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SUNDAY NEWSPAPERS.

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Rhannu

SUNDAY NEWSPAPERS. On Friday afternoon an influential deputa- tion waited upon the Home Secretary to express their views in opposition to the publication of daily newspapers on Sunday, and to ask for the aid of Government against them. The deputation was intro- duced by Sir Mark Stewart, M.P. In introducing the deputation, Sir Mark urged that the large majority of the people in this country did not want Sunday editions of the daily papers. The Bishop of London said that while he spoke, especially for the Church of England in this matter, it was one regarding which there was no distinction between the Churches. (Applause.) He had never known a, question on which there had been such absolute unanimity between all classes of society. His experience was that the well-being of the community was the deter- mining element which agitated public opinion at the present moment. He had been particularly struck by the letters which he had received from Clergymen in the East-end of London, who had expressed the earnest desire of the working men, that something might be done to preserve the Sunday's rest. Experience of other coun- tries would scarcely lead us to relax the observance of Sunday for civil and political .as well as social and moral reasons. He was quite sure that public opinion would be greatly satisfied if Her Majesty's Govern- ment could assure them of their sympathy with the efforts at present being made to secure the withdrawal of the seventh day issues, and if they were assured that they had the Government's hearty sympathy, it was hoped that they might succeed in their object without the necessity of legislation. Mr. John Burns gave his experience so far as it affected the working classes of the country, The workmen were unanimous in their protest against the publication of the seventh-day paper, and that applied to both skilled and unskilled labour. The expres- sions of feeling against these papers has been one of the most remarkable manifestations of njodern times. It was not a question of one day's rest in seven:; it was the question of Sunday being the particular day. If Sunday were given up, it would be one of the first evidences that this country was following in the way other countries had done with regard to Sunday. He was not a decadent. He might mention that when the L.C.C. took over the tramways they de- cided that the men should have their one day's rest per week, and they asked the nen to state the day which they preferred. Al- most without exception, the men asked for the Sunday. It was for the same reason that the whole of the working classes desired the Sunday to be free. It was not so much a religious question. It was that the day commonly called Sunday was one which in this country was most, useful in maintaining that excellent institution called home. (Ap- plause.) If the Sundays were taken up by the publication of daily newspapers, it would be the thin end of the wedge, which would probably lead to such labour conditions on Sunday as existed in the United States and abroad. The American workers now recog- nised that the evil Sunday labour conditions which existed there had been the outcome of the publication on seven days a week of the Yellow Journals, and if they had fore- seen the consequences they would have resisted that innovation at the time. The thing really meant industrial degraduation, and there was no reason why so far-reaching a change should be made simply on behalf of two or three greedy men who desired to compete with each other, and the success of their efforts would mean the beginning of industrial barbarism—(applause)—and he was sorry that in these days of intelligent journalism action had -been taken which ren- dered that deputation necessary. (Hear, hear.) The Rev. Hugh Price Hughes spoke, not only on behalf of the Wesleyan Methodists, but on behalf of the Evangelical Free Church Council. So, he pointed out, he was speaking not as an individual but in that official character, and was speaking for six million inhabitants of this country. (Applause.) Mr. Harmsworth had admitted that there was evidence that the publication of these seven-day papers was unnecessary, though he was persisting in it. There was, in fact, no demand for these papers. Sir M. White Ridley, in reply, said, he was already aware, before the deputation waited upon him, how strong was the force of public opinion behind,them in the cause they advocated. He had already expressed in the House of Commons, on behalf of him- self and the Government, his entire sympathy with the object they had in view, and any Government which ignored the desire and resolution of the country to maintain a day of rest would be unworthy of the name of Government. (Applause). There could be no question that the visitor to this country, from whatever class he came, must be struck by the enormous advantage which the British day of rest, Sunday, gave to the /working classes of this country. He thought it would be a very evil thing if any practice grew up which should take away from that: day of rest or infringe the character which; it had brought to bear upon the national. 1 habits. (Applause.) He did not propose to say mueh upon the religious point of view. They would not expect him to do so but it was a very strong argument with many of thorn, and he need hardly say he felt that strongly also himself. The matter was put from a somwhat less religious point of view by Mr. Burns, when he said it was not only desirable, hot most important from the national point of wiew, not only that there should be one day's rest in seven, but also that the day of rest should be Sunday. (Applause.) Therefore there were really two questions involved the keeping of the British Sunday and the seven days labour. When they came to the question of seven days' newspapers it became very difficult The very form of it was ojectionable. He agreed with what had been said by previous speakers that this new departure, so far as it indicated that the same newspaper was to be published every day in the week, was a very unfortunate departure. (Applause.) It was quite true that at the present moment there were a very large number of papers distributed throughout the metropolis on Sunday—he was not sure that it was not the largest distribution of the week. Several gentlemen No, no the bulk of the distribution is before the Sunday. Sir M. White-Ridley, continuing, said that these papers were not, however, pari passu with the new issues. It was true they were some of them owned by proprietors who is- sued other newspapers on the other six days of the week, and that they were, he believed, printed with the same type and by the same machines but the bulk of the work was un- doubtedly done much earlier in the week, on, and even before the Saturday. Coming to the question of Sunday labour, he had been told that the Monday issues of daily newspapers involved five or six hours' lab- our on Sunday evenings; so that it really seemed thst there was more Sunday labour for the Monday issues than was involved for the Sunday papers. That must be perfectly obvious. He only mentioned that to show the complexity of the question. He thought, however, that there was very great strength in the argument that this new departure was the thin end of the wedge. It appeared to him that, though the agents for distribu- tion might be different for the Sunday papers and the weekly ones, still the pressure of competition would almost infallibly bring about a continuation and development of this new departure in Sunday journalism. He agreed in strongly deprecating anything of the kind (cheers). When they come to ask him what the Government could do, they put him to extreme difficulty. He had, since this subject came to the fore, given his best attention to it, but he should be de- ceiving them if he said he saw any way to legislation. Some suggestion had been made about giving local authorities by- laws. If he thought it possible, on the application of local authorities, for by-laws to be passed in the desired direction, he should be very glad to do what he could. But a by-law became illegal if it provided against what was already provided for by Act of Parliament, and if we had in the Acts of Charles II. and the Queen certain things that were illegal, they could not be provided against by means of by-laws passed by a local authority. He thought their pro- test ought to be most valuable. It was a most representative protest from the point of view of labour and religious observance of the Lord's Day, and he could not help hoping that it would have considerable effect upon this new departure in journalism (hear, hear). He heard that one of the pro- prietors of these newspapers had already signified his sense that it was not a very useful new departure—(hear, hear)—and another speaker, who ought to be well informed had hinted that the new departure was not the commercial success the pro- moters hoped it might be (hear, hear). He did not know how that might be, but he thought it was obvious that in the distribu- tion, where there were no Sunday trains, this new departure would have to provide for itself special means, and might, there- fore, prove to be a failure (hear, hear). He was persuaded that there was no public demand for these newspapers (cheers). He did not deny that many people liked to read a paper on Sunday. With many people it had become a habit, and they were glad to have a paper to read on Sunday which gave them the intelligence of the past week. Therefore, no doubt, it would be a serious thing to interfere by any legislation with the distribution of papers on Sunday morn- ing. He was entirely with the deputation in what they desired, namely, that there should be a check put on any infringement of the present Sunday, the day of rest, by the fresh publication of newspapers, which might, and probably would, entail extra labour, if not upon the publishers and the composers, still upon the newsagents and dis- tributors. He could not at present see much prospect of legislation being possible but he could promise that what the Govern- ment could do in the direction the deputa- tion advocated they should be anxious to do (cheers). The discussions in regard to the English Sunday newspapers recall a closed .chapter of American journalism, says a New York Correspondent. We went through all that 25 years ago. Every argument for or against the change that is now used in England was heard repeatedly in our kin- dred agitation. One thing is regarded as settled—that if one or more papers issue Sunday editions, the rest will Sbe compelled to follow suit sooner or later. The Tri- bune held out some years, but was forced by business rivalry to take up Sunday publication in 1879. The general opinion among intelligent people here is that Sunday papers are at the best a nuisance and at the worst a curse, and contribute much to the intellectual and moral enfeeblement of thoughtless readers. The only real argu- ment for them is as a money-making plan; and, curiously enough, some expeRieneed publishers now confess that that argument has proved delusive. Sunday is a favourite day for advertisers, but it is at least an open question if the practice of withholding advertisements from week-day issues in order to mass them on Sunday has not left the proprietors no better off than under the six-day regime." The Council of the Institute of Journal- ists, at a meeting in Sheffield on Saturday, passed a resolution, almost unanimously, entering an emphatic protest against the publication of seven-day newspapers, and against any tendency on the part df proprietors to work their staffs seven days a week.

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