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WKEXHAM REFORM DINNEB
WKEXHAM REFORM DINNEB O.v Friday se'nnigbt, the Reformers of Wrexham, one of the Denbighshire Contributory Boroughs, entertained their defeated candidate of the late election, Captain Myddleton iiiddulph, at a public dinner at the Wynnstay Arms Inn, in that town. The tables were laid out in the large Ball- room, three running the length of the room, at which 150 gentlemen and tradesmen of the highest respectability sat down, andaa upper table in the crescent form, occupied the s; acious recess, at which the chairman 11. M. Lloyd Esq., Banker, and the principal guests were stated; amongst whom we observed Captain Biddulph, late Candidate for the Contributory Boroughs, the Hon. E. M. LI. Mostyn, the lata member for Flintshire, R. M. Biddulph, Esq., late member for the county of Denbigh, Robert Biddulph, Esq., late member for Hereford, Major Lloyd, of Brynesryn, Joseph Ablett, Fsq., of Rutbin, R. Ll. Jones Parry. Esq. Samuel Kenrick, Esq., &c., &c., 1 homas Edgworth, Esq. and Lewis, Esq., were seated at the upper ends of the right and left long tables, at the bottom of which were Thomas Jones, Esq., and Edward Daviea, Esq., the Vice. presidents. A band of music was stationed in the orchestra, and played at intervals during the evening. On the removal of the cloth, letters were read by Mr. Lewis, the Secretary, from various invited guests apologi- sing for their unavoidable absence; amongst others there were letters from Thomas Hughes. Esq., Mayor of Den- bigh, who as returning officer for the Boroughs, did not think his attendance would be quite decorous J. Stanley, Esq.. M. P. for Shrewsbury; F. R. Price, Esq., of Bryn- v-pvs, John Jervis, Esq., M. P. for Chester; Thomas Thornely, Esq., M. P. for Wolverhampton William Ewart, Esq., late M. P. for Liverpool; Lord Dinorben, Lord Mostyn, R. G. Temple, Esq., of Cheater, John Williams, Esq., of Gwersyllt, ike. &c. After the usual loyal toasts the Chairman rose to propose the health of a gen:leman to whom the Reformers of the Denbigh Boroughs are deeply indebted, not only for the alacrity with which lie obeyed their call at the late election, and stcod forward as their champion, but also for the many declarations be has since made, that whenever bis services may be again required, be shall be ready to tender them. Captain Myddleton Biddulph, and prosperity to tvio cnuse of Reform in the Denbigh Boroughs. — ^<jroat and long; continued cheering.) Captain Biddulph rose and, when the cheering had sub- sided, said, Mr. President and Gentlemen, when I rise to tbank you for the kind manner in whicli mv name has been received, you may easily understand how unequal I am to thank you as I ought. But I feel, and I am hereby some- what relieved, that the compliment is not exclusively per- sonal to mvself; 1 have not the arrogance to suppose that you have met here this day alone to compliment and pay honour to me; no, you have assembled here to-day in the cause of Reform. And I conceive that the cause is very often furthered by meetings of this sort. When I came down here, gentlemen, during the lute contest, and you received me with so much kindness, I was then as I am now aware that for that kind reception I was indebted to the principles I professed. Gentlemen, I think I may safely say that in this town, the unconstitutional influence of our adversaries was used as strongly against us at the late election as in any town in England, yet, notwithstand- ing, that there was here a considerable majority in favour of me, an unknown Reformer. Gentlemen, it has been often stated by our opponents that all the wealth and res- pectability of the country are with them- but when I look around and see such an assemblage as I now witness, while there are so many similar meetings held in other parts of the country, I think I have here a sufficient contradiction to their statement. I wish, gentlemen, one of our political adversaries was here to witness this assemblage to day; bnt I dare say you will communicate to your friends what has occurred, and the proceedings of this evening may be known to our enemies. Gentlemen, my worthy friend who, in so complimentary a manner, proposed my health, stated that 1 had expressed my willingness to come forward on any future occasion to tender my services gentlemen, I can now only repeat the promise—and therefore I shall say no more than that if on any future occasion, either in that way or any other I can be of service to the Reformers of this county, my humble services shall again be at their command.—(Tremendous applause.) Captain Biddulph then gave the health of his friend who had occupied the chair on that occasion, Mr. R. M. I.loyd.—(applause.) lie thought they might estimate the use of tleir chairman as a Reformer by the enmity with which he had been assailed by their adversaries, and he (Capt, Biddulph) only wished that they might be able to do no more injury to any one for his political opinions, than they had been able to do to Mr. Lloyd. The toast was drank with anthusiastic plaudits.—When they had subsided,— The Chairman rose and said-Gentlemen, I do not re- collect in the whole course of my life, that I ever yet rose to return thanks for a compliment paid me under a greater degree of embarrassment than on the present occasion because I never before felt so conscious of my inability to do justice to the feelings that at the present moment al- most overpower me. Gentlemen, the very flattering manner in which my health has been proposed bv my worthy and gallant friend on my right, and the cordial way which it was received by this company, call fortb the warmest expressions of my gratitude. I have now lived amongst you a considerable number of years; my conduct is before you, and you can judge whether I am deserving of respect or not. Gentlemen, when I started in life. I im pressed strongly on my mind the necessity of following that golden precept, "Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you;" and by doing so I think I gained many friends-I am very sure, intentionally I never made a single enemy. Gentlemen, it is very true that I may, and do differ from soma of my fellow-townsmen in political principle but it is equally true that I never have nor ever will permit political feeling to interfere with private friendship, and I am bold to sav, Gentlemen, that during the hotest part of the late contest there was not found in this large and populous town an individual who would offer me a gratuitous insult. No. gentlemen, it was left to a stranger to make the first attack upon me. It was left to a stranger to endeavour to injure me in mv business, not simply by a withdrawing his own account, but by set- ting an example to others to do so. It was left to a stranger, gentlemen, to accuse me of wishing to see the institutions of the country destroyed, and private property injured. Why, gentlemen, I have some property myself, and I must be a fool to wish to see that little destroyed. I have heard it sitid, gentlemen, that Mr. Mainwaring's friends have wished lie had never penned such an epistle, and yet, mirubile dktu, at a subsequent dinner at the Lion who i he not only justified but gloried in what he had done, the room re-echoed with approving cheers—yes, and even the flowing mane and the shaggv tail of the Red Lion Itself shook with their plaudits. Gentlemen, I was accused at that dinner of usingwilzit was termed my bank- ing influence to the utmost in behalf of my gallant friend on my right. Gentlemen, I deny it—emphatically deny it. When my worthy friend canvassed this town 1 certainly had the honour of accompanying him, but when we called at the house of a single elector that I considered was under obligations to rue, I merely introduced the gallant Captain, and withdrew. I never asked a favour, nor, thank God, did I ever coerce any man; but this I did do after the receipt of that famous letter, I called upon two electors who were friends of Mr. Main- waring's party I shewed them that letter, and then said, You see your party has adopted the system of exclusive dealing; if you approve of such conduct, I must leave you. But did I do so? I left them in suspense for four or five days but afterwards I saw them and shook them by the hand, and one of them has since asked me to assist him, and I willingly did so. Gentlemen., does this look like using my hanking interest to the utmost. But I have to apologize for taking up your time so long. (No, no, go on.) Gentlemen, I ought not to have detained you so long with my personal affairs, but I have now done with the subject for ever. I sincerely and freely forgive, but gentlemen I cannot very easily forget it (laughter and applause). The Chairman gave the health of Mr. Myddelton Bid. dulpb, of Chirk Castle (great cheering.) Mr. Myddelton Biddulph rose and said,—Mr. President and gentlemen, if it is gratifying to me on this occasion to have my health drunk by so numerous, independent and respectable a body of gentry and tradesmen of Wrexham, how much more gratifying must it be when, previous to paying that honour to me, you have paid my brother the same compliment. I really should be gifted with more than common eloquence if I could express my feelings for the honour conferred upon my family. It is quite true gentlemen, that I have been personally known to many of you in a political capacity but my brother has, up to a very late period, been to you an entire stranger, and there- fore it is to me a source of gratification to see that he has been received by you in the very kindest manner, both at the late election and this day. The circumstances which brought him before you as a candidate are well known to all in this room. There was no wish on his part to present himself before you as a candidate, if he had not been called upon by a respectable portion of the constituency to do so nor had 1, as his brother and adviser, any wish to thrust him under your notice but the circumstances that preceded the late election caused a species of indignation to be aroused, and as there was no better a person found on that occasion, my brother willingly came forward. I conceive, gentlemen, that the late contest in these boroughs may be considered as an eventful circumstance in their history. This borough has only been added to the contributory boroughs since the passing of the Reform Bill; and it must be gratifying to us-to my brother and myself—to see that the borough which was formed on the principles laid down in the Reform Bill-the 101. household consti- tuency— should declare so unequivocally in favour of the Reform candidate. I had no doubt from the first that such would be the case: I always looked 10 Wrexham as a sort of plaCfJ of reluge, and that. whatever might be done ir. the other Boroughs through intimidation and other causes, and other places of our opponents, in Wrexham there would alu ays be found a .strong body of Reformers, and such has turned out to be the fact. alld I congratulate all present on the exertions they made, were honourable to themselves as electors, and I trust the example will not be lost on the other Boroughs. Gentlemen, the situation you occupy as one of the Contributory Boroughs, is a position which without doubt, must enable you to determine who shall be your member. This Borough contains a constituency of upwards of 200, 101, householders, who are, I believe I shall not be contradicted, three-fourths reformers, if they dare assert their principles (no doubt of it"). Now, gestlemen, in the other Boroughs, both in Denbigh and Ruthin, there is a considerable number of 1 at. householders but nothing to compare with the number in this towns there are also a great many. there and at Holt, of the old constituency, but every day decreases their number, and the time may arrivr when the electors of this town may dictate to the others who shall be their member. I state this, gentlemen, without hesitation, because it has been stated to me by elector in the other Boroughs and so situated you will have an imperative duty to perform, which it will not require one word from me to stimulate you so to exercise as to show your own independence. I can only add, gentlemen, to what my brother has stated previously that, in defence of that independence, if any member of my family can be of service to you, we shall alwa/s be ready to use our best exertions Gentlemen, I would also congratulate you on the worthy gentleman who now fills tha chair on my right, who is so able and so zealous a leader in the Reform cause in this town. I think gentlemen, you may well be proud of such a leader, and though assailed by the Tory party, and a paltry attempt has been made to injure him, I am sure that such a re- spectable body of men as are now before me will not allow him to suffer from such attempts. Gentlemen, I shall leave the Reform cause in these boroughs in your hands, quite satisfied that you will do justice to it. Since 1 last had the pleasure of dining in this room some three or four years ago, great changes have taken place. I believe jhat many in the county constiiuency who up to that time were coerced by threats and intimidation, have now determined to vindicate (their independence. I every day see an in- creasing spirit and increasing energy and resclution amongst them, and as a symptom of what is taking place in this county allow me to remind you that a Reform Association has just been established, that the united energy of all Reformers in this countv may enable us to cope with our adversaries, for it is bv our united efforts alone that we shall be able to do so, and therefore I consider the prospects of Reformers in this county very flattering. Gentlemen, I will only detain you with a few words more on general politics. We have been accused by wholesale of being advocates of the infringement of the rights of property, and of the violation of church property now I ask you, whether it is possible that an assembly of sane persons such as I see before me could advocate such a system. I could sar, without a want of courtesy, that the great majority before before me are engaged in trade, and is it likely that their exertions to promote their own prosperity would be neu- tralised bv an advocacy of the downfall of our instituons. I take it, that such an assemblage as this is the best refutation of the twaddling addresses of some of our Conservative opponents. For myself I will say, what little property I have, I intend to keep, and that I will not resign it to the rapacity of the Tory party, nor risk it in visionary theories (great applause). lUr. Biddulph again rose. and in a short complimentary speech, proposed the health of Major Lloyd, of Brynestyn. The toast was received with that enthusiasm with which the other toasts were received, and when it had subsided, Major Lloyd rose and was loudly chpered; he said — The very flattering manner in which my name has been in- tioduced to your notice by Mr. Biddulph, combined with the hearty plaudits which have followed the announcement of the toast, on what the Tories would term strong indications of a bastard, or "Brummagem" popularity; but whetht r bastard or legitimate, the undeserving and bumble individual now be- fore you hopes never to forfeit it by skulking in the rear in the hour of your need. I think it is about two months ago since I had the honour of meeting you at a dinner given to you for the purpose of rommemorating the glorious triumph which the cause of Reform had obtained in this portion of the borough through the manly exertions and independence. Yet, in this short interval, we have twice beard the pibroch of the Tories resounding through the walls of the good old town, and have seen these calls fallowed by the gatherings of the mighty in the land. Upon the first of these occasions the great gun of the evening exploded, with more than terrific violence; and no wonder, for it was sure to be crammed to the very muzzle with O'Connell and his lengththy tail, a murderer, a Roman Ca- tholic murderer, from the ruins of Pastum Home, or some other place in Italy. the scarlet whore of Babylon, and many other damnable ingredients but when the smoke has cleared away, our pet bag Reform was observed to be not merely un- scattered by the blast, but seemed to be more lively than ever. co We thank the holy conclave for their love they have sent us such a man we would have wished for." We expccted the votors, who, it was reported, had met to instruct their less- informed friends, would have endeavoured to prove to them the great wickedness of the Reformers who support her Ma- jesty's government, by refuting our arguments, and by im- pugning its policy but ro, they confined themselves chiefly, as it is usual with them, to the easy task of making large pro- fess ons of a devoted loyalty to the Qeen, a profound sense of religion, exemplified by their veneration for mother Church, and to the expression of a fixed determination to die in the breach rather than countenance any of those revolutionary measures which they charitably aver, we are bent upon carry- ing through Parliament. Now, my friends, although our frames are rough, and are become as hard as iron by honest labour, our hearts thank G"d are warm and susceptible of at- tachment, nye, and are so fervently attached to the person of our youthful Queen as the hearts of those who Lave been nursed in the lap of luxury. And, although there are many amongst us who dissent from the doctrines and forms of the Established Church of these realms, we are all taught to adore God, and to do unto others that which we would they should do unto ns. It is this divine command which teaches Reformers, charity, humility, and tolerance, and it is this command which emboldens us to think our common sense does not mislead its when we join in the cry, Justice for Ireland." I need hardly recall to the recollection of the enlightened men around me that the main cause of the struggle between the Tories and the Reformers may be referred to the line of policy which should be applied to Irish affairs. Reformers wish the Roman Catholics of Ireland to participate equally with themselves in the full enjoyment of civil rights and privileges, whilst the Tories, maddened by tbe concessions which have already been forced from them, are obstinately determined to concede nothing more. The stupendous veil which had so long concealed the sun from darkened Ireland. has brcn torn asunder by the same mysterious hand which rent in twain the veil of the temple, and still the Tories grudge her the warmth which is necessary to invigorate her. Oh, ye sainted among the Tories, may I be permitted to inquire what you have done with the divine com- mand Do unto others that which you would they should do unto you." I am urged, my friends, by the sacrcd cause of Reform which we have pledged ourselves to advance, to ask you whether it would not be wise for us to divest our minds of religious prejudices and feelings, when we ponder upon this momentous subject! Whether it would not be honest for us to bear in mind that equal civil rights and privileges were the conditions upon which Ireland consented to her union with us! And whether it would not be just for as to fulfil our part of the compact religiously and fearlessly ? Your reply, surely, must be that wisdom, honesty, and justice, imperatively demand from England the performance of her engagements. Ye ten or twelve millions, who are in communion with the united Church of England and Ireland, cast your eyei upon the terrestial globe and learn to be tolerant. I You see a hemisphere before you, but the brazen circle which clasps it dares not mark the limit of the regions over which oar maiden Qeen extends her sceptre. Reflect that the best statistical writers of the day assure us those regions are peopled by more than one hundred and forty millions of human beings professing religious creeds which differ widely from our own and that an author of un- questionable integrity, tells us that Christendom exhibits the spectacle of sixty-three classes of Christians who dissent from the Church of England. Now, under these circumstances, is it seemly, or is it charitable for the bigotted, sordid, and ambi- tious portion of the Tory host, to disturb the harmony which ought to bind together this mighty multitude, in order to bol- ster up what is called Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland Is it to maintain this ascendancy that the Tories will not permit the smallest portion of the surplus revenue of the sinecure Church of Ireland to be applied to the general purpose of edu- cation ? Is it to maintain this ascendency they deny Ireland the benefit of Irish Municipal Reform Bill, and that a great Tory leader in the House of Commons made a motion, which was happily defeated by a majority of sixty-four, for the utter extinction of the Irish corporations, rather than see them re formed ? They allege in support of their opposition, amongst other reasons, that the Irish Catholics are in a state of bar- barism, priest-riden, and unfit to be entrusted with the ma- nagement of their corporate cities and towns. They have, forsooth, conceded to them the privilege of sending representa- tives to the great council of the nation, but think it unsafe to do more, which is the same as to say, that an alien needs a larger portion of brains to choose an alderman than to elect a member of the lower house. But there is another argument which they triumphantly bring forward to gratify their oppo- sition to the Irish Municipal Reform Bill. They tell us, that institutions which are very well adapted to the state of society in England, may not be to the sister island. This may in some cases be true, for it certainly does not follow that because esta- blishments are found to be productive of all manner of good here, they must of necessity produce the same result in Ireland, and as an example, I will instance the united Church of Eng- land and Ireland. In England, where the majority of the population is in direct communion with the Protestant Church, the establishment is found to be productive of incalculabla advantage to the natim; but in Ileland, where the majority is perhaps in the proportion of seven to one against it, I am sorry to say, we have hitherto seen it to be the cause of much mischief and discord, and this lamentable fact Reformers at- tribute, not to the Church, but to bad government. Again, in England and Scotland, the Municipal Reform Bills being in unison with the feelings of the people are found to be beneficial to them, but when we attempt to introduce Municipal Reform into Ireland, where the people are willing to receive it in the proportion of seven to one, the Tories fly to arms. They rather extinguish the Irish corporations, with all their rights and pri- vileges, and place their revenues in the hands of commissioners to be appointed by the Crown, than concede to Ireland so good a boon. Why the man who cannot see across the pudding upen his plate miut laugh at such inconsistency. Reformers do not wish to destroy or even to remove the Protestant Church from Ireland our ancestors planted it there, and we are deter- mined it shall remain but we think we have a fuir right to expect the Tories will gain us in adapting it to the altered eir- cumstances in which we find Ireland placed by their own Ca- tholic Emancipation Bill. Is it to maintain this ascendancy that large subscriptions have been entered into for the avowed purpose of displacing some of the obnoxious liberal Irish mem- bers, and that the high church party elevates its bilge brazen trumpet, and proclaim aluud to iiihightcd England her church is in danger? If it really is for the purpose of maintaining this ascendancy, the surplus revenue of the sinecure Church of Ireland is not to be applied to the moral improvement of the people; if it is to maintain this ascendancy, Ireland is to be denied the benefit of Municipal Reform, and is to be insulted by the real proposition to extinguish her corporations rather than reconstruct them; if it is to maintain this ascendancy, attempts are making to unseat some of the obnoxious but liberal representatives of a free people, and that a question purely poii ical is to be transferred into a question which is chiefly interesting to the members of the political and Simoniaeal establishment of the Church of England (I do not use the term in an offensive sense); then, I think, I may venture to say, that we Reformerers are opposed to a such line of policy, and hence our motto of "Civil and religious liberty all over the world." My worthy friend, Mr. Bassett, in his address to the electors of North Devon, tells them there is no truth more self-evident than that the same pair of breeches which suited him very well when ahoy will not fit him now he is a man. It is the same with all political institutions, which although they may be very well adapted to the infancy of society, require mo- dification and reconstruction in its manhood. Now if the Tories will persist in wearing theirscanty breeches when they legislate for this mighty empire in thonineteenth century, they will ex. pose their flanks and rear to the envenomed shafts of their bitter enemies the Radicals, whilst the populace" laugh to see the sport," and shout—Hurrah! Biddulph for ever! Mostyn for ever Biddulph for ever! (Grcnt applause throughout.) The proceedings of the evening were continued until a late hour,
SVXontgomeryshire Reform Dinner.
SVXontgomeryshire Reform Dinner. The very late hour at which we received our report of the proceedings at this dinner, obliged us very materially to abridge it. We omitted several excellent speeches; and we regret that we have not room for the whole of them this week. It would however be criminal to omit the fol- lowing excellent aedress of Alr. Arthur James Johnes, on proposing JUSTICE TO IRELAND. Mr. Arthur James Johnes said-Gcntlemen, I beg leave to pro- pose a toast to which I feel myselfunerlual, having just risen from a sick bed, but which I trust will be drunk by you with that fervent enthusiasm which is due to the rights-which is due to the misfor- tunes of an ancient, high-minded, but long oppressed Feople-I give you "Justice to Ireland." If ever there was a nation that de- served the sympathy of every friend to freedom and mankind, that nation is the Irish. I feel proud to bring their claims before you, because I am satisfied that the misrepresentations which have pre- vailed regard to Ireland, have been more injurious to the liberal cause than any other weapon of political warfare. It has been the constant aim of the Conservatives to enlist the religious feelings of the community on their side, by imputing all the evils of Ireland to the influence of Mr. O'Connell and the Catholic priest- hood. I have great respect for many individuals of the Conserva- tive party but 1 cannot help expressing my regret that on this question they should blindly yield up their judgment to party organs and prejudices, instead of consulting authentic and unim- peachable sources of information. The fact has been established beyond all doubt, that the crimes which occur in Irelaud are hardly ever traceable to political or religious feeling but they are almost uniformly ascribable to disputes connected with the occupation of land; in other words, to the intense competition arising from the excessive numbers and the utter poverty and destitution of the people. Gentlemen, this is no party statement; my authority is tbe Report of the Irish Poor Law Commissioners and other official returns, and an able pamphlet written by Mr. Lewis, son of the Chief Poor Law Commissioner for England, formerly Member on the Conservative interest for Radnorshire Gentlemen, I think it is not too much to observe, that these authorities are deserving of more respect than the anonymous correspondents of the Morning Post' or the I The next topic to which I would advert is the assertion constantly reiterated, that crime has increased in Ireland since the accession of Lord Melbourne to office. Now. gentlemen, here again we find hardy assertions at variance with the most authoritative information. During the last summer circuit, the Irish judges, the majority of whom are Conservatives, unani- mously declared that there never was a time when there were so few crimes, when their office was so nearly a sinecure. Gentle- men, these facts demonstatively prove, that the government of Lord Melbourne has been favourable to the virtues, to the tranquil lity, and to the happiness of the Irish people. But :here is a sub- ject on which the Irish policy of the present ministry has excited a peculiar and intense hostility. I mean the proposed appropria- tion of a portion of the revenues of the Irish church to the education of the Irish people. Gentlemen, to form a correct judgment on this subject, it is important to have the real state of the Irish church before us and this is presented to us in an address of the Reform Association, of which I will avail myself on the present occasion. The number of the Established Church in Ireland amount only to 752,972, or one tenth of the whole population. For the benefit of these 752,972 members of the Establishment Iceland has been divided into four ecclcsiasticalproviuces—Armagh, Dublin, Cashel, and Tuam. Armagh contaius teu dioceses; Dub:in five; Cashel eleven; Tuam six. There are, in Ireland, two Archbishops and ten Bishops, with revenues amounting to 151,12Ui. a year. The number of Episco- palian Protestants, as we have proved, does not exceed 752,972. The diocese of London alone, in England, contains a population of 1,740,504 souls, of whom, one million, at least, belong to the Estab- lished Church. Why this disparity? If ten Bishops and two Archbishops are required to watch over a flock of 752,072 souls, why not subdivide the metropolis !nto a similar number of bishop- rics, instead of entniliug so fearful a responsibility upon one indi- vidual T You might have a Bishop of I'addington, and a Bishop of Mary-Ie-bone, as you have a Bishop of Cashel, and a Bishop of Cork. There are 41 benefices in Ireland, as the benefices are now constituted, in which there is not a single Episcopalian Protestant. There are 9U benefices in which there are not 20 Protestants. There are 124 benefices in which the number varies from 20 to 50. In these 204 benefices, in many of which the family of the lector, his children, his servants, his wife, with perhaps a few occasional po- licemen, constitute the whole of the congregation. 11 We have a table before us of 50 parishes, the united revenues of which while the whole Protestant llock consists of 527 individuals and, as if to aggravate the evil of such a state of things, in these 56 parishes there are 42 without a resident clergy- man, and 41 without a church. 11 In the diocese of Emly, the population of which amounts to 98,303, there are only 1,246 members of the Established Church, to whose exclusive benefit the tithe composition, amounting to 706M, is appropriated." [Mr. Johnes then read other extracts to the same effect.] Gentlemen, let it not be supposed that in pointing to these facts I am indifferent to the religous and moral advancement of the Irish people. With regard to the importance of that end 1 fully agree with the Conservative party in this country. The real difference between us is with respect to the means by which that end is to be accomplished. It is uniformly taken for granted by the party to which I have alluded, that the maintenance of the Protestant Church in all its splendour—with all its sinecures and abuses—is the best means of advancing the Ilrotestint cause but this opinion so authoritatively urged, so confidently repeated, is at last nothing more than it mere assertion without proof-a purely gratuitous assumption. Nay I am enabled to go much farther. We possess the most unexceptionable evidence, that the Protestant Church so far from gaining converts has actually lost ground amongst the Irish people. By the census of 170G, the Protestants formed one-third of the population in 1822, they formed only one-seventh; and in 1834, they were actually reduced to ooe-tcntli. Now, gentlemen, with fac's such as these before you, let me ask you can anything be more futile than to impeach the present ministry as violators of the property of the Church when it is thus distinctly proved that the property of the Church of li-cland-un- connected with national education-is not in reality calculated to promote those Protestant principles to which it is devoted 1 In my humble judgment, these results fully justifythe present Govern- ment in applying a portion of its revenues to an object by which the religious welfare of the people of Ireland will undoubtedly be promoted, in commnnicating to them those advantages of education which enable the human mind spontaneously to cast off the errors of ignorance and the fetters of superstition. There never was a greateriujuBtice than to impute to the present ministry a disregard to the cause of religion, because they respected the dictates of toleration, and the claims of nine-tenths of the Irish nation. The very opinions on which they have acted, have been entertained by men as unaffectedly pious, and as zealously attached to the Pro testnnt Church, as ever existed. I might instance the name of Ah. Eowell Buxton, who always maintained that Protestantism would never meet the Roman Catholic faith on equal terms in Ireland until divested of its excessive wealth, so disproportionate to the number of its present adherents, which renders it odious in the eyes of the great mass of the Irish people. In allusion to this subject, I may appeal to an authority in a more exalted station. I would refer the Conservatives of this country to the example of a Conservative King, one of the siucerest Protestants and one of the best and most virtuous monarchs that ever graced the annals of history, I mean Frederick, the piesent King of Prussia. By what means it, that he has succeeded in cementing together his dominions, composed of the 11Io"t discordant materials, in one feeling of ailection to his person, and of loyalty to his throne ? By pursuing the very same measures, the same in their principles, almost tne same in tlieir very details, which the present ministry have adopted in Ireland; by giving to all his subjects an elevated education—by giving equal toleration—equal liberty-eqllal muni- cipal rights to Protestants and to Catholics. By these means he has raised up an empire more united, more loyal, and more pa- triotic than perhaps ever existed before. (sincerely wish that the Conservative pariy in this country—powerful as they are by their property—powerful as they are in many instances by their virtues—would learn to judge of Ireland by the lessons of ex- perience. Why should all tbe miseries of this distracted country be ascribed to an inherent defect in the hish character ( Scotland during the episcopal wars, and Wales until emancipated by Henry the Seventh, presented scenes of discord and outrage as terrific and appalling as have ever occurred in Ireland. Whatever may be the faults or failings of the Irish people, is it possible for any humane or honourable mind to look at their present condition without feelings of hs deepest, sympathy and compassion ? Famine that dreadful scourge, which is periodical in other countries-- seems to have placed in Ireland its lixed and permanent abode. Yet, amidst all their calamities- the tenderness and generosity of this warm-hearted people towards their companions in misfortune is almost without a parallel. To use an expression used, I believe, by the Poor Law Commissioners, an Irish peasant in the very extremity of famine, will share his last potatoe with his neighbour in distress. Never was there a people more highly gifted by natute, more oppressed and degraded by man In calling upon you to do justice to Ireland, let me entreat upon you not to judge of this people by the misrepresentations of their political oppo- nents. Nay I will go further, I will ask yatl not to judge at rhem by the good and great men they have produced—by the statesmen they have sent to our senate-by the warriors they have given us to lead our armies on to victory-but go and visit the cottages of the Irish peasantry, and witness there the spirit they evince towards each other amidst scenes of destitution, despair, and death. I would refer you to the poor mendicant that begs at your door, and I would appeal to you whether even in this, the most de- graded example of the Irish character, you cannot recognise a fervent warmth of disposition, and a native originality of genus, which make you blush for the misfortunes which, have been so long inflicted on this gallant, generous, and highly njisded people ( cheers).
ThE Seve Prebendary Wodehouse.
ThE Seve Prebendary Wodehouse. The following Letter from a Member of the Leading Tory Family of Norfolk, and near connection of one of the Tory Representatives of the County, is equally important for the source from which it proceeds, and for the sound Wisdom of its Sentiments:— My DEAR F-. So much has been said about ray de- clining to vote at the present election (though the same course has been pursued, in my memory, by more decided partisans than ever I was), that I have determined to adopt this as the easiest mode of making known to yourself and others what has been the real ground of my conduct. No one likes to be mis- represented or misunderstood. My opinions are of little moment, but every one's character is of consequence, both to himself and others. According to the usual judgement of the world, many, I conclude, impute to me an interested motive in not opposing by my vote the Government now in power. To this I may fairly say—Judge me by the past. It is now morethantwenly years since I was appointcd-expressly on no political ground -to my present situation in our Church. During that period, the Great Seal, I think, has changed hands live times and seven Cabinets have been in office. From none of these have I ever, directly, or indirectly, solicited any personal ad- vancement. I am well awaru how extremely sensitive people in general are as to consistency meaning, however, in reality, adherence to Party, but not to opinion. For, if required to be consistent, with whom am I to be so ? With the Duke of Wellington, a; the leader of the Anti-Catholic party, or, as the adviser of of Emancipati With Lord John Russell, as the defender of the 'Nomination Boroughs, or, as the proposer of Par- liamentary Reform ? Lord Eldon, indeed, is consistent still; but where are we to look for the supporters of his cabinet, and those who entered public life under its auspices? They are studded over almo-t every section of the political chart. I acknowledge no real consistency, none worth aspiring to, but that which springs from a constant endeavour to ascertain the the right course, and a fixed resolution to pursue it through evil report and good. It is on such a principle than I have declined voting at this election. 1 come then to that question which now appears to me the the most important; on which 1 have for some time enter- tained a very decided opinion, which now influences my course-I mean the treatment of the large Irish population, especially the Roman Catholic portion, comprising, it is said, 6,000,000 of our fellow subjects. During the long discussions on the Roman Catholic question, I confess that I was unable to make up my mind upon that subject; one, on which even cabinets were divided; on which the best men were undecided; of which nearly all the great statesmen, I think, who spoke on either side, confessed the difficulty. I never, accordingly, signed a petition either way, though fully alive to the hard condition of many Roman Catholic families, and hoping that some safe method might be devised for removing from the whole body the grievances and disabilities which had long lain heavily upon them. But as to the manner in which that question was finally carried, I never doubted and I am convinced that to that we must ascribe much of our present situation, and by that recollection ought to be guided in dealing with the resulis it has produced. From that period, the whole condition of Ireland assumed a different aspect. It was the beginning, in our times, of the system of concession to agitation-coniing too from the old opponents to concession; and has always struck me as the most hazardous step which any mini try has ventured upon in this century. It was a direct encouragement to further ag- gression. What I meant is, that the same voice, which speaks tleir opinion, also points out the persons who alone can safely and consistently execute the measures that are desired. Had this measure been handed over to its proper friends and advocates very different, probably, would have been the general result. The ministers who proposed it-alid I doubt not with a real view to the public good—gained only a loss by the deed; broke up their party of supportrrs; and soon retired from office, leaving however behind them a leaven which has been fermenting to this hour. After this grant of so large a portion of political power to the Roman Catholics -so conceded-there remained, I think, but one safe and wise course namely, to meet the sure consequences of such a step and to confer upon the Irish, without useless and irritating suspicion, the same powers and privileges which are enjoyed by the people of England. Till this is done, the Irish cannot be satisfied nor will this nation unite in declaring that they ought to be so. To this concession, the necessary result of their own original concession, the Conseivatives have hitherto been opposed. Why, you may ask, have I not sooner acted upon these views? Call to mind the numbers you have met with who Sometimes disapprove of the tactics of their party, and yet ad- here to it-the difficulty, especially in these unsettled days, of finding your own opinions exactly represented by any body of public men-the ties of habit, relationship, and many others, frhich render any change of this kind difficult and unpalatable -and you wiil readily make allowance for 7118. Up to the election of 1835, moreover, other and still more engrossing subjects formed the principal ground of difference bet veen parties.—These have mose of them been settled, and the thanagement of Ireland has confessedly become, as the ad- dresses of candidates demonstrate, the most prominent ground of difference. Entertaining the opinions on that subject already expressed, I felt that I could no longer vote as 1 had done wi'h comfort and satisfaction, and that I must candidly declare this conviction. Nor do I consider it only nencssary thus to meet the present condition of Ireland but, rejoiceing that it has been judged Proper to remove many grievances from the Roman Catholic Population, should rejoice still more to witness a cordial en- deavour to unite them as closely as possible with this country by confidence and kindness; by a full communication of all tlie rights and privileges of other subjects. It is the want of ttis kindly feeling towards the Irish on the part of the Con- servatives which I regret even more than their resistance to aly specific measures; and, I repeat, so differing from them. Ileal with Scotland in this spirit, and what would be the issue. You may tell me I am not justified in adopting this, or in- deed any other course, unless prepared to meet its full conse tjoences: and in reply, I need only observe, that, if every felt as I do, the representatives chosen by them would f«elthesime; the conduct of the next Parliament toward4 Iieland would be that which I desire there would remain a still more slender separation between Whigs and Conservatives; influence in Radical hands; more power to suppress radical mischief. You :may ask me again-would you then give way to Mr O'Connell and his associates? Would you place yourself by sjecumbing to his demand? And to this I answer, that a spirit should scorn to be guided bv such feelings, and that an equitable mind will at once rise superior to them. With such, the simple question will be, what is right; nay, I will adopt O'Connell's own term, what is Justice to I e'and? yourself for a moment in his situation or, at least, suppose yourself an Irishman and a Roman Catholic. Would Jail not rejoice in putting forth the same ability and perseve- rance (abstaining indeed from the faults which have defaced his career), to defend your religion, and to elevate its profes- sors to an equality with the more favoured subjects of the same kingdom ? You would strive, 1 know, to accomplish this in a wiser and better spirit; not merely aiming at political rights, but also by raising the moral character and habits, and by JS-'tcasing the fire-side comforts of the people, in which con- sists their real happiness. The 11 Friend of Ireland has long been a general receiver; but 1 do not remember that his public course was ever aiming at adding one domestic comfort or improvement to an Irish cabin. All I would s. y is that, as an Irishman, a Roman Ca-liolic, and a politician, he has (often by means deserving only of condemnation) pursued a general object natural to one in such a situation and that you under the same circumstances, would gladly devote the same t'lents, under a better direction, to the same end. Agitators evel have been, and ever will be, the occasional produce of a (reepeople. There is neither prudence, courage, nor justice in ]<nduly magnifying, or fearing, or despising a power which r<>s,4es, not in their person?; but in the feelings of their sup- porters. If a real grievance has conferred this power, there sboi|],j be a timely remedy; if delusion and wickedness, we unite to crush it. A Christian mind will be calmly ei;ek-ised in discovering to which of these causes it belongs, and in dealing with it accordingly. Consider the wrongs which England has, for centuries, in- flicted on Ireland. Have you ever read the history of that upfortunate eoun'ry? If you have, yon will agree with me tbet it is nearly throughout, a tissue of heartless tyranny and injustice. A Roman pio-ccnsul would often have been a betfer mas'cr than this Christian Government. Happy should this generation esteem themselves if, by a more generous trlatment, they may blot out this foul stain from our national aimals. Are the Irish Catholics unworthy of our regard? at'3 they morally or physically deserving of our contempt ? Ate they, for instance, inferior to the better-fed mercenaries ofotit own land, who have even now been selling their con- science and their vote-or to the purchasers? They have helped to man our ships, recruit our regiments, house our harvests, manufacture our clotnes, excavate our canals, con- slrllct our railways, and have carried half London on their backs. If you esteem them a priest-ridden race, led to the poll by their confessors, yet a religious influence is at least a and more righteous trammel than a bribe. Amongst the more educated are men in no respect inferior to ourselves, unless indeed you charge them with their religious errors. And here, what has the government of this country effected to biing this large population to a purer faith? Our Establish- mfnt has been for centuries, either unequal to the task, or confessedly deficient in the attempt. Nearly 300 years of trial have elapsed, and still the people adhere to the religion of their forefathers, preserving and supporting it by an abun- dant zeal out of a most slender resources. Is this state of things to continue for ever ? Is it not the duty of the state to pr<>vide for the religious instruction of the people; and as human power may not now, happily, enforce conversion, is it not time to adopt the plan proposed by Air. Pitt and others, to offer stipends to their Ministers ? For my own part, I have long being convinced that such is the duty of our government; and that this is one amongst the measures which alone pro- mise ppace and improvement, and, above all a gradual con- version to the Protestant Faith. Such measures, you will tell me, may endanger the very existence of the Established Church in Ireland, and conse- quently in England. I readily allow that our Church is in danger, both here and there; that, at bottom, the question now at issue amongst U5 is:—Shall there be an Established Church or not ? and, feeling deeply interested in its perpetua- tion, as essential, humanly speaking, to the pxeservation of pure religion, I would beg you to turn from the notion that poli- tical power can support it, to the inquiry, why it has so many opponents; Its History, candidly considered, will present many reasons for this. now too little remembered, and one more especially requiring our attention. In England it is not adequate to the population and a National Church not adequate to the religious wants of the people is the greatest of all encouragements to dissent: for it is employed in teaching the value of religion, and then obliges the people to seek from other sources ministers and places of worship to meet their aroused religious convictions. Let the opulent snpporters of the Church display a larger measure of the pious liberality of the olden times, the spirit of their ancestors. Let voluntary Endowments— not that voluntary system which would crush independence, and silence truth—Let voluntary Endowments, the original source of the provisions for our National Clergy, and Church building, where needed, again becoming the tests of attachment to the National Church, and, with such a clergy as it is now acquiring, new defenders, under God's blessing, will spring up on all sides to perpetuate its existence, and to augment the blessings it has already conferred on this nation, as well as all the world. But 1 am wandering from the subject before us, and have already occupied you too long. In few words then, Ireland now appears to me the prominent object to which the attention of Parliament must be directed. A large portion of political power has been conceded by emancipation to the large Roman Catholic population; it was extorted from opponents, and agitation was thus taught its strength. To retract or hesitate, because the numbers are large on whom you have conferred it, is only to excite worse difficulties than those which you now apprehend. The consequences should be fairly encountered, and then the laws will be readily enforced by every party, except one, which I trust, is daily surrendering its power to sober patriotism. Sound policy dictates a cordial endeavour to unite the Irish people with this country. The memory of past wrongs suggests allowance for recent excesses and Eom- pensation for former injustice. Religious fidelity is entitled to respect, and religious error is not to be harshly censured by those who, possessing power, have not duly exerted themselves to correct it. A spirit of kindness should be the spirit of a Christian go ernment; and Justice, which need never fear the consequcnccs of its own conclusions, now calls upon us cheer fully to confer upon the Irish people every privilege enjoyed by the English above all, to promote their domestic comforts, improvement, and hapf iness. These are my deliberate views. I fear they are not those of the Conservatives on this now impoatant question, and there- fore have abstained from voting at the present election but not without a sanguine hope that such views will, ere long, be more generally acceptable. Believe me always yout's, &ci Upper Close, Norwich. C. N. WODEHOUSE.
Foreig-n Intelligence.
Foreig-n Intelligence. FRANCE.—The Paris papers of Friday contain the dis- patches of General Vallee upon the present state of affairs ai Constantine. The general assures the ministry that the triumph which was achieved by the prowess of the troops has been fully consolidated by the disarming and submis- sion of the people, the return of tranquillity, and a com- mencement of intercourse, on the part of the natives, which seemed to bespeak confidence, if not cordiality. Those of the inhabitants who had fled on the first alarm were returning to the city; the market opened by the French had been well attended, and even volunteer offers of assistance had been made to them. Nothing was known, at least nothing had been attempted, since the capture- by the army of the bey, and the French remained appar, ently in solid and assured possession of their late conquest. In the contemplation of this state of things, Gen. Vallee had already commenced sending away the artillery with which the siege was accomplished, and the army, towards the coast. The guns had already reached Bona, to be tuken back to France, and the bulk of the invading army would be by this time upon its march in the same di- rection. The general had decided upon limiting the gar- rison to 2,500 men, which number, with ammunition, and provisions for six months, he meant to leave in the place, and such a force, he was assured, would guarantee the French possession until some other steps were taken. SPAIN.—From the dispatches of the Court of Luchana, published in the Madrid Gazelles of the 24th aud 25th, it appears that Don Carlos made but a feint in pretend- ing to fly eastward towards Soria, and that no sooner did he find Espartero in hot pursuit in that direction than, like the hare, he doubled round to the same quarters occupied by him a few days before near Quintanar de la Sierra. From thence he made for the Ebro, not at Ilaro, the nearest point, whither Lorenzo and his division had marched. Don Carlos passed this, and marching farther up the Ebro, proceeded even beyond Frias, to secure a safe and unimpeded passage. In the night of the 23d and morning of the 24th he crossed the river by the ford of Cill-i Perlata, opposite Iraspaderne. Notwithstanding the Pretender's haste, Lorenzo was only six hours too late at the ford. We will not step to criticise or censure the unsuccessful movements of the Queen's generals, always some hours too late. Our opinions of Esparetro are but confirmed. Whilst under his command, the Queen's forces will never strike a blow, make one offensive movement, or gain an advantage, except from some blunder of the Carlists. At the same time it is due to Espartero to say, that if not victorious, he has at least not allowed himself to be beaten that he has kept the army together, and that Don Carlos, however able to baffle and elude the Christino general, was very much afraid of meeting him in a fair field, or in any field. Don Sebastian had arrived with the 5th and 7th regiments at Estella. The Carlist agents in Paris are busied making large purchases of clothing, &c., for the Carlists. The French Government at first interfered; but the agents urged they could buy all they wanted in England without being molested by the police, and ship it too. Such is the reason given in the excuse. A pecuniary supply from Holland is to pay for these much-needed supplies. Orra had gone round to the sea-coast to get cannon, find by the last accounts was returning with them from Castellan de la Plana. THE KING OF HAxovEx.—A sad and serious article in the Augsburg Gazette,' of the 31st, leadll us to expect that the King of Hanover is about to pass the Rubicon, and fly in the face of not only all that is liberal, but all that is rational in Germany. His Chancellor, Leist, is preparing a long argumentation, setting forth how and why the Con- stitulion is to be modified. The States, after the mode of 1819, are to be summoned to listen to this; for as to dis- cussion or deliberation, that is out of the question. All the ministers renew their offers of resignation and King Ernest, that he can find ministers no more than chambers, declares his resolution to rule alone. This comes from no liberal pen, but from the I Augeburg Gazette.' He is to change and reverse everything, and to invent an altogether new mode of government, which might be otlled Toryism run mad.
Law and Police Intelligence.
Law and Police Intelligence. CARNARVO-, CORPORATION AFFAIRS -The Queen v. Jones. Sir W. Follett showed cause against a rule calling on the defendant to show by what right he claimed to exercise the office of auditor of the borough of Carnar- von. There were several objections raised to the right of the defendant to exercise this office. First, it was alleged that the mayor was not duly elected, so that there had been no proper presiding officer at the election of the defendant; next, that as the proper number of aldermen had not been elected at the time of the defendant's ap- pointment there was not a proper elective body; and lastly, that the defendant himself had not been duly elected. He thought that he had a sufficient answer to this case upon the merits, but in the first instance he meant to argue that the question could not now be brought before the court, for by a statute passed in the last session of Parliament (1 Vict., cap. 78) it had been declared that all elections to corporate offices made since the 25th of December, 1835, and all acts done by officers so elected, should be good and valid, notwithstanding I any defects of form. The jurisdiction of the court in this case was therefore gone, and this rule could not, even if made absolute, be followed up by any judgment. The 21st section declared, "That every proceeding com- menced before the passing of this act, and still pending in the Court of Queen's Bench, against any person upon any ground on which it is herein declared that the va- lidity of the election into any corporate office shall not be questioned, or for the purpose of bringing into question the validity of any election or act which is hereby de- clared to be good, shall be discontinued immediately upon the passing of this act upon payment of the costs incurred up to that time. Now by this section it was clear that the proceedings in this case were gone. Lord Denman And have you paid the costs ? Sir William Fo'.lett: No, and we do not mean to pay them (a laugh) The other side ought to have applied for the costs, and ought to have stayed the proceedings. The provisions of this statute, like most of those modern acts, were im- perative, and the proceedings were absolutely at an end and if the relators had not any means of getting their costs they must thank the gentleman who brought in the bill and who had made this imperative provision for staying the proceeding, without making any arrangement to enable the relators to get their costs. The election was now absolutely good, and this rule must be discharged. Mr. Richards followed on the same side. The Attorney- General and Mr. John Jervij, in support of the rule, contended that this rule must be made absolute, although no final judgment might follow upon it. The provision as to costs was a condition which, if unperformed, left the other party at liberty to proceed and if the defen- dant here did not think fit to pay the costs the relators might proceed for the purpose of obtaining them. There was no wish on the part of the relators to proceed in this instance vexatiously but as the election, but for the previsions of the recent statu e, would have been void, they were entitled to their costs up to the time when that statute was made applicable to the case. This rule had, in fact, been made absolute by consent upon one oc- casion, the defendant well knowing that the objections to his election were well founded; but it had afterwards been opened upon a pretended discovery that there was no competent relator. Into that question the defendant had no right to go, and the case must be viewed now as it would have been viewed had it been fully discussed on former occasion. It was clear that if the defendant took the benefit of this statute in staying the proceedings, he must take it on the condition of paying the costs already incurred. Lord Denman was clearly of that opinion. He thought that the objections to the defen- dant's right to the office were well founded—that no case had been made out to show that there was no sufficient relator-that the title of the defendant being defective, that defect could not be cured but upon a condition with which the defendant had not complied; and he was sotry, therefore, to say that although this rule might not be frilly carried into effect afterwards, it must now be made absolute. Mr. Justice Patteson concurred, and expressed his regret at having granted the rule on which this case had been reopened, after the rule obtained on it had once been made absolute. Mr. Justice Williams concurred. Mr. Justice Coleridge was clearly of opinion that the payment of costs was a condition precedent to stopping the proceedings. The law would net tolerate that a party taking advantage of a statute of this sort should say to his opponent, 11 Now, you must not go further, but I shall not apply to relieve myself by paying the costs that you have incurred." If he took the relief he must pay the costs; on payment of which alone he J was entitled to claim it. Rule absolute.
MARKETS.
MARKETS. LONDON -MOKDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1837. There was a fair demand for wheat at an advance of Ü. to 2s. per quarter on the best de<cr ptions of new, and nearly a similar improvement on foreign and secondary sorts of English. Ship flour was rather firmer, and in some instances choice marks were the turn dearer. Malting barley met a steady demand at last week's currency, and distiller s qualities were in fair request, but grinding samples of Irish, were dull, and rather cheaper. There was no alteration in the value of fine malt, but the demand was mostly confined to this dbcriptions. Prime dry new beans were about Is. per quarter dearer; other sorts sold on terms of last week. White and maple peas real-* ised full as much money, but the trade was not lively. Oats were held with more firmness, and the sales effected were on fully the tefms of this day se'nnight, but tbe extetit of the business was limited mostly to the consumers, and to small purchases of the dealers; who increase thsir stocks reluctantly, expecting more vessels in from Ireland now the weather h;.g moderated and is title again. Prime old corn must, however, be quoted the turn dearer; PRICE or GRAIN, per Imperial Quarter. .¥. d. Wheat, English,Red 48 to oo Malt, Pale n t, so/o 63 Ditto, White. 48 lift [ Ileans, Tick 30 37 Ivf! 43 50 Harrow ..34 42 Ditto, White 48 52 Pigeon n .42 41 Tv.reig!V,.Red •* '• 0 0 Peas, Groy 33 Ditto, White 0 01 Maple 34 Kye.old 30 34 I White.37 40 {;ew, 30 34 Oats, Feed 19 21 Urank 32 34 Poland 23 25 Barley, Grinding. 20 28 Scotch, Angus .23 24 Distilling .28 3J Potatoe 24 2 <i iaU.ng 32 34 Irish, White .18 23 Jtalt, Urown 52 5i 1 Black. 20 FLOUR, per Sack of 280lbs. Town 50 53 I Country 44 48 CATTLE AND MEAT. Our market, this morning, was again largely supplied with beasts but by far the largest port;on of them was of very in- ferior quality, owing to which there was a decided improve. ment in the demand for the primest beef, and an advance of full 2d. per 8lbs wa* obtained in most sales. The supply of sheep was considerably larger than that exhibited here on Monday last, which caused the trade to be very dull at barely, but at nothing quoteable, beneath last weeks currencies; how- ever, 4s. 6d. per 81bs, which is the highest price obtained for mutton, was only obtained for the very primest Southdowns cal\es, which were in moderate supply, were in somewhat in- creased sale, at fully the quotations noted on Friday last. 9. d. M. d. 1 jr. d. h. d Beasts 2 4 4 6 I Calyes 4 0 5 0 Sheep 3 4 4 8 Pigs 34 4 10 Lamb. 0*. Od. 0s. 0d. Head of Cattle. N.7M Beasts, 239 Calves, 27,000 Sheep, 325 Pigs. NEWGATE and LIT ORIS HALI.— !!y the Carcase, per quantities of 8lbs., being one half the Imperial itone and lib. additional. «. d. t. d. s. d. s. d Beef 3 0 4 2 Veal, 4 0 4 10 Mutton. 3 6 4 4 I Pork. 3 II 52 Lamb os. Od. Os. Od. SEEDS. 8. 1/. II. R. Turnip, White, per bush. 30 36 Clover, White, per cwt.. 54 64 "ed 30 33 Foreign, Ked ..48 04 Green 30 33 White ditto ..50 iU Mustard, Brown 10 13 Trifolium Incarnatum 34 30 White S 8 .Trefoil 17 19 Canary, per quarter 42 49 Carraway 42 44 Cinque torn 40 42 Hempseed, per quarter. 38 4*t Clover, Red, per cwt. 48 01 Liuseed 40 45 HOPS, per Cwt. « £ *• £ '■■ £ A. £ s. Rent Pockets ..3 8 fl 6 Kent Bags 0 0 0 0 Sussex ditto 3 10 3 U Sussex ditto 3 0 0 0 | Kssexditto 0 0 0 0 Essex ditto o o 0 0 Karn ham ditto 6 18 9 9 Farnham ditto ..0 0 00 TALLOW AND CANDLES, per Cwt. #• d. s. d Town Tallow 44 0 Graves is 0 Russia do. Candle. 41 6 j Mould Candles 9 0 Stuff 33 0 Store do 7 (I Itough ditto 220, Inferior do. 6 6 SPIRITS. Per Gal. d. II. d BRANDY. S. d. h. d. Jam. tS a 20 o. p. ,3 0 3 3 Cognac, old 4 0 4 8 11 a 30 34 3 » Branded, first ..3 7 3 U, 30 upwards. 3 10 4 fi Ditto seconds, 2 9 3 11: Extra fine 0 0 o0, Ditto thirds ..2 7 2 8 Brit, raw proof,d.p. 0 0 10 3 Bourdeaux 2 5 2 Oj GIN- RUM. <22 under proof 9 0 0 0 Leewards, p. & u. p. 2 0 2 2''Hamburg 1 (j 0 0 Over proof. 2 3 3 5 Geneva, IMI j 10 1 11 Demer. 10 a 24) o. p. 2 6 2 9 Arrack, bd 2 6 3 » 20 upwards. 2 30 3 10 | Scotch and Irish Sp. 10 3 0 ()o LEATHER. s. i. s. d. d. s. d. British Butts, 60 a Calf Skins, 70 a OOlbs 1 3 2 0 lOOIbs 12 19 Dressing Hides ..11 14 t Tanned Horse Crop Hides, 30 a Hides .12 20 401bs 10 11^ Raw do., each 11 0 12 O Do. 40 a OOlbs.1 0J 1 4 Do, Ox and Cow, Calf Skins, 30 a por lb 3 0 00 401bs. 131to I Do. Calf, each o a 0 0 Do.MaCOlbs. 1 8 2 0 1 Small Seal. 1 4 15 LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY, Nov. 7, 1837. Our market during the last week has been less lively, and, with moderate supplies, prices, especially of new grain, have baon i>el,. e_o'n..d. On Friday some parcels of very good Irish new wheat were sold at 7o. 4d. to 7,. 6d., a little choice has, however, since brought 7s. 9d. per 701bs. Old wheat has also been rather easier to purchase. Some further parcels of the latter have been taken on country account and a little for shipment coastwise. Flour has sold on fully as good terms inferior brands of Irish at 38*. to 418. np to 488. per 2801bs. fir the superior qualities, The stock of old oats is now in very small compass, and they are held for late rates; new were on Friday offering on lower terms; the best mealing qnalities at 2s. lid, per 451bs. Oatmeal is also rather lower, 24a. per 2401bs. i< an extreme quotation. A little English barley has been sold at 4'28. per imperial qt., and some small lots of Scotch and Irish new, suitable for malting, have brought 4s. to 4s. 6d. per 601bs. Grinding qualities are retailing at 3a. 4d. to 3s. 6d. per bushel of the same wekht. Old beans have been in request at fully previous quotations a few Irish new have sold at 35a. to 37s. per 4801bs. One or two lots of grind- ing peas have also been taken for the interior at 33a. to 34a. per imperial qr. A small lot of choice Baltic red, bought at 4a. per 701bs., is the only sale to report in bonded wheat 600 qrs. of middling foreign oats have been sold for exportation at la. 6d. to la. 9d. per 451bs. There were several parcels of flour and oatmeal fresh np for this day's market, but the quantity of new wheat and oats offering was small. Inferior descriptions of both new and old wheat were sold on easier terms, but for the finer qualities we cannot quote any reduction from last Tuesday's rates the amount of business, however, was light. Oats were fully Id. per bushel, and oatmeal Is. per load cheaper. No change in the value of flour. PRICE OF GRAIN. Wheat, per 70lbs. d. «. il. Beans, perimp. qr. d. ». d English, white .8 0 6 0 English .42 Otn45 O Ditto, red.7 9 8 0, Irish, Ac 35 0 38 « Welsh,Scotch,& Foreign 36 0 44 f) Manx, whito 7 0 8 O. Peas, per imp. qr. Ditto, red. 7 0 7 10 English 33 0 40 0 Irish, white 8 0 8 o Foreign 30 0 38 0> Ditto, red. 7 0 7 4 Malt, per imp. qr. Baltic T 10 8 6 ) Fine SB 0 03 O Oats, per 451bs. Irish 44 0 50 ft F-nglish & Scotch 3 0 33 Brown 48 0 52 0 Welsh 2 8 2 10 Flour, por 280lbs. Irish 2 10 2 11 ] English, &c. 40 0 48 (> Barley, per imp. qr. [risli, extra-fine 44 0 47 ft English,Malting 36 0 40 0 Ditto, tine. 38 0 43 0 Irish,Scotch,and Oatmeal, per 2101bs. Manx,perGOtb.43 4 8 English, Scotch, Feeding, ditto.. 3 3 3 8 i and Welsh ..24 0 24 ft Foreign 39 0 44 0 Irish 23 0 24 ft Rye, per imp. qr. 30 0 40 0 Old 23 0 24 ft NEW CATTLE MARKET, MONDAY, Nov. 6. The supply of beasts at market to-day has been considerably smaller than that of last week, as also tho quality being very inferior, saving a very few superior ones, which were sold at large prices for the time of the year. The supply of sheep has been much larger than last week, and rather of ordinary quality, the greater part being ewes, which has cansed good wether mutton still to retain his price. The very best beef sold as high as 6d. per lb., but the general price was from 5d. to 5sd., with some ordinary quality at 4\d. per lb. Good wether mutton, which was very scarce, sold at about las< week's prices, 7d. per lb. some of very inferior quality at from 6d. to 6\d., and ewes from 5d. to 6d. per lb. The market upon the whole, has been rather heavy, there being many rough beasts and a number of ordinary quality sheep left unsold at the close of thf market. Number of beasts at market, 1,724; sheep, 5,472. MNCHESTERCORN MARKET, SATURDAY Nov. 4, At our market this merning prime samples of English new red wheat were scarce, which enabled holders to obtain an advance of 2d. per 70ibs: other descriptions and Irish were but little inquired for, and no alteration in value can be noted. The demand for flour was principally in retail, and at the previous advance a very moderate business only was transacted. There was no variation in old oats or oatmeal: new were in very moderate request at a slight reduction in the value of each article. No alteration in beans or malt. AVERAGE PRICES OF CORN, ver Imperial Qr. jWheat. Barley. Oats. Kye. J Beancf.j Peas, i II. d. I a. 4. a. d.. d. s. d. s. d. London 51 0 29 11 21 7 30 6 35 8 30 i Liverpool 45 1 23 7 20 10 0 0 O 0 0 O Weekly average., 54 2 29 0 22 4 31 10 .?8 9 36 4 Aggiegate do. for) six weeks, which V 54 2 29 9 22 4 31 10 38 9 36 4 regulates Duty .) Duty 32 8 19 4 13 9 22 9 1 12 6 15 « PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY THE PROPRIETOR, JAMES REES, Printer, Bookseller, Stationer, and Bookbinder, AT HIS RESIDENCE HIGH STREET, CARNARVON, Saturday, November 11, 1837. To which place all Orders, Advertisements, and Communica- tions are requested to be addressed. Advertisements for this Paper are received by Messrs. Newton & Co. 5. Warwick-square, Newgate-street; Mr. R. Barker. 33, Fleet-street; Mr. G. Reynell, 46, Chancery-lane; Mr, S. Deason, 3. Walbrook; Mr. Hammond. 27, Lombard- Street; J. Thomas, 1, Finch-lane, Cornhill, London; and by Messrs. J. K. Johnson 2nil Co., Eden-quay, Dublin* where it is regularly filed.