lack of financial resources are constantly devised. Of these means two aro supes connnunistes and 'the exodus off chil- dren.' The Soupes Communistes are organised by the Bourses du Travail and consist of meals distributed to those on strike. The Exodus of Children consists in sending away the children of the strikers to workingmen of other towns while the strike is going on. This relieves the strikers and cteates sympa.thy for them." SABOTAGE. Sabotage in the minds of moat people is usually associated with blind violence and wan- ton destruction, but this is a very one-sided idea. Sabotage is essentially a method of obstructiol1, and in order to obstruct effectually, great in- genuity is required on the part of the workers. There can be little doubt that there have been occasions in the South Walew Cloalflold when the methods of sabotage would have been as effective as that of the strike which has taken place. When sabotage has been practised the workers have often remained within the terms of their CTOntraot. The railway workers of Austria, Italy and France have demonstrated how tliis can be done. They have disorganised the traffic simply by obeying literally all the rules of the railway company and by refusing to use their discretion in the performance of their iliuties. Sabotage can moan bad work for bad pay." It can mean a short circuit in an electric installation. It can mean a nail in the wood to be cut by a cIT(';lIla.r saw." It does not necessarily mean the destruction of machinery, and it certainly does not mean any action which will result "in a loss of life. The most powerful arguments urged against it have been that it destroys the skill of the worker and results in itioral deterioration. CO-OPERATION AND SYNDICALISM. I In the early stages of the French Labour Movement the working-men placed their main hopes in Co-operation, and the main function of the Syndical Chamber was to organise Co-opera- tive Societies. But in 1868 the Co-operative Movement suffered a terrible blow, for on Nov- ember 2nd the Central Co-operative Bank (Credit an Travail) became bankrupt. After this we find a reaction agajust. Co-operative Societies and at the Congress of Marseilles, 1879, a resolution was adopted declaring that Co-oper- ative Societies could by no means be considered sufficiently powerful for accomplishing the emancipation of the proletariat. The Syndical- ists do not hate the Co-operators as they do the parliamentarians; but they recognise that 00- operation does not develop the essential mili- tancy that is necessary in order to overthrow (Continued at foot of next column).

I Death of C. O. in Hull Prison I "ACCELERATED BY FORCIBLE FEED- ING." On Thursday, March 21st, the inquest was re-I sumed on W. E. Burns (35), of Failsworth, Lan- cashire, the conscientious objector who died on Thursday, March 14th, in Hull prison, where he was serving a sentence of two years' hard labour. It was" stated that Burns was hunger- striking because he could not get an answer from the Home Secretary to his petition to be rein- stated on the Home Office Scheme or else re- moved to Manchester Prison. Dr. H. W. Pigeon, who had made a postmortem examination, stated that death was due to pneumonia consequent upon the inhalation of some irrating fluid into tne bronchial tubes. Milk would be an irritating fluid in this case. Some food had passed into the lungs and produced a condition that caused death. Dr. Howlett, the prison doctor, gave evidence re forcible feeding. The food admin- istered was equal parts of milk and cocoa. Burns, when forcibly fed was quite passive, but whilst the second feeding was on he made a violent res- piration effort, which was followed by a choking oough. He was suspicious that some food had gone the wrong way. Cross-examined he agreed that if the feeding tube had been longer the choking would probably have been avoided. Letters written by Burns were quoted, in which he said he was coming to .believe that death was the great deliverer. The jury found that death was due to pneu- monia, accelerated by forcible feeding, but they were of opinions that there was no blame at- taching to the doctor. Well may the writer of "Under the Clods in the Daily News of March 23rd exclaim, If the Government are prepared to condone the killing of these people, could they not de- vise some form which would not be quite such an odioos, hypocritical travestv of justice as this?

I Sinn Fiener's Unfortunate Experiences I SINN FEINNER'S UNFORTUNATE EX- .1 PERIENCES." On Saturday, March 16th, there died in Win- c hester prison a conscientious objector named Paul Leo. Gillan. In a letter dated March 18th the Governor of the prison wrote to Gillan's mother as follows — 11 I beg to confirm my telegram of yesterday as to the death of Leo Paul Gillan, who I regret to say, died on Saturday last at 7.40 p.m. from heart disease, from which complaiint the Medi- ca l Officer reports he has suffered for some time. Why, if it was known that this man was suf- fering from heart disease, was he not released in accordance with Lord Curzon's promise? How was it that the Governor, who must have known tha.t he was in a very weak state, did not recom- mend his release to the Home Office? We have pointed out before, and we cannot emphasise it too often, Lord Curzson'S promise is practically worthless if it is only to be applied to cases where outside pressure has been brought to bear on the Home Office. IGILLAN'S EXPERIENCE. Gillan was a Roman Catholic and a Sinn Feiner, and when arrested in August, 1910, was 40 years of age. He was sent to Wormwood Scrubbs, where he accepted work under the Home .Office Scheme. He had always been deli- cate and prison racked him, and he was terribly weak when he arrived at Warwick Work Centre, so much so, indeed, that the Agent permitted him to lie in bed and sew his mailbags. He was under the doctor at Warwick from September, 1916, to March, 1917, when he. was an hour late fer work through illness and this was charged as an offence against him and he was ordered to forfeit two weeks' pay. He wrote to the Home Office Committee protesting strongly against this unfair treatment. For this heinous offence Gillan was returned to the Army and .sent to .v Prison Plvi)iout-h, where he haA no opportunities of at'ten'din?r Mass or Church, 'Th urc h and. after protest on his part he was removed to ?Winch,(,st*?r Prison in .February of dus year, where such facilities were obta.ina.ble. On March 8th the Governor of Winchester Prison, in re- sponse to an enquiry from his mother, wrote that Gillan was alive and fairly well." On March 16th, as we have said, came the sudden news of his death. AN APPRECIATION. The following letter, just received from a friend of his, gives some idea of how deeply those who know him valued his acquaintance: I am much upset at the news you send. Paul Gillan was a rebel of the first rank. His spirit was too strong for his poor worn body. I can only bow my head in reverence and think his dying will not be in vain. Gillan was a gallant gen- tleman. Let his name be subscribed in gold along with those of Emmet and Conolly, and may his spirit live with us and spur us on to greater sacrifice and nobler efforts in the great- est and noblest of fights."

LABOURER'S DEATH. A woll-known worker in the Labour move- ment,-Mi-. Peter Gardener, Merthyr Vale, died on Wednesday. For many years he was trea- .?urer (y f the Taff and C. surer of the Taff and Cynon District of the South Wales Miners' Federation, and was the first to contest the Merthyr Vale ward in the Labour interest in the municipal elections.

I Free Secondary Education. PRINCIPAL GRIFFITHS AND MERTHYR'S LEAD TO THE KINGDOM. f Speaking at a prize distribution meeting—Mr. F. A. Phillips presiding—held in connection with the Cyfarthfa Castle Secondary School at the Drill Hall, Merthyr, on Thursday, Principal Griffiths, Cardiff University, said that the Mer- thyr Education Authority was making a very important experiment with their free municipal secondary school. A lead was given by them to the kingdom, and upon its success much de- pended educationally. The experiment was being carefully Hatched, and so far with great satis- faction. He wanted other municipalities to fol- low the example set by Merthyr, and he thought they would. It was argued by some education- ists that there was some danger in these ex peri- ments, and possibly there was. They wanted | everyone to have equal opportunities, but it did not follow all would have equal ability, and it was necessary to carefully note that. He be-, lieved there was danger in over-forcing a child mentally as well as physically, and be-1 cause their education was free it did not follow all were equally capable of profiting by it. Con- fusion of education with examination was an- other danger in Walets. These were wholly dis- tinct. He was, however, afraid that in the Principality examination had come to be re-1 garded as a.n important part of education. Ex- amination was quite a modern invention institu- ted not for educational purposes, but because people wished to avoid favouritism in appoint- ments. The growth of the practice had been ex- i tremely rapid and nearly every appointment now was dependent upon examination results. He did not wish to banish examinations but ap-I pointments should not be made too much upon i examination qualifications.

■ What's The Good Of History ? IA QUERY SUGGESTED BY MARK STARR'S BOOK DEVELOPED BY EMRYS HUGHES. I've been reading Mark Starr's little book called" A Worker Looks at History and have found it very interesting. It certainly shows tha,t he has become aljsorbed in his subject and reveals promise of great ability to do intellec- tual work Amiong the Welsh miners. But I have a few criticisms which are relevant and which will perhaps help him and the C.L.C. stu- dents generally. OF WHAT USE? I In the first place, is Industrial and Economic History of such tremendous importance ? History is the organised memory of mankind: Do tlie working-class students need to assimilate facts which are not the fundamental necessities of the moment? The function of the memory of the individual is to reconstruct events of the past likely to help him for present and future aption, and history should play the same part in the activities of the Labour and Trades Union Move- ment. Now, at the present time the miners of South Wales, whom the C.L.C. Students are destined to lead and guide, have certain very definite and urgent problems to face; the prob- lems of wealth production, the arrangement, and distribution of work which naturally follow. The miners of to-morrow will have to consider such problems as The Labour Press," Organisation of propaganda work among the less intelligent workers," The Co-operative Movement," "The relations between Imperialism and Labour," The development of China and Africa," Ele- mentary Education," "Trades Unionism and Local Government," New factors in Industrial life," The Aeroplane Industry," and so on. To grapple with such questions the Labour organi- sations which by now are becoming more con- scious of their potential influence should set their best brains thinking out plans and projects in relation to circumstances likely to arise. This implies a certain historical background. But there seems to me to be a tendency to over- estimate the importance of this and to get ob- sessed with the past and not placing History in its proper place in the greater reality of life. A FASCINATING WORK. For example: Why is it noc-eceail- to trace the growth of Feudalism and Medievalism ? Why bother about the Black Death ? Couldn't the time be better spent in discussing the Report of the Commission on Venereal Diseases? There's such a great deal of truth in the aphorism that we learn from history t,hat we learn nothing from history." It's like sitting down after a day's journey, talking about the road to be tra- veUed to-morj'ow? and trying to wprk tJnn?? out by studying the pjan of the way ?mi have just come, whereas the new track lies across strange and untravelled country. That seems to me to be the case, and that the brains of the Socialist movement should get to work on those lines. With the philosopher of Evolution came the habit of tracing the origin of things it is a fascinating occupation enough, but it can be overdone! LIFE AS WELL AS FIGURES. When Marx worked out his- Materialist Con- ception of History he did tremendous philoso- phical work in scientifically describing the growth of social relationships. But this isn't any reason for disparaging Carlyle. Marx could not liave written The French Revolu- tion nor described the convention, the mobs and the guillotine, and Oarlyle could not have formulated the theory of value nor analysed the difficulties of the Revolutionary Currency Sys- tem. It is not right to blame the engineer be- cause he cannot paint pictures, nor blame the painter because he cannot. draw plans. Both are essential in life, it is a division of Labour. And if we are, goin to have history, let us have the life as well as the ifgures. LET US ACHIEVE SOMETHING. I The C.L.C. is an organisation that, is badly needed; the workers iioeci leader" with active minds and imaginations to guide and direct them, and it is quite a, healthy sign that the academic institutions are being subject to this new spirit of criticism. But such a criticism mast be more human than it has been in the j)a.st. There are a. few people who have not un- derstood this in the past, decide. Socialist Philo- sophy has now progressed from the propaganda state, when the rigid Marxians looked upon the. W.E.A. and the Fabian Society as dastardly de- vices of a loathsome Capitalist Class, and the Fabian's misunderstood the Marxian's and looked upon them as Syndicalists and Anarchists. Let the echoes of these old squabbles die away and bury the cheap raillery of bye-gone contro- versies and let us all get working together in a co-operative effort to achieve something. EMKTS HUGHES. I

I CORRESPONDENCE. I A QUERY TO THE N.U.T. [ TO THE DDITOR. Sir,—Will you kindly insert the following in your next week's issue. I have been wondering whether it will be possible to ascertain the feel- ing of the National Union of Teachers towards the re-appointment of conscientious objectors, many of whom are now free. It will be, remem- bered that the iHome Office Commi ttee-under which a large number of C.O.'s are employed— formulated a new code of regulations by which C.O. who have served 12 months with ex- emplary conduct, and industry would be per- mitted to find work of National Importance and to retain for themselves the remuneration for such work. A number of teachers have been released under this new scheme, but, I am told, the H.O.C. does not consider teaching to be of national im- portance. Some time ago a number of soldier teachers were told to find work of national im- portance, but as the War Office did not regard teaching to be national work, they were not al- lowed to return to the profession. The N.U.T. took up the matter, consulted the proper author- ity and the work was sanctioned. As these C.O. teachers are still members of the N.U.T., under conditions which do not reflect much credit on their union when compared with other unions (which treat soldiers and O.O.'s alike) it would be well to know if the N.U.T. (National or Local) intends to support their C.O. members, whose only crime, after all. is straightforward- ness and adherence to principle. Among them are some of the most painstaking teachers, greatly devoted to their work. It would a lso oe interesting to discover to what extent cool reason and not blind passion pre- vails among this body of intelligent and cultured men and women of the National Union of I Teachei-s.-Yours. etc.. Teachers.—Yours, etc., TRADE UNIONIST. Merthyr, 25th March, 1918.

I GHOST OF ST. TYDFIL STARTLES STEEL- WORKERS. THE PROBABLE EXPLANATION. St. Tydfil has walked and spread con- sternation and terror amongst the girl employees at the Cyfarthfa Steelworks, Merthyr. The story is one of those peculiar little psychological mysteries that periodically attack women- workers in industries that demand either the traversing of lonely places during the dark hours of early morning, or night-work in localities pre- viously peopled in local tradition with a ghost. In some of the Lancashire towns the epidemic of fear of a ghost will run like madness through the workers in mills in a given locality; and it is not surprising that the same phenomena should have manifested itself in a given locality previously reputed haiint-ed," and in particu- lar since Merthyr houses a plethora of "psychics." Spiritualism here is strong pro- rata to the population than in most localities, and unfortunately it is a spiritualism that gives rise to the existence of a large number of clair- voyants, clairvandients and other "seers" of the deceased, who prostitute their real or sup- posed gifts to fortune telling. THE STORY. The facts of the Qyfartha story are brief, as, indeed, they always are in such cases. It appears that a canteen has been created out of an old house on the works site for the accommodation of the girl night-workers, and during the early morning, recently, the girls were lunching, if it is permissable to term a nocturnal snack luncheon—when the sounds of footsteps were heard on the premises. The girls appear to have been startled at the very sound of footsteps, and therein one gets a pretty shrewd idea of their mentally disturoed state, and their expec- tation that something dreadful was going to transpire. It is a logical and regular experi- ence to discover that soon after the steps had been heard four of the girls more disturbed than their fellows shouldd have distinctly seen the white-clad figure of "St. Tydfil." Consterna- tion reigned, fainting-fits were regular through- out the night, and so profoundly upset were the girl victims of the telepathetic hallucinations which they had conjointly summoned up that they refused to use the canteen again. Nor is it surprising to learn that the ghost has been seen here many times in the pa&t, and that even strong men were prepared to swear that in their youth they saw it. All these are the usual surroundings of these unpleasant episodes, as was the ghost hunt that was organised for the same tour on the following night by some of the more sceptical or brave amongst the men workers. Of course, the hunt produced nothing but hair-raising stories recounted by members of the hunt. AN OLD OCCURRENCE. With the exception that the personality of the ghost has been fixed upon the town's patron princess, the story seems to have been associated with this house and locality in the past, and therein one gets a clue to the genesis of the pre- sent scare. For it is absurd to believe that none of the girls had been told of the past existence of the "host" from their mothers, or their acquaintances, and once having learned of the psychic association, it is as absurd to think that those who knew refrained from telling the story to their confreres gathered on the site of the phantom's previous exploits. The mere recount- ing of the story during the creepy hours of early morning in the scene of previous peram- bulations would suffice to produce all the excite- ment and fear, that Was the requisite predis- positions to the illusion. Given those conditions the strongest of men might have experienced exactly what the girls experienced; might have deceived themselves as the gills deceived them- selves. It is not surprising that the ghost was heard and seen." It is no less certain thato there never was and never will be a ghost walk- ing on that spot. Under the most promising of conditions, and assisted by faith and a medium who has spent years of hard sitting in the ac- quisition of the power, ghosts are so chary of showing themselves that nine-tenths of the most sincere spiritualists have never seen even a par- tial materialisation. It is absurd to imagine that what WLS SO difficult for professionals to accomplish--assuming its possibility—should lie given as a free show to unappreciative amateurs. The whole thing was a myth collectively created, what Podmore descrioed as a telepathetic hal- lucination." a not unfrequent experience in ex- perimental psychology.

MERTHYR VALE HOSPITAL LEVY. A ballot of the Merthyr VaJe miners on the- question of increasing their hospital levy by one penny per man weekly was overwhelmingly in favour of the advance. The increased levy is to be distributed between the Cardiff and Mer- thyr hospitals. I

Capitalism. There seems to have developed in recent years an opinion that Co-operative Stores should be set up under the direct control of the Syndicate not for the purpose of (( proiits re- dounding to the purchasers, but for the purpose of acting as the commissariat to the revolution- ary army of workers. These Co-operative Socie- ties would thus oe on a very different basis and have a. very different purpose from those that exist in this country. BELIEF IN STRIKES. I We thus see that the future society of the Syndicalists has an industrial basis, and that this society can only be realised by the inde- pendent and coercive action of the working- classes through their Trades Unions. The Syn- dicalist is anti-patriotic, anti-military, and anti- state. He recognises no boud of sympathy but that of being a wage worker, and denies the possibility of social transformation through the medium of the Co-operation of the classes. His philosophy is one of force—force based upon in- dustrial solidarity and effectively applied by the intelligent minority. For him, democracy is a sham, it is the regime of the professional poli- tician, and prevents the workers delivering themselves from economic bondage. He believes in the increasing efficacy of the fltrike-and the strike statistics supports his belief, for they have been progressively suoce&sful-and hopes to usher in the millenium by the workers folding their arms. Can it be done?