Pioneer

RUSSIA AND IRELAND. Monstre Protest at Merthyr. I Winstone on Nationalisation and The Workers. I Ablett's Outline of Bolshevism. I T. C. Morris' Great Appeal Against Intervention. The Hands Off Russia" demonstration in Merthyr on Monday was one of the biggest and most successful meetings ever held in the town. The miners had taken a day off to demonstrate their protest against the use of British men, money and munitions in an attempt to suppress the Soviet Government, and prohibit the right -of Self-Determination to the Russian workers- to which Mr. Win stone added a protest on be- half of Ireland that was unanimously endorsed. Dowlais District had also resolved to take the day off and join in the demonstration, but the -decision was rendered unnecessary by stop- trucks. The Dowlais men, of course, joined in with the Merthyr men, and there was a strong representation of the Steel workers, who are on strike. The usual venue by the memorial column was inadequate to 'house the huge crowd, and a anove was made to Thomastown Park proper, where the bandstand was used as a platform. There was a little disturbance on the part of two or three individuals during the early stages of the meeting, but the disturbers had not even the courage to vote against t-h<#resolution when it was put to the crowd-and carried unani- mously. Mr. Bert Brobyn occupied the chair, and the -speakers were Mr. T. C. Morris (Executive Member of the N.U.R.), Mr. Ivor Gregory (or- ganiser, A.S.L.E. and F.), Mr. Jas Winstone, -and Mr. Noah Ablett. Mr. T. C. Morris brought the cheers of the -crowd with his opening sentence, when he said: "I am here after addressing huge meetings at Bristol with our friend Maedonald, and who de- sires and wishes success to this demonstration this afternoon." He also desired personally to "congratulate the Merthyr workers in deciding to -demonstrate not only by attendance at a meet- ing, but also by the withdrawal of their labour. There was a ring of sincerity about such a de- monstration. Thousands of resolutions had pre- viously been passed on questions appertaining to the well-being of the working class—and ignored by the rulers of the nation, but once they were backed by a refusal to work—the only thing that really mattered in this world-then the Tolers began to take notice. WORK'S NEW PINNACLE. The Russian Revolution had placed work on -a. higher pinnacle than it had ever occupied in the long history of mankind—for it had laid it -down that work was the basis of citizenship— the basis of the enjoyment of the commonweal was the social service rendered to the commun- ity- (Chews.) No wonder that at this mome-nt. the reactionary forces of Capitalism were striving might and main to oppose this tremen- dous experiment since that was the basis laid -down by the people of Russia as the basis cf •down -citi7Æns.hp. But, on the other hand, we were gathered to- gether to reassert and demonstrate our confi- dence and belief in the international solidarity o>()f the working classes. (Cheers.) The centre •of gravity had moved from the national aspira- tions, the nationalistic leagues, the flag-wagging .and all the rest of those things that were used for the purpose of diverting the attention of the people from the things that really mattered, was now rooted in the salvation of the masses of the people, a salvation that was only to be reached through the realisation of the international soli- darity of the kith and kin of the working-class. The real enemy of the workers of this country, -as of all others, Capitalism, had demonstrated time amd time again, unmistakably and beyond possibility of cavil, its internati-oiii,lism-and it was demonstrating again unmistakably to-day in Russia. (Cheers.) Capitalism with its scope, power and influence was' international, and to successfully rope with it w a too must reassert our living faith in the oneness of the cause of the workers of the world. (Cheers.) As a member -of the National Union of Railwaymen, he was proud that during the last few days there had floated from the summit of Unity House, not the Union Jack, but the Red Flag of International Socialism, justice and freedom. (Cheers.) LIARS AND HYPOCRITES. For four years we had waged a bloody war to "vindicate the right of all nations to self-deter- 'mination. They who had told us that had now proved themselves liars and hypocrites. (Loud -cheers.) For even whilst the words were still on their lips they were using the power of British -arms to proscribe that right of self-determina- tion to the Russian people, and to protect and .advance their capitalist interests and aspira- tions. <Shame.) These men feared the new ,aignit3- of manhood that the Russian revolution sought to establish, and they went out to crush it if they could. But they had another reason -also for desiring its suppression—and that was the £ 1,600,000,000 of European money-mostly subscribed by British Capitalists—that was in- vested in Russia. People possesing economic Interests in Russia included such responsible "ministers of His Brittanic Majesty's Govern- ment as Sir Eric Geddes, Mr. Austin Chamber- lain and Mr. Walter Leng. (Shame.) The time had come when the workers of Bri- tain must realise that what had happened in Russia was that Labour had become its own master; master of its own destinies. (Cheers.) Russia to-day belonged to the Russian workers. (Loud cheers.) Rot only that, but they had .laid it down that exploitation must cease—the railways, the mines and the factories were owned .and controlled by the workers in the workers' interests. (Cheers.) This was our day. (A voice: Our holy day.) On Sunday and again that day we had commemorated in no unmis- takable manner the most hopeful movement in the history of the world. (Cheers.) On the horizon of Europe, and of the world, was the flush of the dawn in which the workers of the world, emancipated by themselves from oppres- sion and wrong, should enter into possession of their own. And Merthyr in the past had nobly done its share in preparing the atmosphere of that dawn of promise. Let us now shake hands across the. sms with our fellow men and women who to-day were making history—and because they were making history were opposed by the -Capitalists of the world in collusion and using very power they could control. Let us tell these Koltchak Churchills who were sending .men, munitions and money to fight this great movement that menaced their domination, .1 Hands Off!" (Loud cheers.) THE HOPE OF THE WORLD. I Mr. Ivor Gregory said that that day he saw plainly the dawn of a better time. The one thing above everything else that appealed to him was that in Italy, France, England and Wales that day meetings were being held declaring the fel- lowship of the working communities of the world (Cheers.) The reason the Allies were in Russia was, because when the truth about Russia be- came known the great bulk of the workers of the world would be so impressed that they would want a similar kind of government themselves. To-day reports from Russia were being held up not because they were too horrible for the peo- ple to know; but because they would awaken the social consciousness of the peoples and cause them to say: "If a constitution of this kind is so good for the men, women and children in Russia., we are going to try it too." (Cheers.) It was the loftiness of the purpose of the Rus- sian people that the, Capitalists and reaction- aries of the world were afraid of. (Loud cheers.) WINSTONE ON IRELAND. I Mr. Jas. Winstone (who was cheered to the echo), said: I am more than delighted to know that. you are holding this demonstration to-day. I am in absolute sympathy with the resolution you have heard read; but for some unaccount- able reason—which I am not able to explain-- the people who drafted the resolution left out one very important item. No man or woman who has lived through the last five years could, surely, forget Ireland at such a time as this. (Loud cheers.) And so far as we are concerned Ireland goes into the resolution. ("Quite right!") We are going to demand with more emphasis than we have ever demanded before, that the people of Ireland shall have self-deter- mination. (Cheers.) There was never a time in the history of this country when it was so imperatively neces- sary as now that the workers should set aside their petty bickerings and join hand in hand and heart to heart in the great and decisive struggle which must of necessity come in the very near future. The capitalist classes have had their way in the past because you have allowed them to have their way. You have had the power all the time if you had only had the will and deter- mination to say what kind of a government should rule in this country of ours. (Cheers.) I am sure that I am speaking to men and women who are at last beginning to realise that they have made a few mistakes in the past, and I want to ask you to beware of making the same mistakes again. We, are entering into one of the most important, and, it may prove to be, one oi the most serious periods in the history of this country—if not of the world. Do you think the capitalists are going to give up their right to exploit you willingly? (No.) -No! They have been entrenched for years. You have fed them. You have clothed, housed, and educated them. Do you think they are now willing to get off your backs? (No!) If you do think that they will get off willingly, then let me tell you t'hat you are making a very serious error. We have had a Coal Commission. (Cheers.) We have had the declaration of a just Judge of one of the High Courts. (Cheers.) We have had a declaration; from the majority of that Commission in which they say that the present system of working the coal mines of this country stands absolutely condemned. (Cheers.) Then they gave a second report and said: We re- commend that the coal mines of this country shall become national property." (Cheers.) I do not know for certain, but I presume that there are other people in this huge audience than coal workers, and I would have them realise that this great fight which we are putting up is also a fight for them, and not for the miners alone. (Loud cheers.) We have had an offer from Lord Gainsford, as representing the coal- owners of this country—to join hands with the employing class—the mine-owning class--in what is known as a profit-sharing scheme for the purpose of exploiting the rest of the commu- nity. (Shame!) And we said" No!" (Loud cheers.) Whilst we have no enmity towards them, no animus in our soul towards individuals, we say emphatically: "No! You are the repre- sentatives of a system, a body-blighting, soul- destroying system of Capitalism, and so far as we are concerned we are not going to be a party to ioin hands in order to continue that system which you are backing up." (Loud cheers.) SIX SHILLINGS A TON. I Six shillings per ton, if you please. Six shil- lings per ton to be put on the people. Why? Because we have had nationalisation ? Certainly not. (Cheers.) Nationalisation will not come until three years hence. The 6/- is being put on for the purpose of bolstering up the present Capitalistic system, and we hope the men and women outside of the mining industry- will try and realise these figures if they can. These are the figures as put before the Commission by- the greatest expert they were able to obtain. He said that the pre-war capitail invested in the mines in this country amounted to 135 millions of pounds, and during the four years of war the Royalties and profits paid out to the owning classes worked out at 162 millions of pounds. So that in four years during the war they got 27 million pounds more than they have ever in- vested in the mines.. If you people will only exercise your power as we hope you will, we shall nationalisel those mines, for we have made up our minds—and we are not easily turned aside-that nationalisation, or socialisation, if you will, will be to the advantagetof the whole people of Britain, and we are not going to be turned back until we have placed that firmly in our constitution. (Loud cheers.) THE PERCENTAGE. I There are just one or two other points that I should like to bring to the attention of you men and women. I want to call your attention to the position of the coal owners who were granted, according to the findings of the Coal Commission, Is. 2d. per ton upon every ton of coal produced—not a percentage upon the money invested, mark you, but 14 pence on every ton that comes out of the mines. And it has been shown beyond possibility of dispute that prior to the war their profits worked out at about lOd. per ton. Therefore, they themselves are in a better position than they were before the out- break of war. Then what about the seven hours per day ? Well, we have got the seven hours— and we are going to have the percentage as well (Cheers.) And we are going to have the 14.3— not ten or twelve per cent. as offered by the Coal Controller. (Loud cheers.) Upon the basis of 14.3 we are if anything more than just to them. (Cheers.) These are the figures. I hope we hall work them out without serious friction. THE SOLDIER BOY. Then there is just one other point. I have got some bit of love for the boys who went forth to do battle in the war. (Loud cheers.) What have I here? ( holding up a photo.) I have, a photo of a Mons hero, who has been turned out of his farm. (Shame.) I told you before that they would deceive you. Whilst I haven't' a word to say about any association that will help these noble boys to get justice, I have made up my mind that the power of the organisation to which I belong shall be used to the very fullest extent in order that the boys who went forth to fight shall have some semblance of justice when they have come back. (Cheers.) In duty bound we are obliged to see that these boys get jus- tice, and I hope you will not rest until you see that they get that justice. (Cheers.) ABLETT ON BOLSHEVISM. I Mr. Noah Ablett in a ten-minute speech car- ried his audience off its feet: I have said be- fore that I am proud to be called a Bolshevist," he said amidst cheera. "I am satisfied that some of my friends who have been making a dis- turbance on this field will ultimately say the same thing, because it is simply a matter of knowledge. (Cheers.) I am sure that those men are not bad men; I am sure that they do not want the worst thing to happen to them- selves and their families, and if they knew what it is, and realised what it meant they would be here backing us up, standing themselves for the principles that are called Bolshevism. (Loud cheers. ) You are trades unionists. Why are you trades unionists? Because you are afraid to trust the boss. (Laughter and cheers.) And because you want better conditions. (Cheers.) Why don't you send your children to the uni- versity? Because you don't want to? (No, and cheers.) Because you cannot. Why don't you live in a better house and wear better clothes? You want to, but you cannot. Who stops you? The boss. (Cheers.) Mr. Winstone has given you one of the reasons. In the Coal Commission it was stated that in a little over four years the coalownershad k25,000,000 more out of the in- dustry than they had ever put in-and they still own the mines. Are you satisfied with that? (No and cheers.) Do you want it improved? (Yes.) The first thing is to join a trades union, and the next is to say Fork out! (Laughter and cheers.) And when the boss says he would rather not, then you must organise to such an extent that you have more power than he has got, and then you can take it from him. (Cheers.) That is Bolshevism. (Loud cheers.) Is there a man here who is against that If there is he is against himself, against his own family. (Loud cheers.) If there is such an one he needs a doctor and an operation. (Laughter nnd c heers. 1 No workman—I can imagine capitalists, but no working man—can be against the struggles of workingmen anywhere in the world. (Cheers.) But what about atrocities? Yes, there have been atrocities. What do you expect? You can't clear up "civilisation" without breaking a plate or two. (Loud cheers.) If the workers in Russia had been anything like unanimous—as they are becoming to-day-there would be no need for bloodshed. The measure of atrocity is the measure of ignorance of the working-class to their own interests. (Cheers.) I would like a social revolution, if possible, as by the wave of a. magic wand, but it will not come like that. And it will not come because of the ignorance of my fellow workingmen. (Cheers.) Proceeding, Mr. Ablett said that that after- noon we had met to talk, but on Wednesday he was going to a meeting in London where they would proceed to do—he meant the meeting of the Triple Alliance to discuss the question jf direct action on Conscription and the withdrawal not) alone of men, but of munitions and support from Russia. (Cheers.) That would be the big- gest vote that had ever been given. Things had gone so far in this country that they could not go much further. We had a new sort of Napo- leon. Brimstone" Churchill. The other Napoleon had been broken, and this imitation Napoleon would be broken too. (Cheers.) MOST IMPORTANT QUESTION. tins question of Bolshevism was the most im- portant in the world. It was no use passing re- solutions against Conscription in one breath, and in the next excusing the intervention in Russia, because the one hung upon the other. Unless intervention was prevented the greatest movement .in the world might be broken up. And if it was not broken up, then it would come here. (Cheers.) And I would hail it as the most glorious thing that could happen, that the workmen should say: We will build a society of our own on the basis of Work! (Cheers.) And let them remember that that was just the thing that the idle of the land feared. More terribly than they feared death, they feared that the workers would make them work. (Laugh- ter.) Although, concluded Mr. Ablett, we shall say to them: We will give you better than you ever gave us. We will give you a six-hour day, not seven hours." (Laughter and cheers.)