Pioneer

Sovamment and Coal industry. ] MR. HODCES DOUBTS DOWNINC-STREET I PROMISES. Mr. Frank Hodges, general Secretary of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, addressed a mass meeting of the Treharris Miners on Fri- day on Nationalisation of the Mines." Deal- ing with the Coal Commi&sion, he said that it was rather expecting too much to hope that three representatives of capitalist interests with Mr. Justice Sankey would have come to the same conclusions as the miners' representatives, but, strange though it was, they discovered broadly what the miners' representatives knew. But in their report to the Government they found that the system of administration and production that had governed the mining industry up to that date stood condemned and that in its place some other system would have to be established. either unification, or nationalisation with joint control. That these people should have made this discovery was one of- the most remarkable features of the whole Commission—that it was not left to the miners' representatives and the Socialist intellectuals but that it W3!'o made by three responsible high-placed and experienced capitalist leaders. They made other discoveries it was true, but their principle discovery resulted in their condemnation of the existing system in I the industry. After condemning the administrative system I they began to point out certain elements oi waste which would have to be remedied if the I industry was ever to be restored to its proper place in our national life. In 1913 it occupied a place of importance. It did to-day, but the remarkable difference between 1913 and to-day was that we produced now 70 million tons a year less. The difference was easy to understand, and the reason was well known to those who un- derstood the industry, but. seemingly it would not be understood by those who had no desire to understand. The decline set in in 1913 when out- put was 287 million tons, and to-day rather than reel delighted with past achievements one could only regard with pain the decline and the possi- bility of still further decline. WASTEI I We bad witnessed great waste in the produc- tion of coal even when we were producing those huge quantities. There were tons of coal lost to humanity because of the system of ownership of minerals which made for a multiplicity of lease; that divided up the mineral wealth in the seams of coal into irregular takings resulting undoubt- edly in leaving great barriers of coal unworked between these takings when the life of a parti- cular colliery came to an end. Added together these barriers ran into millions of tons. It would be unsound economy to sink a pit into a barrier that had been left, and when we had a calcula- tion as to the amount lost over the kingdom be- cause of ascertainable barriers it would startle the country. No one, as yet, had undertaken the task, but the figure was colossal. That waste was avoidable and the Government had accepted the Commission's recommendation for the nationalisation of the whole of the mineral wealth called coal, so that in future when col- lieries were sunk and when the present collieries were properly developed, they would be de- veloped upon more scientific lanes because they would no longer be subject to a multiplicity of leases. v COALOWNERS VERSUS LANDOWNERS. I Extraordinary though it was that the Govern- ment accepted this, still more extraordinary was it that the coalowners recommended that the landowners property should be nationalised. Why ? The propertied class here stood in the way of the ooalowners, and what stood in the way of the industrial capitalist was shown no mercy. Seeing that the coalown-ers themselves proposed the nationalisation of minorals the Gov- ernment saw no great difficulty an legislating for such a change that appeared to have universal approval. This same judge, Mr. Justice Sankey, with six of his colleagues made a ivoommendatdon that at once Parliament should pass legislation to remove private ownership—to eliminate the coalowner— but this the Government did not. so readily accept. In fact they rejected it. UNREDEEMED PLEDGES. I It would have been rather extraordinary had they accepted it. The fact that the nillners had hoped they would accept it lay in the direction of a continuance, of the belief that there were still honourable politicians. In their optimistic moments they believed that there were still in England and English politics men who were ca- pable of being so independent of all superficial interests as to have at least certain codes of honour that would make them subscri be and ad- here to the implicit pledges they gave when they set up the Coal Commission. But instead of the Government accepting the conclusions of the very commission it had appointed to give them conclusions and make recommendations which they longed for to avoid in February and March last a great industrial disturbance, they dis- credited the very machinery they had created. The Government certainly made certain propo- sals, but in only one or two were they prepared to proceed sufficiently far to give them legisla- tive effect. They might not go so far as they suggested a few weeks ago at Dowwing-sfcreet they would go. During the last week or two deputations had gone to London to interview the President of the Board of Trade. Meetings 'had been held in Car- diff of ooalowners and commercial men at the Stock Exchange, and the Cardiff Chamber of Commerce were passing resolutions to be for- warded to the President of the Board of Trade asking him to remove altogether what little con- trol there now existed over. the rniping industry, and restore it to its position prior to the control coming on. These deputations and resolutions were not without effect upon the Government. ?Tlie Government paid much more %ttention to resolutions passed by groups of capitalists than to resolutions passed by workmen. The Govern- ment depended for its support upon those groups of capitalists*, and they would -do nothing to offend them because the capitalists exercised so much power that they could threaten the politi- cal existence of any government that offended them. They ought to depend upon the vote of the working-classes, but they did not. True, it was the working class that put the Government in power because the workers comprised the ma- jority of the electorate, but once there the Gov- ernment took good care not to allow any oppor- tunities for a change in opinion in the working- class. A resolution demanding the immediate adop- tion by the Government of the majority report of the Coal Commission, was passed..

Merthyr Tydfil Union. NICHT PORTER WANTED. THE Guardians of the Poor of the above i Union invite applications for the appoint- ment of Nigfrt Porter for their Institution at Merthyr Tydfil. Wages £ 3 10s. per week (inclusive). Appli- cants must not be under 25 nor over 40 years of a-go. Particulars of the duties and hours may lk obtained from the Master of tli £ Institution. Applications must be in my hands not later than Friday, the 28th November next. By Order, FRANK T. JAMES, Clerk. Union Offices, High Street, Merthyr Tydfil. PRIZE DRAWING. RESULT of Thomas Williams' Prize Drawing: PC 1st, 84; 2nd, 717 3rd, 437 4th, 548 oth, 945; eth, 977; 7th, 202: 8t'h, 187; 9th, 840; 10th, 558.

A Peoples Administration. LABOUH'S success in tl)e municipal elections throughout the country on Saturday following so closely upon the phenominal result of Dr. Dunsta n at Rusholme once more pronounces the verdict of the public upon the Government and its policy. Labour opinion dominates the State to-day, Labour administration will preponderate in many of the, industrial boroughs, and will form a militant and active nucleuS in almost every administrative area in the nation, but the supreme power of the legislature, and the com- mand of the public purse is to remain in the hands of Labour's enemies, undisguisedly flaunting their enmity in theii- refusal to honour any compact that makes for the welfare of the labouring classes, be that compact a moral obli- gation to accept the spirit and letter of the Coal Commisston report, be it a question of the agricultural labourers and seamen's inclusion in the industrial legislation of the 48-liour week, or be it in the greater field of international politics, where any realisation of Labour's hopes is the signal for a vindictive use of all the powers of force and of money to stamp out. the holy fire that Labour has set burning. Such a contradic- tion in popular government is impossible; and the spirit that has given Labour its opportunity to administrate will, if kept alive, shortly see to it that the greater goes with the lesser of gov- ernmental posts. It will and can cut off the life of the Coalition bureaucracy, if its faith in La- bour ability is justified by Labour's performances as administrators. The responsibilities of office will in many cases rest upon an energetic La- bour minority, as it rests upon a minority in the town of Merthyr. It as no good to plead a numerical minority, unless, in fact, in the work- ing of the town the majority attend to their duties with a great-deal more diligence than has over been the case in the past, and so retain the vantage of veto that their slight superiority in numbers gives over the greater energy of the workers' minority. To all intents and purposes where Labour is at all equal with its opponents in numbers the people will treat the administra- tion of things a,s beting a Labour administration, and disappointment over public performances may. very well serve to stifle the splendid spirit of confidence in Labour that is everywhere ma,nifesting itself to-day. The opportunity of the Labour councillor in city and town to secure for all time the allegiance of large sections tof his class to the principles that he represents is greater to-day than it has ever been in the past, and woe betide if he fails to utilise the oppor- tunity to its best advantage. The position of being compelled to administer acts passed by a party in entire antagonism to Labour its not a comfortable position. The red-taped bureaucrats who give expression to the wills and wishes of the rulers from their permanent posts as officials of the State, may operate to make the position fctill more impossible. In that event the elector- ate that has been convinced that Labour's time has come, must not be ignored. The effort must be to interest the citizen into a closer co-opera- tion with his representatives on the local bodies for the good of the whole, and a narrow concern that the interest should flow along stereotyped channels should not operate against the build- ing of a freer intimacy between representative and represented thdn has ever obtained in the past. With a closer working alliance between working-class administrators and that class, alone will it be possible to mobilise and use the greatest constitutional power in the oomirlundty, that of educated opinion conscious of an objec- tive. With no other purpose to serve than that of the welfare of the workers, the Labour repre- sentative should be only too pleased to make fre- quent educational appearances before his consti- tuents for the. purpose of answering in person for the keeping of his trust and in the course of such appearances he will visionise for Labour to a degree never yet accomplished. If Govern- ment of the people, by the people is ever to be a reality some machinery of intimacy between the people and their .steward more close than that of the most sympathetic newspaper column has to be established. The way is not a difficulti one. It is only a question of good intention, and a little more of the self-sacrifice that all have to contribute in the cause of Labour.

The Canal Deal. I Several Merthyr manufacturers and traders whose works are situate -upon the. canal bank, and whose trade is dependent upon the free and full supply of water that the canal offers to them liavebeem seriously perturbed over the news that the Cardiff Corporation had acquired the old waterway in connection with the city's new water scheme, and rrumour has had it that the scheme included the draining of the water and the drying of the bed. The matter was before the Mei-thyi- Wa-tei-ivqrl,-s Committee on Monday., when it was agreed to meet representatives of the Cardiff Waterworks on Saturday, the loth, at the Penry-str<>et Bridge on the Glamorgan canal at Merthyr. Mr. Biddle (deputy town clerk) explained to the members that the Cardiff Council were ac- quiring the land alootgthe canal for the purposes of laying a water-main, and the engineer added that very likely they would find it was the in- tention of Cardiff -to include the purchase of the canal in their Parliamentary Bill. A: general instruction was given the commit- tee to findout from the Cardiff deputation what exactly was in their minds, so that any further action of the Council in respect of the building lamd at Penry Bridge would not be prejudiced.

A Socialist Dolly's Dialogues (WITH APOLOCIES TO ANTHONY HOPE.) Vil.-ON GETTING UNDERSTANDING. I BY KATHARINE BRUCE GLASIER. I Dinner with the vicar as guest was over. The vicar himself had left, to wind up the evening's proceedings at a hoy's club where he was im- mensely popular, and both the Professor and his wife had come down into the kitchen with Dolly, solicitously insisting on helping her with her dish-washing and evening tidying up. "All i-ig-lit! It will he awfully jolly to have you to talk to me," cried Dolly hurrying into her overajH whieh was short-sleeved like her soft silk dinner frock and made her look as perfectly fit for work as a moment before she had been for leisure and pleasure. "But you must just sit still, both of you, by the fire till I have every- thing arranged to my liking. No, there are no saucepans. Nursie has taught me to clean them directly I itaye done with them. She says they love to be clean just like we do, and can't help being horrid if they are neglected. To hear her talk, you would think everything she uses had a soul and will of its own. She can't bear to ill- treat even a duster." "It certainly pays to be respectful to sauce- pans," said the Professor, lighting his pipe, and stretching out his long limbs contentedly on the big kitchen hearth. J put your Aunt's potato saucepan, black from the fire, into a howl ;)f greasy water once, and it took me nearly an hour to clean up the infernal mess it made." Dolly Wughed whole-heartedly. Grea.se and smuts—a study in lamp-black! I sympathise with you. "And you hadn't* got Nursie to tell you how to getryour hands clean. "What does she asked Mrs. Lane eagerly. I find rose water and glycerine such a comfort." -Nui-.sle's recipe goes deepei- than that," re- plied Dolly. She looks for a duster, or a towel or an apron,—or anything else that wants washing, and by the time that is clean her hands are lovely and no soap wasted either." I don't suppose Nurse ever lieard of James Hinton's Others' Needs ? but [ guess she has been working out his scheme of salvation all her life," said the Professdr with the deep, warm tone in his voice which always woke instant re- sponse in his niece and gave wings to her easily stirred imagination, The greasy pjptes had been wiped over with soft paper that then went to help the fire- lighters. The knives stood, handles up, in a jug. The spoons..and forks were ready in a bowl with a dust of soap powder over titem, waiting for a kettle full of boiling water, and Dolly held out an invitingly clean drying towel to her Uncle. "I guess you hitched your waggon to a star from the beginning of your camel days," sho said gratefully. No—I don't suppose Nursie Tins read Hinton, but she and her husband have read and re-read Tolstoy's Twenty Three Tales.' ft was only a shilling before the war—just a marvel of a book. Do you remem ber the God-son and how his God-father sent him to watch the workers at their work and note what they did and teach them what he knetf to help them. He promised him that he would get understanding that way and he did." "Understanding of what- broke in Mrs. Lane's plaintive voice. "You two mix things up till T don't know what we are talking about." The God-son wanted to know how to atone for his own and the robbers' sins," said Dolly gently. He had made an awful mess of things with his first attempt on his own account. Mr. Jenkins read the story toO mo once in my early days as a Socialist when I was* always making messes, too. We call Nursie's husband, Ivan the Fool, sometimes, you know, lie is so wise. It was he that taught me that so long as there is any hard and disagreeable work to be done we all onght to take a share—that that was. what the washing of the disciples' feet meant. And since I have begum to do it in real earnest, oh, I have understood,—lots of things! I believe you," said the Professor," but I can't see what that lias to do with Socialism. The glory of the kind of service you speak of is that it is perfectly voluntary." m Exactly," cried Dolly, And what we Socialists are wanting is to set all the people free that they may have the glory of yoluntary service, too." Take care you don't make us all slaves in- stead," said the Professor. We will take care," said Dolly. What you highly-paid intellectuals will not face is that the ma.ss of the people are slaves already—compelled to slave to make monoy for others. We may have to compel everybody for a little while to do a bit of work for the Life-need of the whole com- munity. But our faith is that they will soon realise that that service is very l-eal freedom, even the rich ones. There is no burden like the gain of opperssion." Not for you, my dearie," said the Professor. But how many are there like you? Millions," said Dolly confidently.

Electric Theatre. I Tib Minh," Gaumont's latest and best serial, will begin tlic, first of its twelve instal- ments at the Merthyr Electric Theatre in. the opening three ilitys of next week. In it are fea- tured M. Rene Creste and Miss Mary Harold Jii,(I ex syto-r i es. n(, who played in the two "Judex" stories. The T u d ex ( 1 ?i-ew to tlie grace and originality of "Judex drew to the 8Peture-housps hosts of people to whom the 'm.ni'-ma hitherto s a seldom-frequented source of entertainment, a.nd to these, in addition to the regular motion-picture patrons "Tih Miwh" will prove no less a joy, for this new product of the Gaumont Studios at Nice possesses all the attributes of its predecessors in increased mea- sure. The story is fascinating, the action rapid, drama.tie ,situations abound, and above all it is wrapt in the splendour of the East. A .good programme also includes a Fox Film Company production, True Blue," with Wil- liam Fairnum in the lead, whilst the balance of tbQ Ni-eek wiH see topping the bill Tom Mix. the breezy Cowboy delineator, in a drama of the Western plains, also from the Fox studios, Ti-c-tt, 'Em Rough." It is well relieved by humour and contains plenty of thrills and action. Coming shortly is William Farnum in his hig- gest success, Rough and Ready."

The strike of longshoremen in New York is still unsettled, and;there have been confliots be- tween the strikers and volunteer workers.

never be ushered in by a Revolutionary Dictator- ship, it will come through the growth of the Trades VIrion Movement, though its realisation of the power of unity of purpose among its sec- t'ona, through the success of its political organi- sation, through the diffusion of intelligence among the mass, and the patient. courage of its young leaders. EMRYS HUGHES. I

Soviets and Parliament. THE DISCUSSION OF THE HOUR. I REVIEW OF MR. MACDONALD'S CRITICAL I ESSAYS. L "Parliament and Revolution," J. Ramsay Mae- donald. 1/6 nett.] N For a long time there ha.s been a vital need for a clear analysis of the principles of modern revolutionary strategy. The Russian Revolution has forced most of us to re-examine our politi<.al philosophy. We are living in times of great new experiments in the methods of government it is essential that we should realise what" They mean and what we can learn from them. Mr. Macdonald has supplied that need and has given us not an authoritative text book, but a series of suggestive critical essays which deal thoroughly with the problems which are perplex- ing us and which provide an excellent basis for discussion of future policy. A CRITICISM OF THE SOVIETS. Shall we scrap our Parliamentary institutions in favour of the Russian Soviet system? Woukl "1 it accelerate the progress of Social Revolution ? A century of political democracy has made us sceptical of the old philosophical Radical opti- mistic faith that political democracy is the pamu-ea for all social evils. Some changes must i he made in our administrative machinery in or- der to make it an efficient instrument for the achievement of economic liberty. Have the Russians devised a better way of governments Mr. Macdonald is not convinced that they have. It is but a temporary'structure which will have to be modified and re-con- structed. It. may be the best possiWe expedient for protecting the Revolution during a transition time of internal chaos and attack from Imperial- ist foes, but it is not a. perfect model of the poli- tical machinery in the new society. We must carefully examine it with honesty and sympathy remembering that it is the work of great and brave men whose economic ideals are ours What is the great objection to the Soviet sys- tem It is a syste-m of indirect democracy. The people elect the local Soviet, the local Soviet elects the delegates to the district Soviet, the district Soviet elects the delegates to the County Soviet, the County Soviet elects the delegates to the Regional Soviet, and the delegates from the Regional Soviet go to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets.. f/.t gives too much power to executives and committees who are not'sufficiently controlled by critical minorities who might be unable to force them to appeal to the rank and file. It leaves the initiative in affairs of government too much I in the hands of groups which might degenerate into cliques, and without ultimate democratic control there is the danger of reactionaries do- minating these cliques. Despotic minorities ac- tuated by motives of intellectual idealism can achieve .great things, but these people are ex- i tremely rare. An executive of Lenins' and Trotskys' with arbitrary power would be admit- able, but who wants an arbitrary executive like the Execut ive of the Trades Union Congress, for } example, who refuse to call a special congress J on matters of urgent national necessity, or an Executive like the one <tontrolled by Mr. Gon.1- pers ? Unfortunately the problem of educating the mass is one we have to fa<ie not one we can circumvent. And meanwhile absolute control of leaders and executives by the rank and file is essential. i. ■ IS THERE NEED FOR A SECOND CHAMBER? The Soviet electoral machinery is not entirely new in this country. The local Labour Parties which select candidates for the present geo- graphical constituencies are founded on an in- dustrial basis. Each Trade Union sends its de- legates according to its numerical industrial strength and the Socialist Societies are affiliated as they are at Moscow. The difference is that the candidate selected by the local Labour Party has-then to be submitted to the electorate. Voters at our municipal and parliamentary elec- tions vote not as members of their unions, bur- as citizens. What is citizenship but a wider is- peet of Trades Unionism? Just as the Graft- j union is giving Way to the industrial union, M> j will the industrial-union give way to the greater union of all workers in the community. In the I meantime artificial distinctions of socially use- ful and socially useless people for the purpose of enfranchisement are premature. It is left to economic change to eliminate the exploiter in- 1 dustrially and thence politically. The revolutiou will not suffer if its advocates deal with their opponents in a mood of generosity and magnani- mity. L Macdc'naM advocates supplementing Par- ImmenMry constituencies by industrial cpnstit'i- ? encies a.nd a second chamber based 01\ a Sov?r ,? franchise. But will such a second chamber I)t? '? needed when Labour captures the House of  Commons ami turns it into a sensible assembly ij|l retlt dmg the economic life and desires of lim |a w<H<ers? It is very much open to ql?iestion. m With nationalised industries and working-'li^-s control of these industries, responsible to an as- semblv ?n close touch with democracy will not-  such a. second assembly be unnece-sary One thing is certain, n?- House of Commons M without Labour in a majority would ever a?:'? Jj to the formation of such a. second chamber, a-nd M with Labour in power and the consequent econo- ? mic changes ?sulfinn from a policy of sooialisa- 4dj tion the objections to the territorial constiti- ency no longer hold. M DIRECT ACTION. M v The Government s attitude towards Nationali- sation and the Railway Strike have once more demonstrated the necessity of capturing the poe- tical machine. As long as Capitalism controls the maclunery which commands the military forces of the nation and can also use it for the purposes of conducting a press propaganda against a working-class agitation, such machin- ery is a menace, and we must work for the cap- turing of it. Industrial action is not sufficient, immediately you come into the realm of actuali- ties political action lveoines essential. Only a few years ago Mr. Frank Hodges disagreed with political action, events have now made him the leader of one of the greatest demands for poli- tical action that we have yet kno?-n. On the other hand, to concentrate on politioal action alone is a mistake in the other direction, as Mr. Macdonald summarise.s the position: "To the Socialist t'he relative merits of industrial and political action must be considered not for the purpose of abandoning the one or the other, hut of assigning to each its proper place on a full attack all along the line by democracy upon Capitalism." Under some (conditions one plan of campaign has to be adopted, under others another. Our ideals are the same as those of our Russian oom- rades, our methods must perforce be different. What in Russia was heroism, in Engla.nd would be melodrama. Perhaps tihe Russians have the best of it. It may be easier to fight reaction symbolised in the person of a Czar, a -Koltchak or a Denikin than when it appears in a l?sa mon- strous form. ocmlism in Great Britain rnH (Continued at foot of preceding column).