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KING'S STIRRING SPEECH TO…

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Rhannu

KING'S STIRRING SPEECH TO FRENCH I DEPUTIES. The following are extracts from an address clelivered by the King at Buckingham Palace on Monday to the French Senators and Deputies visiting this country: "I welcome you as members of the Legis- lature of a great Republic with which I re- joice to be united by an intimate alliance of mutual confidence--am alliance destined, as I trust, to be perpetual. "The visit you are now paying to a com- mittee of the members of my Parliament is a natural corollary to the conferences from time to time held by the two administrations, 88 well as a natural expression of the friend- ship which binds the two nations together. "When you go—as, I am glad to hear, you will-to some of the places where munitions of war are being produced, you will see for yourselves how strenuous are the efforts that are being made to provide the Navy and Army with all that they can need. When you meet the inhabitants of our cities you will learn how deep is the sympathy they feel for the sufferings inflicted by a ferocious invader upon the innocent population of eome of your northern districts, and how warm is our admiration for the splendid valour and constancy of the whole French people. "Never has the undaunted spirit and un- quenchable hopefulness, of which French history furnishes so many glorious examples, shone with a more brilliant lustre. "You will also see for yourselves wherever you go how unanimous is the resolution of the people of these islands, without distinc- tion of race or class or political party, to prosecute this war until the menace of aggression which has long darkened the sky of Europe and threatened the prospects of peaceful progress all over the world, has been finally removed. The alliance of the Powers that will accomplish this is based not only on the common interest which all of them—you and Russia and Italy and Japan, and those deeply-injured countries, Belgium, Serbia, and Montenegro — have equally with ourselves in putting an end to that menace, but also upon our devotion to the same ideals. "Liberty and peace are the ideals to which your Republic has been devoted. Liberty and peace are the ideals of the British people also wherever over the world it dwells, here and in the Dominions and in the Colonies. For liberty, for peace, we fight side by side with you in the belief, stronger now than it has ever been since the beginning of the war, and daily growing stronger, that victory will crown the cause of right." MR. ASQUITH'S REPLY TO GERMAN I CHANCELLOR. Mr. Asquith made an important speech in reply to the German Imperial Chancellor at the dinner which the Government gave at Lancaster House to the French visitors. In proposing the toast of "Our Guests," Mr. Asquith said the German Chancellor declared on December 9 that if he were to speak of peace proposals he (the Chancellor) must first see the peace proposals of Ger- many's enemies. What, therefore, the Chan- cellor meant by a readiness on his part to enter into negotiations was that the initia- tion should come from the Allies and the decision rest with him. In other words, the Allies were to assume the attitude of a defeated to a victorious adversary. But we were not defeated. We were not going to be defeated, and the Allies were bound by a solemn pact not to seek or acoept a separate peace. The terms upon which we were pre- pared to conclude peace were the accomplish- ment of the purposes for which we took up arms. These purposes were declared by him as far back as November, 1914, and had been known to the world for more than sixteen months. He said among other things that we should not sheathe the sword until the military domination of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed. Great Britain, and France also, entered the war not to strangle Germany, not to wipe her off the map of Europe, not to destroy or mutilate her national life, cer- tainly not to interfere with (to use the Ger- man Chancellor's language) "the free exer- cise of her peaceful endeavours." They were driven to take up arms in order to prevent Germany from establishing a position of military menace and dominance over her neighbours. On several occasions in the last ten years Germany had given evi- dence of her intention to dictate to Europe under threat of war, and in violating the neutrality of Belgium she proved that sh? meant to establish her ascendancy even at the price of a universal war and of tearing up the basis of European policy as estab- lished by' treaty. The purpose of the Allies in the war wig to defeat that attempt and thereby pave the way for an international system which will secure the principle of equal rights for all civilised States. As a. result of the war they intended to establish the principle that international problems must be handled by free negotiations on equal terms between free peoples, and that this settlement should no longer be hampered and swayed by the overmastering dictation of a Government controlled by a military caste. That was what he meant by the destruction of the military domination of Prussia—nothing more, but nothing less. In these circumstances cynicism could hardly go further than in the German Chan- cellor's claim that it was for Germany of all Powers to insist when peace came upon giv- ing the various races the chance of free evo- lution along the lines of their mother tongue and of national individuality. Ap- parently this principle was applied, he sup- posed on the approved Prussian lines, both bo Poland and to Belgium. The attempt to Germanise Prussian Poland had been for the last twenty years at once the strenuous purpose and the colossal failure of Prussian domestic policy. The Chancellor went on to say that after the war there must be a new Belgium. The answer was a very simple one. The Allies desired and were determined to see once again the old Belgium. She must not be allowed to suffer permanently from the wanton and wicked invasion of her freedom, and that which had been broken down must be repaired and restored.

CARMARTHENSHIRE'S V.C. I

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